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706 Evrt>r:Ncr--BesEp Tnrorv control in that it buffers negative motivational effects of failure and maintains self-efficacy and well-being. Therefore, these strategies should be employed more frequent in old age (cf. Heckhausen & Schulz, 1995). However, OPS theory arEiues that it is not the four control strategies separately that bring about adaptive development but rather their orchestration in line with developmental opportunities and constraints. The following section provides empirical support for these assumptions. ApnrrrrvE DrvElorvrNT AS Sl rrFTtNcl rRol,r PnruaRy ro SECoNDAny CoNrRol Srnnrlclss rl tRC)ucHOUr LrtE In a self-report study, Heckhausen,Schulz, and Wrosch (1998) observed that the use of control strategies increased from early to late adulthood. Unexpectedly, however, compensatory secondary control did not show a positive age trend. Positive associations between all four types of control strategies and self-esteem supported the role of primary and secondary control strategies for adaptive functioning. Wrosch and Heckhausen (1999) demonstrated that disengaging from unobtainable goals and reallocating resources to alternative domains (i.e., compensatory secondary control) is functional when goal-relevant resources decline and opportunity structures for goal attainment become less favorable. The authors examined goals in the partnership domain in recently committed or separated adults in early adulthood and late midlife. Younger separated adults mentioned more partnership goals and reported more primary control strivings for attaining their goals. ln contrast, older separated adults reported more secondary control actions such as goal deactivation. They disengaged from partnership goals and invested their resources into alternative social domains. Moreover, younger separated adults reported a decline in positive affect over a time period of 15 months when they disengaged from their partnership goals, whereas for older separated adults goal deactivation proved beneficial. One explanation is that the objective chances to remarry are lower for people in late middle age compared to young adulthood. The age-related change in opportunities for attaining the partnership goal, then, is ref lected in a shift in importance and functional impact of this goal. These findings can be viewed as evidence supporting the notion that individuals activate and deactivate developmental goals in accordance with age-graded changes in opportunities for goal achievement. Similarly, Heckhausen et al. (2001) investigated developmental regulation before and after the developmental deadline for childbearing. Younger and middleaged women with or without children were compared with regard to various indicators of primary and secondary control striving for goal attainment versus goal disengagement and self-protection. Women approaching the developmental deadline for childbearing were actively engaged in the goal of bearing a child. In contrast, women who had passed the deadline disengaged from the goal. These differences were evident in the number and type of goals nominated as well as the salience of information related to children. Moreover, women who had passed the deadline but for whom child-related information was still more salient were more prone to negative affect. Thus, a selective responsiveness to information relevant for an obsolete developmental goal appears to have negative implications for well-being. Taken together, the endorsement c ance developmenti trol strategies incr adaptive developn come increasingly the SOC model ar the fruitfulness o in-context in termr final section, we a S This chapter com perspective on pet derstanding of go environment intet in this chapter (th model) argue that motivating, orgar related processes related processes management of r losses is a key to s cific processes pl adulthood. There yet, no integratior (Freund & Riedig positive associati< believe that it will to close this gap. Another future practical relevanct related goals are t sues become mos 1992), our practici related processesI Research has d and losses has a d suit when implen framed messages through a regular the avoidance of physical activity; themselves as hig old age, loss-fran sages become mot
Personality Theories of Strccessful Aging 107 'failure and maintains s should be employed l. However, OPS theory that bring about adap- ,ith developmental opides empirical support :ONDARY 998) observed that the Llthood. Unexpectedly, 'ositive age trend. Posi- :s and self-esteem sup- :rategies for adaptive that disengaging from ve domains (i.e., comvant resources decline ess favorable. The auly committed or sepalger separated adults mary control strivings ts reported more seclngaged from partneraldomains. Moreover, ect over a time period Lip goals, whereas for l. One explanation is t late middle age comrtunities for attaining tce and functional imsupporting the notion ls in accordance with mental regulation be- Younger and middleith regard to various ral attainment versus ng the developmental of bearing a child. In from the goal. These nominated as well as rmen who had passed :ill more salient were ss to information relregative implications Taken together, the f indings in the context of OPS theory provide evidence that the endorsement of control strategies favors successful aging as they help to balance developmental gains and losses. Specifically, the use of compensatory control strategies increases in importance with positive effects on well-being and adaptive developmental regulation when goal-related resources are lost or become increasingly threatened, as is often the case in late adulthood. As is true for the SOC model and the dual-process model of coping, the OPS model supports the fruitfulness of approaching successful aging by investigating personalityin-context in terms of personal goals and goal-related processes. In the next and final section, we address this brief Iy. SUMMARY, FUTURE OUTLOOK, AND PRACTICAL RELEVANCE This chapter combined an action-theoretical with a life span-developmental perspective on personality and successful aging. This integration allows an understanding of goals as dynamic aspects of personality that reflect the personenvironment interaction over time. All three theoretical frameworks presented in this chapter (the SOC model, the dual-process model of coping, and the OPS model) argue that individuals can actively shape their development through the motivating, organizinp;, and directing functions of personal goals and goalrelated processes, and they all empirically support the role of goals and goalrelated processes for adaptive development. Moreover, they all stress that the management of resource changes from a dominance of gains to increasing losses is a key to successful aging. They differ, however, with regard to the specific processes proposed to best serve the management of resources across adulthood. There exists good evidence supporting each of these models. As of yet, no integ;ration or systematic comparison of the models has been attempted (Freund & Riediger, 2003; for exceptions, see Freund & Baltes, 2002a,2002b, for positive associations of SOC and assimilative and accommodative coping). We believe that it will be a fruitful next step in future research on successful aging to close this gap. Another future research direction in this field should be to investigate the oractical relevance of the three models. As various studies have shown that workielated goals are most central for younger adults and goals related to health issues become most prominent in older adults (Nurmi, 1992; Rapkin & Fischer, 1992), our practical examples and speculations about the role of goals and goalrelated processes for successful aging refer to the domains of health and work. Research has demonstrated that framing health messages in terms of gains and losses has a differential effect on health-related goal adoption and goal pursuit when implementing health programs in younger and older adults. Cainframed messages emphasize benefits gained (e.g., becoming more attractive through a regular physical workout), whereas loss-framed messages emphasize the avoidance of benefits lost (e.g., preventing weight gain through regular physical activity; Brendl, Higgins, & Lemm, 7995). When individuals perceive themselves as highly vulnerable to certain health risks, as is often the case in old age, loss-framed messages are more effective, whereas gain-framed messages become more effective when perceived vulnerability is low, as is typically
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