JEPTA 2009 2 all - European Pentecostal Theological Association

JEPTA 2009.2 

JEPTA 

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I


The Journal of 

the European Pentecostal 

Theological Association 

Vol.29. 2 (2009) 

Editor: William K Kay 

II


ISSN: 0774-6210 

Vol. XXIX No. 2 / 29.2 (2009) 

Copyright ©2009 EPTA 

Editor 

Revd Dr William K Kay, Centre for Pentecostal and Charismatic Studies 

Bangor University, Gwynnedd, Wales LL57 2DG, UK 

Editorial board 

William K. Kay, Desmond Cartwright (ELIM archivist, UK) Andrew Davies 

(Mattersey Hall, UK), Anne Dyer (Mattersey Hall), Hubert Jurgenson 

(Theologisches Seminar Beroea, Germany), Richard Massey, David Petts, 

Jean-Daniel Plüss (EPCRA), Carl Simpson (ETS Kniebis, Germany), Donald 

Dean Smeeton, (Eastern Mennonite University), Cees van der Laan (Free 

University, Amsterdam), Paul van der Laan (South Eastern University 

Florida), Keith Warrington (Regents Theological College, UK), Matthias 

Wenk (Institut Plus, Switzerland). 

Editorial policy 

The Journal of the Pentecostal Theological Association (JEPTA) is a peerreviewed 

international journal which has a pedigree stretching back to 1981 

when it began as the EPTA Bulletin. Despite its European origins JEPTA has 

interests in Pentecostalism world-wide., It aims to promote and report 

research and scholarship in Pentecostal and Charismatic studies especially in 

relation to five fields of study: 

Theology 

Pentecostal / charismatic education 

Pentecostal history 

Charismatic history 

Missiology 

The journal welcomes interdisciplinary debate and dialogue. 

Editorial Addresses 

Editorial Correspondence should be addressed to the Editor above. Books 

for review should also be sent to Dr Kay. william.kay@trinity.oxon.org 

THE JOURNAL OF THE EUROPEAN PENTECOSTAL THEOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION 1


Contents Page 

Editorial by WILLIAM K. KAY ............................................................................. 1 

Review of EPTA 2009 Conference, ETS Kniebis 30 April -2 May 09 by PAUL 

ALEXANDER .................................................................................................... 2 

Experiencing the Holy Spirit: A Pentecostal Reading of the Early Church 

Fathers by OLGA ZAPROMETOVA .............................................................. 4 

Calvin, Spirit, Communion and the Supper by LARRY SIEKAWITCH ........ 14 

The Significance of Cecil H. Polhill for the Development of Early 

Pentecostalism by JOHN USHER .................................................................. 36 

An Exegetical Exploration of ‘Spirit’ References in Ezekiel 36 and 37 by 

VERENA SCHAFROTH ................................................................................. 61 

The Church as Eucharistic Fellowship: A British Apostolic Contribution 

toward a Pentecostal Ecclesiology by JONATHAN BLACK ..................... 78 

Leadership versus the Congregation in the Pentecostal/Charismatic 

Movement by DAVID GARRARD ................................................................ 90 

Review Article: Visions of Apostolic Mission: Scandinavian Pentecostal 

Mission to 1935 by David Bundy, 2009 by WILLIAM K. KAY ................ 104 

Dialogue and the Mission of the Church in Central and Eastern Europe June 

3-6, 2009 by OLGA ZAPROMETOVA ...................................................... 1099 

Book Reviews 

African Pentecostalism: An introduction, Kalu Ogbu by Mathew Clarke ....... 111 

Pentecostal Theology: A Theology of Encounter, Keith Warrington by Tim Walsh 

........................................................................................................................ 1122 

The Future of Pentecostalism in the United States, Eric Patterson and Edmund 

Rybarczyk [eds] by Jean-Daniel Plüss ...................................................... 1155 

Philip's Daughters, Women in pentecostal/Charismatic leadership Estrelda 

Alexander and Amos Yong by Peg de Alminana.....................................117 

2 JOURNAL OF THE EUROPEAN THEOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION


Editorial 

The current issue of JEPTA offers you a rich and varied set of papers on 

Pentecostalism. Olga Zaprometova looks at the patristic period of 

Christianity and later Russian Orthodox writers to discover what they had 

to say about the Holy Spirit and their own experience of God. In this way 

she builds a bridge between the present and the past. Larry Siekawitch 

investigates Calvin’s doctrine of the Lord’s Supper with particular reference 

to the work of the Holy Spirit. He is able to show that Calvin had an active 

and meaningful doctrine of the Spirit from which Pentecostals could learn. 

