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27 A caveat must be raised here: the argument holds only provided that Spanish TM is truly TM, rather than a type of restructuring as French TM seems to be (cf. Kayne 1975:340 note 76, Kayne 1989:250-1 and 257 note 50, Miller and Sag 1997:626, Abeillé et al. 1998, Tellier 2001:342, Cinque 2002); so probably also in Italian (Rizzi 1982:26). 28 The data in (62)a are somewhat murky; certainly him=j is bad, but him=i is not very good either, and it may be impossible to construct a more contrastive example. "Reanalysis" would lead us to expect himself j , also bad. 29 Parasitic gaps are possible when tensed and never allow overt operators, (i). But this may have to do with the preposition before, in the same way that the lack of wh-movement in for-to infinitives has been taken as due to the Doubly Filled Comp filter. (i) What did everyone review t before (*what) I read pg? 30 The only anomaly seems to be adjunct gaps in degree clauses, (i). The too/enough constructions which take degree clauses may also predicate their subject of a gap-less clause, often called (negative) result clause (Lasnik and Fiengo 1974:537ff., Browning 1989:27ff., 64), which may have a specified subject or a PRO controlled the matrix subject, unlike degree (and OP) clauses with gaps, (ii). (i) could be an example of a negative result clause, eliminating the problem. However, Lasnik and Fiengo (1974:558) observe that such gapless negative result clauses seem impossible unless they do in fact have subject-controlled PRO or a for-to infinitive, (iic). I have no good understanding of how (i) escapes this requirement. (i) Tuesday is too soon to leave. (ii) a This problem i is too abstract for there to be an easy solution (to it i ). b This problem i is too abstract PRO i to be easily solved. c This problem i is too abstract (*for Bill) to solve it i . d For whom is this problem i too abstract to solve ∅/*it i . 31 This could be φ-Agree, though with v rather than T, perhaps going some way to explaining the φ/Case-parallelism requirements on the real and parasitic gaps. On the other hand, heads of adjuncts are not generally accessible to external φ-Agree, as adverbial DPs show, so the mechanism might be unrelated. 28
References Abeillé, A., Goddard, D., Miller, P. and Sag, I. 1998. "French bounded dependencies." In Romance in HPSG, L. Dini and S. Balari (eds), 1-54. Stanford: CSLI. Akmajian, Adrian. 1972. "Getting tough." Linguistic Inquiry 3:373–377. Anagnostopoulou, E. 2003. The syntax of ditransitives: Evidence from clitics. The Hague: Mouton de Gruyter. Baker, M. 1988. Incorporation: A theory of grammatical function changing. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Béjar, S. and Rezac, M. 2003. Cyclic Agree. Ms., McGill University and University of Toronto. Berman, A. 1973. "A constraint on tough-movement." In Papers from the Ninth Regional Meeting of the Chicago Linguistic Society, C. Corum, T. C. Smith-Stark, A. Weiser (eds). 34–43. Chicago: Chicago Linguistic Society. Bhatt, R. 1999. Covert modality in non-finite contexts. Doctoral dissertation, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia. Boeckx, C. 2002. "Agree or Attract? A relativized minimality solution to a proper binding condition puzzle." In Typological approaches to language universals, A. Alexiadou (ed), 41- 65. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Boeckx, C. 2003. Island and chains. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Borer, H. 1984. "Restrictive relatives in modern Hebrew." Natural Language & Linguistic Theory 2:219-260. Borer, H. 1989. "Anaphoric AGR." In The Null Subject Parameter, O. Jaeggli and K. Safir (eds), 69-109. Dordrecht: Kluwer. Branigan, P. and MacKenzie, M. 2001. "Altruism, Ā-movement, and object agreement in Innuaimûn." Linguistic Inquiry 33:385-407. Brody, M. 1993. "Theta theory and arguments." Linguistic Inquiry 24:1-23. Browning, M. A. 1989. Null operator constructions. New York: Garland. Bruening, B. 2001. Syntax at the edge: Cross-clausal phenomena and the syntax of Passamaquoddy. Doctoral dissertation, MIT, Cambridge, Mass. Calcagno, M. 1999. "Some thoughts on tough-movement." In Tübingen Studies in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar [Arbeitsberichte des SFB 340, #132], V. Kordoni (ed), 198-230. Tübingen: Universität Tübingen. Carstens, V. 2003. "Rethinking complementizer agreement: Agree with a Case-checked goal." Linguistic Inquiry 34:393-412. Chomsky, N. 1964. Current issues in linguistic theory. The Hague: Mouton de Gruyter. Chomsky, N. 1973. "Conditions on transformations." In A festschrift for MorrisHalle, S. A. Anderson and P. Kiparsky (eds), 232-285. New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston. Chomsky, N. 1977. "On wh-movement." In Formal syntax, P. Culicover, T. Wasow and A. Akmajian (eds), 71-132. New York: Academic Press. Chomsky, N. 1981. Lectures on government and binding. Dordrecht: Foris. Chomsky, N. 1982. Some concepts and consequences of the theory of government and binding, Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press. Chomsky, N. 1986a. Barriers. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press. Chomsky, N. 1986b. Knowledge of language: Its nature, origins, and use. New York: Praeger. Chomsky, N. 1995. The minimalist program. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press. 1
Page 1 and 2: On tough-movement * Milan Rezac, Un
Page 3 and 4: that it involves an Ā-step between
Page 5 and 6: d. *John is easy that anyone likes
Page 7 and 8: Adopting the copy theory for traces
Page 9 and 10: In tough-movement, the TM subject i
Page 11 and 12: (28) *There were asked what things
Page 13 and 14: . =No person is such that it seems
Page 15 and 16: constructions, all accounts share t
Page 17 and 18: the top of the OP clause. Various q
Page 19 and 20: not find an active wh-phrase as a g
Page 21 and 22: The pattern of goodness and degrada
Page 23 and 24: Although there is reason to be caut
Page 25 and 26: makes them available to external φ
Page 27: 14 It is an open question whether O
Page 31 and 32: Kaplan, R. M. and Bresnan, J. 1982.
Page 33 and 34: Rizzi, L. Forthcoming. "On the form
Page 35: TABLE 1: Properties of "On wh-movem

1 On tough-movement* Milan Rezac, University ... - Multimania.co.uk

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