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Personality theories of successful aging - University of Florida ...

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<strong>Personality</strong> Theories <strong>of</strong> Successful Aging<br />

9I<br />

,1987,\997) that (a) deind<br />

that developmental<br />

r gains and losses), and<br />

;es and outcomes serve<br />

rproach. This approach<br />

:r adaptive ways (M. M.<br />

re detail, we posit that<br />

ng the processes <strong>of</strong> suc-<br />

)06). Before elaboratino -a)<br />

bed the concept <strong>of</strong> per-<br />

:y in terms <strong>of</strong> three lev<strong>aging</strong>?<br />

To address this<br />

zli ty. F ollow ing Freund<br />

rn personality and sucs<br />

(1995,1996) compristiongl<br />

trnits. Traits are<br />

nonconditional disposhow<br />

considerable sta-<br />

;. Personal goals are a<br />

:rsonality descriptions<br />

ranisms, copi ng stra tertal,<br />

and strategic conre,<br />

place, and/or social<br />

they integrate and inrconstructed<br />

past, per-<br />

IcAdams (2001), most<br />

lives with unity, purolving<br />

life narratives,<br />

lemes. Level lll <strong>of</strong> perll,<br />

political, economic,<br />

oes the life story <strong>of</strong> a<br />

:vident in the notion<br />

n different contexts"<br />

all <strong>of</strong> these life narra-<br />

, points in life, chance<br />

llowing sections elab-<br />

:sonality traits, that is,<br />

and stable across time<br />

n <strong>of</strong> the stability argufor<br />

a s<strong>of</strong>ter version <strong>of</strong><br />

on personality traits<br />

refers to the identification <strong>of</strong> a universal structure <strong>of</strong> personality, individual differences,<br />

and the extent <strong>of</strong> longitudinal stability (Costa& McCrae, 7994,7995).<br />

There is consensus that personality can be well described by the Big Five personality<br />

traits: extraversion, agreeableness, conscientiousness, neuroticism, and<br />

openness to new experiences. These five factors have been identified by means <strong>of</strong><br />

factor analysis across various instruments and samples. Cross-sectional as well as<br />

longitudinal evidence on the structural invariance <strong>of</strong> the Big Five exists for adulthood<br />

and into old age (Costa& McCrae, 1994; Small , Hertzog, Hultsch, & Dixon,<br />

2003). Moreover, according to a meta-analysis by Roberts and DelVecchio (2000),<br />

the rank-order stability <strong>of</strong> the Big Five increases across the life span. These results<br />

were recently supplemented with regard to old and very old age by longitudinal<br />

<strong>aging</strong> studies (Mroczek & Spiro, 2003; Small et al., 2003).<br />

Contrary to some trait personality theorists' view that personality is "set like<br />

plaster" after the age <strong>of</strong> 30 (Costa& McCrae, 7994), cross-sectional as well as longitudinal<br />

evidence on mean levels <strong>of</strong> personality show changes in some <strong>of</strong> the Big<br />

Five characteristics across adulthood. Neuroticism, for example, decreases across<br />

adulthood (Mroczek & Spiro, 2003) and shows some increase again in very old<br />

age (Small et al., 2003). Moreover, in addition to becoming more neurotic, elderly<br />

people tend to become less open to new experiences and less extraverted (Costa,<br />

Herbst, McCrae, & Siegler, 2000), whereas they tend to become slightly more<br />

agreeable and conscientious (Helson & Kwan, 2000).<br />

Summarizing this empirical evidence based on trait as well as growth models <strong>of</strong><br />

personality clearly suggests that personality development in adulthood and old<br />

age is characterized by both stability and change. Regarding the relationship <strong>of</strong> the<br />

Big Five to subjective indicators <strong>of</strong> <strong>aging</strong> well, neuroticism is typically found to be<br />

negatively associated with measures <strong>of</strong> subjective well-being, whereas extraversion<br />

shows a positive relation to well-being. For instance, Isaacowitz and Smith (2003)<br />

demonstrated that in old and very old age (70 to 102 years), neuroticism is linked to<br />

higher negative and lower positive affect. The opposite pattern was found for extraversion<br />

(negative correlation with negative affect, positive correlation with positive<br />

affect). Note, however, that this pattern also holds for younger age groups (e.g., Diener.<br />

1984) and thus does not seem to constitute a deaelopmenfal phenomenon.<br />

Jurrrruc ro LEVEL III: PEnsoNal IpeNtttv<br />

In contrast to dispositional traits, life narratives are heavily influenced by specificities<br />

<strong>of</strong> the context and are subject to change across situations and time.<br />

McAdams (1990) argues that a unified or integrated life story, however, provides<br />

individuals with an identity and allows them to maintain a coherent self-concept<br />

across the entire life span (Cohen, 1998). Life stories are told to different audiences<br />

with different purposes: A life story told to a future spouse might look very<br />

different from the life story told to a future employer, not because the narrator<br />

becomes a different person in between the two events but because different aspects<br />

<strong>of</strong> a biography seem important and merit elaboration in these two contexts.<br />

According to McAdams, identity is not derived from one (veridical) life story but<br />

from the very act <strong>of</strong> meaning-making and integration <strong>of</strong> different aspects <strong>of</strong> a life<br />

into one coherent story (albeit possibly a different one each time it is told).<br />

The concept <strong>of</strong> autobiographical memories is closely related to the concept <strong>of</strong><br />

life stories (see also Habermas & Bluck, 2000). Some <strong>theories</strong> on autobiographical

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