John Usher, also writing in an historical vein, looks at the contribution of the 

British Pentecostal, Cecil Polhill, who contributed financially and in other 

ways to emerging Pentecostalism in the United States, Britain and China. 

Polhill is an example of a wealthy man who put his money at the service of 

the Gospel, and it is only now being realised just how generous he was. 

Turning in a theological direction Verena Schafroth explores the work of 

the Spirit in the book of the prophet Ezekiel and draws parallels between the 

Spirit and word in this text and the Spirit and the word in Pentecostal or 

charismatic churches today. Jonathan Black, turning his attention upon the 

Apostolic Church that originated in south Wales, shows how their doctrine 

of the Eucharist went well beyond the memorialism of Zwingli to something 

that gave their congregations a theological focus that wove perennial 

Pentecostal concerns with perennial sacramental concerns. 

David Garrard, drawing especially on his lengthy experience in Africa, 

writes counterblast to the recent emphasis upon leadership as the key to 

every Christian problem, whether of church growth, mission or 

secularisation. 

Finally, we glad to carry an account by Paul Alexander, the chairman of 

the European Pentecostal Theological Association, of our recent meeting at 

the Church of God Seminary (Europäisches Theologisches Seminar) in the 

Black Forest, Germany. As you’ll note, EPTA has much to offer and I look 

forward to seeing you at future meetings. Our website 

(http://www.eptaonline.com/) gives you details of these and also of ways in 

which you can offer articles to this journal. 

Take note of the Research Opportunity EPTA is offering- See the 

requirements noted after the book reviews! 

William K Kay 



Review of EPTA 2009 Conference, 

ETS Kniebis 30 April -2 May 09 

Paul Alexander (Chair of EPTA) 

The annual EPTA conference took place at the end of April 2009. The event 

was kindly hosted by the European Theological Seminary situated in the 

beautiful Black Forest region of Germany. The facilities were excellent and 

the event was a great success. 

EPTA members and associates gathered from across Europe. Quite apart 

from the benefit of participating in the more formal aspect of the conference 

it was evident from the beginning just how much people enjoyed the 

company and fellowship of their peers from across the Continent. One 

participant made the poignant statement that he felt ‘safe’ at the EPTA 

conference. This is exactly what these events seek to achieve – a vibrant and 

happy environment in which robust discussions can take place in an 

accepting yet objective way. 

The theme of the conference centred on European Pentecostal history. 

William Kay presented the first formal paper. He suggested a historical 

methodology that proved to be both helpful and enlightening to many. Well 

prepared papers on Scandinavian Pentecostal history and German 

Pentecostal history were presented by Jan-Åke Alvarsson and Carl Simpson 

respectively. Both of these papers showed the fruit of careful and 

methodical research. 

In recent conferences there has been a commitment to developing more 

effective dialogue between delegates. This is often facilitated by workshops. 

Again this format proved to be very popular as lively discussion took place 

in each of the three workshops lead by those who had presented papers. 

As the conference progressed there was a thought provoking 

presentation on the future of Pentecostalism in Europe. Raymond Pfister 

presented this paper. William Kay, in his inimitable way, suggested a 

sociological methodology as a means for effective research. The final session 

was on a theological summary of European Pentecostalism. As with every 

other participant this was very well done by Jean-Daniel Plüss. 


Experiencing the Holy Spirit 

EPTA has always sought to provide a conference that celebrates 

Pentecostalism and so time was made for motivation and ministry. A ‘care 

and share’ evening was facilitated by Paul Schmidgall and I as the 

Chairman, preached a motivational message in the final session of the 

conference which was warmly received. 

The challenges of Theological Education and training were often 

discussed throughout the conference. The regulatory requirements in each 

European country represented seem to be increasingly difficult to meet. 

Additionally most of the educators present valued the encouraging 

environment that the conference afforded. Clearly the task of training the 

next generation of Pentecostal leaders is not for the faint-hearted. At the 

very least an EPTA conference such as the one we enjoyed in Germany this 

year is a source of encouragement and motivation for those who attend. 

