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94 EvrpENce-BasepTuEoRv might the younger child, constantly lagging behind the older siblings regarding verbal, cognitive, and motor skills, be able to achieve his or her goals. Contextual constraints fulfill an important function in that they specify the boundaries without which personality development would be impossible, as the space of possible developmental trajectories would be too vast and unstructured otherwise. Life span-developmental psychology (P. g. Baltes, 1987, 7997) provides a useful framework for understanding how person and context interact over time. This theoretical framework regards development as a lifelong process of flexible adaptation to changes in opportunities and constraints on biological, social, and psychological levels (P. B. Baltes, Lindenberger, & Staudinger, 2006; P. B. Baltes, Reese, & Lipsitt,1980; Brandtstddter & Lerner, 7999;Bronfenbrenner, l9S8; Lerner & Busch-Rossnagel, 1981). This assumption has two implications: (1) Individuals exist in environments that create and define possibilities and limiting bclundaries for individual pathways; (2) individuals select and create their own living contexts and thus can play an active part in shaping their lives. How ro INrrnncr wtrn ONr's CoNlrxr: Goels aNp Coa l-Rp lerep Pnocnsses Goals and the basic regulatory processes of goal selection, pursuit, and disengagement are central aspects that help to explain an individual's interaction with his or her environment (Brandtstddter, 1998; Chapman & Skinner,1985; Emmons, 1986; Freund, 2003, 2006b; Freund & Baltes, 2000; Gollwitzer & Bargh, 1996; Heckhausen/ 1999). Goals emerge from and determine the nature of people's transactions with the surrounding world. Experiencing the effects but also the limitations of goal-directed action can feed back to the individual's view of the world, the self, personal goals, beliefs and wishes, and further goal-directed actions. Thus, there is an interplay among goals, goal-directed actions, and developmental contexts (Brandtstiidter, 1998). Addressing the contextual nature of goals, Freund (2003) distinguishes two interacting levels of representation: social expectations and personal goals. Social expectations are ref lected in social norms that inform about age-graded opportunity structures. Age-related social norms can define opportunities and limitations for developmental trajectories of a person's life course. For example, they indicate the appropriate time to marry and to have children. Thereby, age-related social expectations or norms can also give an indication about the availability of resources in certain life domains for specific age groups (Freund, 2003; Heckhausen, 1999). Setting personal goals in accordance with social norms and expectations may help to take advantage of these available resources. Through social sanctions as well as approval or disapproval by the society, social expectations can serve as an orientation or standard for the development, selection, pursuit, maintenance, and disengagement of personal goals (Cantor,7994;Freund,7997; Nurmi, 1992). Social expectations are also reflected in personal beliefs about the appropriate timing and sequencing of goals, and personal beliefs incorporate individual values and experiences. Together, social and personal expectations directly influence behavior and also the personal goals an individual selects and pursues. This influence can be conscious or unconscious, as, in addition to consciously represented goals, automatized goals and unconscious motives impact on behavior and development (Bargh & Ferguson, 2000). In sum, goals can be viewed as the building blocks of personality, person-context interactions, and lifelong development. The concept of personal goals seems particularly well suited fo ful aging as it allows furthers our unders vidual differences ir particular imPortan< alternatives and the goals, also in the fa prove individual con for further goal atta. One of the basic developmental Pers interaction with a 1 actively shaPe their Ford, 1987; Freund the person to his or opment across the I consider goal selec goal-related resour TrtE Rolp oF GoALI FOR SUCCESSPUT- DE By nature, human around the Pursuit competence, relate ideal outcomes aga their progress in tl ness of their goal-r has shown that Per Omodei & Wearinl the mechanisms ul Processes influenc' There are differt successful develoP their goals or reac 1,954; McClelland, well-being dePend when these are in Rogers, 1963; RYan authors argue tha (Brunstein, Schult goals themselves t related to life sa Rothermund (2002 argue that neither successful develoP depression if theY Thus, setting at important self-reg & Renner,7990;C
