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BRITISH PROFESSIONS TODAY: THE STATE OF ... - Property Week

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2.3 Regulated self-regulation<br />

Regulatory structures are becoming more and more<br />

blurred in today’s global, fragmented society. In the past<br />

concrete self-regulation has been a defining characteristic<br />

of a profession; now regulation is referred to in “layers”<br />

and degrees (Kaye 2006). One speaks of a “regulatory<br />

landscape” involving not only actors such as state institutions<br />

(eg ministries, departments, agencies, supra-national bodies<br />

such as the EU, international bodies such as the WTO)<br />

and non-state institutions (eg firms, committees, associations,<br />

and networks) but also economic (eg the market) and social<br />

conditions (eg norms, cognitive frames, technologies).<br />

Regulation can take many forms and can be done via various<br />

instruments and techniques, including but not limited to rules<br />

(national or international), monitoring, sanctioning, trust, the<br />

interaction of rational actors in the market, or the structuring<br />

of social forces (Black 2002). These new processes of<br />

regulation have been termed “regulated self-regulation”<br />

(Kaye 2006), or “meta-regulation” (Scott 2004), both of<br />

which refer to the “decentred” understanding of regulation<br />

deemed necessary in the 21st century (Black 2002).<br />

How has this process developed in Britain? Particularly in<br />

the past decade, the paradigm of professional self-regulation<br />

has been called into question with significant reforming<br />

pressures. The main impetus for British government’s recent<br />

reforms has been the Office of Fair Trading’s (<strong>OF</strong>T) 2001<br />

report, Competition in the Professions. The basis of the<br />

report was a consultation exercise that allowed 93<br />

professional bodies across a whole sector to identify possible<br />

restrictions on competition. The report identified restrictions<br />

arising from law, professional rules, or other sources, and<br />

challenged those responsible to remove the restrictions<br />

unless they could be clearly identified as benefiting customers.<br />

The government was called to address those restrictions<br />

originating in statute; eg to remove the exclusion of<br />

professional rules from the Chapter I prohibition which<br />

existed at the time. The majority of restrictions, however,<br />

were found to originate with self-regulatory organisations<br />

(SROs), who were called upon to either remove or justify<br />

them. 8 Professional bodies were given twelve months to do<br />

so, with the <strong>OF</strong>T threatening to use competition enforcement<br />

powers if rules appearing to infringe UK competition law were<br />

not addressed.<br />

Many of the <strong>OF</strong>T’s identified restrictions were addressed<br />

by professional bodies, such as restrictions on comparative<br />

advertising and restrictions on direct access to the<br />

professional. The <strong>OF</strong>T also found the professions’ arguments<br />

on behalf of certain other restrictions persuasive. However,<br />

some significant restrictions remained unaddressed. This was<br />

the key motivation for the government’s independent reviews<br />

of regulatory reform in specific professions (for example, the<br />

Smith Reports 2002-2005 for the medical profession, the<br />

Clementi Report 2004 for legal professionals, and the Morris<br />

Report 2005 for actuaries), as well as professions taking action<br />

themselves to pre-empt similar reviews (such as the Carsberg<br />

Report 2005 for surveyors). As Phillip Collins, Chairman of<br />

the <strong>OF</strong>T, explains:<br />

“ The <strong>OF</strong>T’s experience has been that<br />

the professions, when confronted with<br />

well articulated arguments, have often<br />

responded to the plausible threat of<br />

enforcement by amending their rules<br />

as requested.”<br />

(Collins 2006, footnote 31 corresponding to section 4.7).<br />

8 “Where restrictions on competition exist, or are proposed, in<br />

relation to a profession, the onus should be on the defenders or<br />

the proponents (eg the Government in the case of some new<br />

form of regulation) to show why the restrictions are essential<br />

and proportionate to achieve their principal purpose, such as<br />

the protection of the consumers, while not unduly restricting competition.<br />

Where the professions maintain self-regulatory powers, competition<br />

agencies can seek to ensure that such powers are subject to independent<br />

oversight by infl uencing Government decisions on the regulatory<br />

framework” (Collins 2006; 8.5).<br />

British Professions Today: The State of the Sector © Spada Limited 2009 13

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