In conclusion I offer some reflections (in no particular order of 

importance): 

1. The Pentecostal movements of Europe have a rich and varied 

history, which is now being written and discussed. EPTA members 

have played a major role in facilitating or undertaking the writing of 

this history and they are to be commended for providing this 

valuable service to European Pentecostalism. 

2. The role of EPTA is extremely valuable both as a facilitator and as 

an organization which provides a conference and a journal that is a 

source of encouragement and help to many. 

3. EPTA membership is slowly increasing and the circulation of JEPTA 

is also slowly increasing. All members should seek to engage EPTA 

as much as possible. Don’t forget the blog and forum to which you 

can contribute on www.eptaonline.com. 

The next EPTA conference takes place at Mattersey Hall in England in 6-9 

July 2010 and it is hoped that there will be a large representation of 

European scholars, students and educators present. 

NB. Please look at the BACK pages for a researcher’s opportunity with 

EPTA! 

We are also planning to host an educators’ consultation at the Pentecostal 

World Conference in Stockholm August 2010; look out for the details in their 

advertising and our website in future – www.eptaonline.com. 

JOURNAL OF THE EUROPEAN THEOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION 3

Olga Zaprometova 

Experiencing the Holy Spirit: A 

Pentecostal Reading of the Early 

Church Fathers 

Part 1: Gregory the Theologian 

Olga M. Zaprometova 1 

Abstract 

This paper consists of three consecutive articles, which will be published in order in 

successive issues. It examines the experiences of the Holy Spirit in the development 

of spiritual life and Christian doctrine. It is an attempt by a contemporary 

Pentecostal reader to appreciate and understand the writings of the Early Church 

Fathers', paying special attention to the spiritual experience and emotional 

outpouring expressed in their teaching. Dealing with three representatives of the 

Eastern Church: Gregory the Theologian (part 1), Isaac the Syrian (part 2) and 

Simeon the New Theologian (part 3) it addresses the questions that arise as 

‘enthusiastic Christianity’ in modern Russia seeks its roots. 

Introduction 

Until recently, Protestant theologians in the West have paid minimal 

attention to teachings regarding the Holy Spirit. It is with good reason that 

Jьrgen Moltmann calls Pneumatology ‘the Cinderella of Western theology’. 2 

Until the nineteenth century Christian doctrine was perceived as ‘given’, 

even as permanently established. In the second half of the twentieth century, 

alongside the growth and development of the Pentecostal movement 3 , the 

1 Olga Zaprometova lectures at the ETS-Moscow, Russia. Her e-mail address is 

omz@etsmoscow.org 

2 J. Moltmann, The Spirit of Life: A Universal Affirmation (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 

1994), p. 1. 

3 Dictionary of Pentecostal and Charismatic Movements. Stanley M. Burgess & Gary B. 

McGee (eds.) (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Zondervan Publishing House, 1988). 



formation of its theology and the quest for its historical roots 4 , a renewed 

interest in the Early Church Fathers, especially those of the Eastern 

Tradition, has emerged and started to grow among Protestants. 

The author's interest in this part of the theological heritage was 

influenced by the ecumenical movement which the Orthodox Church 

(including the Russian Orthodox Church) joined in 1961 and the Pentecostal 

churches later. According to paragraph seven of the Augsburg Confession, 

the Church is a gathering of all believers to whom the pure Gospel is preached and to 

whom the Holy Sacraments are given. This is the reason why Protestants have 

no difficulties in accepting other churches. The crisis of contemporary 

society is viewed by present-day Christianity as a result of secularization, 

and many are trying to find a solution in the ‘fellowship of the Holy Spirit’. 

In this way they are following the statement of the apostle Paul: as many as 

are led by the Spirit of God, they are the sons of God (Rom 8:14). While the 

cultural and historical differences of Orthodoxy and Protestantism cannot be 

ignored, we must also accept that, before we can move from rejection of each 

other, we need to learn to trust each other. This is exactly what is so often 

lacking in Christian circles. Christians are united by a statement of faith, the 

Eucharist, ministry and liturgy. However it is important not to forget that, 

during the course of church history, there have always been those who have 

stressed the importance of personal experience in the life of a Christian. The 

experience of living fellowship with God includes the realization of His 

presence, conversion, receiving revelation and inspiration, following His 

will and mystical union in the Holy Spirit. Irenaeus (second century A.D.), in 

his polemics against Gnostics, mentioned that the Holy Spirit is given to the 

Church as breath was given to the first created man and it is the Spirit who gives 

us confirmation in faith. 5 Pointing to the Holy Spirit as to the [means of] 

communion with Christ and the ladder ascending to God, Irenaeus wrote: where 

the Church is, there is the Spirit of God; and where the Spirit of God is, there is the 