Personality Theories of Successful Aging 95 :r siblings regarding verrr goals. Contextual conthe boundaries without l space of possible develrtherwise. 1997) provides a useful 'ract over time. This thercess of flexible adaptabiological, social, and nger,2006; P. B. Baltes, enbrenner, 1988; Lerner cations: (1) Individuals Lnd limiting boundaries heir own living contexts pursuit, and disengage- ; interaction with his or 985; Emmons , 1986; Frergh, 7996; Heckhausen, l's transactions with the itations of goal-directed r self, personal goals, bere is an interplay among ndtstiidter, 1998). ;) distinguishes two inpersonal goals. Social tt age-graded opportu- ,ortunities and limitarse. For example, they n. Thereby, age-related bout the availability of (Freund, 2003; Hcckrcial norms and expcc- )urces. Through social ty, social expectations :nt, selection, pursuit, >r,7994; Freund, 1997; sonal beliefs about the beliefs incorporate insonal expectations dindividual selects and as, in addition to conicious motives impact rnality, person-context nalgoalseems particularly well suited for a developmental approach to personality theories of successful aging as it allows integrating motivational processes into a life span context and furthers our understanding of both the direction of development and of interindividual differences in the leuel of functioning in various life domains over time. Of particular importance in this regard is the selection of goals from a pool of possible alternatives and the investment of resources into the pursuit and maintenance of goals, also in the face of setbacks and losses. Goal selection and pursuit can improve individual competences and generate new resources, which can then be used for further goal attainment. One of the basic assumptions of joining an action-theoretical with a life spandevelopmental perspective in personality theories of successful aging is that, in interaction with a given physical, cultural-historical, and social context, people actively shape their own developmental context (Brandtstiidter & Lerner, 7999; Ford, 1987; Freund & Baltes, 2000; Lerner & Busch-Rossnagel, 1981). Goals link the person to his or her life contexts and thus are central to personality and development across the life span. In the following, we introduce three approaches that consider goal selection, initiation of goal-related actions, and the investment of goal-reiated resources as crucial for achieving desired developmental outcomes. TuE Rolr or Conr.s aNp GonI-RELATED PRocessgs roR Succsssr-'u r. Duv pI-oPMENT By nature, human beings are goal-oriented organisms. They organize their lives around the pursuit of goals that reflect their fundamental needs (e.9., autonomy, competence, relatedness; Ryan, 1995). Goals provide persons with standards and ideal outcomes against which they can evaluate their actual level of functioning, their progress in the direction of higher levels of functioning, and the effectiveness of their goal-related behaviors (Carver & Scheier, 1990). Empirical evidence has shown that personal goals are positively related to well-being (Emmons,7986; Omodei & Wearing, 1990; Palys & Little, 1983; Sheldon & Elliot, 1999). What are the mechanisms underlying this relation? That is, how do goals and goal-related processes inf luence well-being and successful aging? There are different views on hor,v goals affect well-being. Tt is often argued that successful development implies that individuals succeed in progressing toward their goals or reaching desired states (M. M. Baltes & Carstensen, 1996; Maslow, 1954; McClelland, 1987). Humanistic psychology proposes that a person's sense of well-being depends on the person's progress toward his or her goals, especially when these are in accord with "organismic" or "innate" needs (Maslow, 1954; Rogers, 1963; Ryan, 1995; see also Brunstein, Schultheiss, & Crdssman, 1998). Other authors argue that having goals can in itself be a predictor of life satisfaction (Brunstein, Schultheiss, & Maier, 1999; Emmons, 7996). Still others posit that not goals themselves but rather the al'ailability of goal-related resources is positively related to life satisfaction (Diener & Fujita, 1995). Finally, Brandtstddter and Rothermund (2002) maintain that goals can ambivalently affect well-being. They argue that neither goals nor resources themselves bring about goal attainment or successful development. In fact, unattainable goals can lead to dissatisfaction and depression if they are not abandoned or readjusted. Thus, setting and pursuing challenging but attainable goals and standards are important self-regulatory processes conducive to successful aging (Brandtsttidter & Renner, 1990; Carver & Scheier, 7981,7982; Freund & Baltes,2000; Heckhausen,
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