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BRITISH PROFESSIONS TODAY: THE STATE OF ... - Property Week

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Changing regulatory structures continued >><br />

Complaints about solicitors are handled by the independent Legal<br />

Complaints Service (LCS), previously known as the Consumer<br />

Complaints Service (CCS) and before that, the Office for<br />

Supervision of Solicitors (OSS). The LCS Board consists of seven<br />

lay and six solicitor members, with a lay Chair. Whilst the Bar<br />

Standards Board hopes to retain its complaints handling function,<br />

the Law Society recognises that the LCS is transitory and<br />

handling of consumer complaints will pass to the Office of<br />

Legal Complaints in a few years’ time (Chapman 2007).<br />

The nature of the legal services professions’ regulatory structures<br />

may be different from the other professions due to the relationship<br />

between law and regulation. Law is written (by legal professionals)<br />

and enforced by agencies and others on the ground. The question<br />

of how law itself is regulated is necessarily complex. To what<br />

extent is modern law autonomous, and what is the role of wider<br />

social and economic activities in steering law? Much regulation is<br />

oriented towards law (eg ‘command and control’), but regulation<br />

can be achieved through other mechanisms. A delicate balance is<br />

needed to ensure that law is neither dominant nor unimportant in<br />

regulation (Scott 2004). Some contemporary scholars have<br />

suggested that “regulated self-regulation” like the new structures<br />

proposed by the LSA may provide a middle path which is also<br />

able to accommodate the pluralism of many regulatory systems<br />

(Parker et al. 2004).<br />

Although many have faith in the proposed structures, criticisms<br />

have already been raised about the Legal Services Board’s<br />

potential regulatory power. One can only speculate about how well<br />

the new system will function when the Act takes full effect in 2-3<br />

years. The LSB is not intended to be a mega-regulator along the<br />

lines of the Financial Services Authority (FSA). While the FSA<br />

spends roughly £200 million per annum on regulatory activities,<br />

the budget of the LSB is estimated at £4.5 million annually.<br />

However, the events of 2008 suggest that the FSA’s big budget<br />

has been no guarantee of its effectiveness as a regulator.<br />

The LSB’s power lies in its leverage over the regulatory activities<br />

of the professional bodies; yet, these will reduce their selfregulatory<br />

activities once the legislation is passed. The LSB will<br />

be expected to develop its own regulatory expertise and offer the<br />

“sustained and focused control” that central government cannot,<br />

eg acting as an appellate mechanism for the fitness of practice<br />

decisions of front-line regulators, or ordering a front-line regulator<br />

to change its rules. The possibility of LSB intervention to change<br />

a front-line regulator’s rules has been criticised with speculation<br />

that it may encourage such regulators to leave tough decisions to<br />

the LSB. A new tier of regulation may shift power, and regulatory<br />

expectations, upward, without appropriate resources allocated to<br />

make effective decisions (Kaye 2005).<br />

The questions raised in the legal professions’ regulatory<br />

development are applicable to any of the professional bodies<br />

faced with expanding, decentred regulation. Professional bodies<br />

face a trade-off: is alleviating the risk of market failures which<br />

are inherent in the principles of self-regulation worth risking new<br />

dangers of ineffective regulation due to blurred remits of<br />

multiple oversight bodies and scattered resources? How far are<br />

professional bodies content to rely upon the market to protect<br />

consumer interests?<br />

16

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