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1 On tough-movement* Milan Rezac, University ... - Multimania.co.uk

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4.3.2 The Highest Subject Restriction<br />

Another positional restriction on the gap in OP clauses is that it cannot be the subject of the<br />

matrix of the OP clause. This <strong>co</strong>ntrasts with both regular wh-movement and with subject-gap<br />

infinitival relatives (Williams 1980, Browning 1989:25f., Bhatt 1999), (55).<br />

(55) a. *Nuwa is easy e to halt the flood.<br />

b. the woman e to halt the flood.<br />

c. the woman that e halted the flood.<br />

I propose to identify the phenomenon with the Highest Subject Restriction known from work<br />

on resumptive <strong>co</strong>nstructions. This blocks a pronoun (but not a trace) from being Ā-bound too<br />

locally, e.g. from occupying [Spec, TP] if bound from within the C-system of the same<br />

functional sequence; this is illustrated in (56) for Czech (see Borer 1984, McCloskey 1990,<br />

Shlonsky 1992, Boeckx 2003:83ff.).<br />

(56) a. To je ta holka i [<strong>co</strong> se *(ji i ) von líbil].<br />

that is that girl such.that SE her-DAT he-NOM appealed.he<br />

That's the girl that he appealed to.<br />

b. To je ta holka i [<strong>co</strong> (*vona i ) se mu líbila i ].<br />

that is that girl such.that she-NOM SE he-DAT appealed.she<br />

That's the girl that appealed to him. (Czech)<br />

Some types of strong agreement are subject to a similar Anti-Agreement Effect (Ouhalla<br />

1993, Richards 2001:147ff.). The two phenomena are probably one and the same, for example<br />

because this kind of strong agreement is a pronoun in the relevant respect (Ouhalla 1993, <strong>Rezac</strong><br />

2004a:245ff.). It is unlikely that the OP clause matrix, which is infinitival, has agreement of any<br />

sort. Straightforwardly interpreted then, the appearance Highest Subject Restriction on the OPgap<br />

chain is indicative of the gap being a base-generated pronoun rather than an Ā-movement<br />

trace (<strong>co</strong>py). 25<br />

4.3.3 Subject/object asymmetries in TM gaps<br />

Pronominal nature of the gap might be recruited to explain the subject/object asymmetries it<br />

shows. Extraction from embedded subject positions in wh-movement is well-formed: the subject<br />

of an ECM infinitive, a tensed bridge verb <strong>co</strong>mplement lacking a <strong>co</strong>mplementizer, and small<br />

clause subject, all extract without a problem. In <strong>tough</strong>-movement however, gaps in these<br />

positions are subject to varying degrees of degradation, (57)a. This cannot reflect a general ban<br />

on left branch gaps, since selected-for left branch gaps are not nearly as degraded, (57)b.<br />

(57) a. *Smith was easy for Jones to expect e to re<strong>co</strong>ver.<br />

b. Smith was easy for Jones to force e to re<strong>co</strong>ver.<br />

(Chomsky 1973:254 note 33)<br />

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