1 On tough-movement* Milan Rezac, University ... - Multimania.co.uk

27 A caveat must be raised here: the argument holds only provided that Spanish TM is truly TM, rather than a type of
restructuring as French TM seems to be (cf. Kayne 1975:340 note 76, Kayne 1989:250-1 and 257 note 50, Miller
and Sag 1997:626, Abeillé et al. 1998, Tellier 2001:342, Cinque 2002); so probably also in Italian (Rizzi 1982:26).
28 The data in (62)a are somewhat murky; certainly him=j is bad, but him=i is not very good either, and it may be
impossible to construct a more contrastive example. "Reanalysis" would lead us to expect himself j , also bad.
29 Parasitic gaps are possible when tensed and never allow overt operators, (i). But this may have to do with the
preposition before, in the same way that the lack of wh-movement in for-to infinitives has been taken as due to the
Doubly Filled Comp filter.
(i) What did everyone review t before (*what) I read pg?
30 The only anomaly seems to be adjunct gaps in degree clauses, (i). The too/enough constructions which take
degree clauses may also predicate their subject of a gap-less clause, often called (negative) result clause (Lasnik and
Fiengo 1974:537ff., Browning 1989:27ff., 64), which may have a specified subject or a PRO controlled the matrix
subject, unlike degree (and OP) clauses with gaps, (ii). (i) could be an example of a negative result clause,
eliminating the problem. However, Lasnik and Fiengo (1974:558) observe that such gapless negative result clauses
seem impossible unless they do in fact have subject-controlled PRO or a for-to infinitive, (iic). I have no good
understanding of how (i) escapes this requirement.
(i) Tuesday is too soon to leave.
(ii) a This problem i is too abstract for there to be an easy solution (to it i ).
b This problem i is too abstract PRO i to be easily solved.
c This problem i is too abstract (*for Bill) to solve it i .
d For whom is this problem i too abstract to solve ∅/*it i .
31 This could be φ-Agree, though with v rather than T, perhaps going some way to explaining the φ/Case-parallelism
requirements on the real and parasitic gaps. On the other hand, heads of adjuncts are not generally accessible to
external φ-Agree, as adverbial DPs show, so the mechanism might be unrelated.
28