Church, and every kind of grace; but the Spirit is truth. 6 

4 S. Land, Pentecostal Spirituality. A Passion for the Kingdom (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic 

Press, 1997) 

5 There is a concept of ‘confirmation’ in the Lutheran church, necessary for joining the 

body of the church. In the Pentecostal church the testimony of experiencing the Holy 

Spirit by a believer has been the necessary requirement for one to become a member of 

a local church. 

6 Irenaeus. Against Heresies. 3.24.1. The Ante-Nicene Fathers. A. Robertson & D. Alexander 

(eds.), Volume I, (Grand Rapids: W.M. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1996), p.458 



The number of theological educational institutions in Russia, including 

Pentecostal ones, is growing. One of the obligatory subjects in every 

curriculum is Church History. Students are discovering for themselves the 

treasures of Patristic tradition, comparing the spiritual experiences of the 

Church Fathers with their own. Quite often they are surprised by the 

similarity between the spiritual practices of the authors they are studying 

and their own experiences. The magnitude of the spiritual life of the Church 

during the Early Patristic period is opening before their eyes. This creates 

opportunities for new developments in Pentecostal theology in the 

contemporary Russian context. Furthermore, an enlarged perception of the 

wonderful heritage of world cultures helps representatives from the 

evangelical churches to deepen their understanding of the unity of the 

Christian Church. It is perhaps significant that the author is engaging in this 

whole subject as a result of her own experience of introducing students to 

Church History and the History of Biblical Hermeneutics. 

There is a growing interest in contemporary Russia in ‘enthusiastic 

Christianity’, defined by some as ‘Christianity characterized by emotion that 

sometimes reaches exaltation’. It therefore seems timely to ask some new 

questions: 

Is it possible to relate this recent open expression of emotions to the 

experiences recognized as necessary by Eastern Christian tradition 

centuries ago? 

Is this present movement seeking its roots in historical Christianity in 

the context of its national/Russian culture or in the context of global 

Christianity? 

Is this movement formulating doctrines which may have a future in 

Russia? 

* * * 

Pneumatology has always been at the very heart of Eastern theology. It is 

not a doctrine, but an integral aspect of Eastern theological thinking. One of 

the well known contemporary Orthodox theologians, Metropolitan John 

(Zizioulas), emphasizes that Pneumatology is inseparable from Christology 

and Ecclesiology in all spheres of Christian life and Christian teaching. 7 The 

emphasis on the Holy Spirit, so typical of the theological thought of the 

Christian East, has sometimes led to the rejection of such ‘pneumocentrism’ 

7 J. Zizioulas, Being as Communion. Studies in Personhood and the Church (Moscow: St. 

Filaret's Orthodox-Christian Institute, 2006), p.126. (in Russian) 



by Western theologians. In turn Eastern Christians have blamed the West for 

extreme ‘Christocentrism’. 8 Speaking about the peculiarities of the doctrine 

of the Holy Spirit in Eastern Christian thought, Stanley Burgess points to the 

main differences between Eastern and Western theological approaches in the 

following spheres: the doctrine of the Trinity 9 , Anthropology and, 

consequently, Soteriology. The East rejected the teaching of Tertullian and 

Augustine that, faced with depravity, a human being is unable to help 

him/herself and is therefore totally dependent on the intervention of Christ, 

acting through the Holy Spirit for salvation. The Eastern Church has always 

insisted that humankind was created in the image of God (Gen 1:27) and 

that God's goal is to restore humanity to its original perfection. True natural 

relationships between God, humankind and the rest of creation are restored 

by the influence of the Holy Spirit. 

This process, called re-creation or transformation 10 (or sanctification), is 

obvious to the eyes of faith but cannot be observed (and is therefore often 

omitted) in a solely rational analysis. It is the final goal of humanity's 

restoration and is defined in the doctrine of unification with God, or 

deification (θεωσις). It is important to remember that this doctrine does not 

suggest that human beings ever share the divine nature; rather it emphasizes 

that deification is a constant process, extending throughout eternity. 

