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1 On tough-movement* Milan Rezac, University ... - Multimania.co.uk

1 On tough-movement* Milan Rezac, University ... - Multimania.co.uk

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For <strong>tough</strong>-movement, Browning (1989) takes OP to be pro moved from the gap to an Ā-<br />

position, while Chomsky (1982) and Cinque (1990) posit an in-situ pro bound from the top of<br />

the OP clause. 14 In either case, the OP and/or the gap are e-type objects. This may be derivable.<br />

There would be two options for a non-e-type DP <strong>co</strong>rresponding to the gap in the OP clause.<br />

Either it moves to the edge of the OP clause by Ā-movement, or not. However, it is in fact barred<br />

from staying within the OP clause by Condition C between it and the TM subject, since <strong>co</strong>pydeletion<br />

which bleeds Condition C does not apply across CP boundaries (as <strong>co</strong>py-raising<br />

∆<br />

shows). If it moves instead to the edge of the OP clause, it cannot be Agreed with by the TM<br />

trigger's T as discussed for example (28) above. Therefore, the TM subject and it end up having<br />

different indices, leading to a failure ∆ of which applies only under strict identity, and thus again<br />

a Condition C violation. <strong>On</strong>ly a pronoun, not subject to Condition C, is left as something that<br />

may be λ-bound by the TM subject.<br />

Construing OP/gap as an e-type object has interpretive <strong>co</strong>nsequences, as in the case of <strong>co</strong>pyraising.<br />

Although the TM subject λ-binds the OP/gap, it should not be able to re<strong>co</strong>nstruct into it<br />

for quantificational properties. 15 Indeed, Postal (1971, 1974:224, 356), Lasnik and Fiengo<br />

(1974:544ff.), Epstein (1989:651ff.), Cinque (1990:194 note 39), <strong>Rezac</strong> (2004a:189f.), observe<br />

that re<strong>co</strong>nstruction for s<strong>co</strong>pe or quantifier binding is impossible for the TM subject anywhere<br />

below its surface position, not just to within the OP clause, but also below the TM trigger and its<br />

for-PP experiencer. In (32) for example, the TM subject must take s<strong>co</strong>pe above the propositional<br />

argument of the TM trigger, not within it: what is easy in (32)a is talking to x (e.g. at a party),<br />

each x a single person (though there are many of them), which is quite different from talking to<br />

many people (at a time) being easy.<br />

(32) TM cannot s<strong>co</strong>pe below TM trigger<br />

a. Many people are easy to talk to e. (Epstein 1989:651)<br />

=There are many people x, such that it is easy to talk to x. (Epstein 1989:652)<br />

≠It is easy to talk to a large group of people. (Epstein 1989:652)<br />

b. Nothing is hard for Melvin to lift e. (Postal 1974:356)<br />

c. Few girls would be difficult for Jim to talk to e. (Postal 1974:224)<br />

(33) TM subject cannot take s<strong>co</strong>pe in the OP clause<br />

a. Many patients are difficult to introduce to each doctor. (*each > many) (based on<br />

Cinque 1990:194 note 39)<br />

b. It is difficult to introduce many patients to each doctor. (each > many o.k.)<br />

(34) TM subject cannot re<strong>co</strong>nstruct for variable binding below the experiencer<br />

a. Her i work is hard to <strong>co</strong>nvince Judy i /[every woman in the group] *i to share.<br />

b. The lyrics that she *j wrote were easy for [every woman in the group] j [to sing].<br />

(<strong>Rezac</strong> 2004a:190)<br />

The TM subject's behavior is parallel to that of <strong>co</strong>py-raising subject, which also has<br />

unambiguous s<strong>co</strong>pe above the matrix verb, as in (35). It is the absence of re<strong>co</strong>nstruction that<br />

gives rise to the noted oddity of (35)a, which can only mean (35)b, not (35)c, the latter being the<br />

salient reading of (35)d.<br />

(35) a. No one seems like he is here. *seem > no one, no one > seem<br />

12

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