Deification is a result of receiving the Holy Spirit and experiencing the Spirit 

in the life of the Church. 11 This enables Christians to learn to live so that 

spiritual fruits develop and are practiced, and to participate in the 

sacraments which give life and participation in the divine nature. In the 

doctrine of the Holy Spirit, Eastern Christian thought proposes the 

importance of experience in its teachings of encountering the Holy Spirit. 

Although contemporary patristic studies are only now beginning to pay 

attention to the Pneumatology of the men of the Apostolic age and of the 

Apologists, it is possible to identify well developed teaching on the Holy 

8 S. Burgess,The Holy Spirit: Eastern Christian Traditions (Peabody: Hendrickson 

Publishers Inc., 1989), p.1 

9 The Cappadocian Fathers underlined the uniqueness of the functions of the three 

divine hypostases while the West in its turn insisted upon the filioque. 

10 The Orthodox Church is using the term transfiguration to describe this process. For 

example: The Orthodox Study Bible (Nashville, Tenn.: Thomas Nelson Publishers, 1997), 

p.440. 

11 On the day of Pentecost the Church was born. To this structure, doctrinal continuity 

(succession) and apostolic authority was given by the Holy Spirit. 



Spirit during this early period of Church History. 12 That period anticipated 

the solutions of the debates of the fourth and fifth centuries. In the Eastern 

Christian tradition there is no gap between spirituality and theology. The 

Eastern tradition has never drawn a line between a personal encounter with 

God and the doctrines confirmed by the Church. Vladimir Lossky in his 

‘Essays on the Mystical Theology of the Eastern Church’ refers to the 

Metropolitan Filaret of Moscow, and underlines that the experience of the 

Holy Spirit is a personal manifestation of faith, and thus theology is a 

general expression of something that is accessible to everyone. 13 Any 

Russian Pentecostal believer would agree with such a statement. 

In the present article we will try to discover if it is true that spiritual 

experiences, to which contemporary Pentecostalism is testifying (and on the 

basis of which it is labelled ‘enthusiastic Christianity’) might be found in the 

writings of the Church Fathers. For this purpose we shall turn to examples 

from Gregory the Theologian (IV century), Isaac the Syrian (VII century) and 

Simeon the New Theologian (X-XI century). 

The Mystical Theology of Gregory the Theologian 

1. Divine Light, Prayer and God-vision 

‘The light in which everything may become known’ is a comprehensive 

symbol of Greek culture. The famous apologist of Judaism, Philo of 

Alexandria (c. 20 B.C. - c. 50 A.D.), wrote about the divine illumination by 

the ‘light of light’ (De Praemiis et Poenis. 46) and about departure from the 

body for the sake of unification with God (De Fuga et Inventione. 92). He 

underlined his aspiration to reach the permanent state of similarity (mimesis) 

to God and a clear vision of God. 14 Philo of Alexandria, one of the most 

famous representatives of the Alexandrian Jews and an influential biblical 

12 Y. Maximov, ‘Pneumatology of the Second century Apologists’ // Alpha and Omega. 2 

(46), 2006. pp. 207-231. (in Russian) 

13 V. Lossky, Essays on the Mystical Theology of the Eastern Church (Moscow: SEI Center's 

Press, 1991), p. 9. (in Russian) 

14 Philo of Alexandria left a number of religious-philosophical tractates in which he longs 

to set out the connection between Jewish religious teaching, revealed in the Old 

Testament, and Greek idealistic philosophy. K. Schenk, A Brief Guide to Philo. (Moscow: 

St. Andrew's Biblical-Theological Institute, 2007), p. 23. (in Russian) 



exegete, whose writings were preserved thanks to Origen 15 , was the first to 

express the idea that the final goal of human aspiration is a religious ecstasy, 

when a soul frees itself of all that is sensory and temporal and offers itself to 

the direct contemplation of God. 16 Philo's longing to reach the state of 

imitation to God and to achieve a clear vision of the Almighty, meant for 

him longing for an intellectual enlightenment. To describe supernatural 

reality he had to use the language of mysticism. 

The mystical unity (fellowship) of a human being with God is hidden 

from the eyes of others. It is almost always a mystery between God and a 

soul. It is never revealed to an outsider, except to a confessor and to some 

disciples. 17 Gregory the Theologian who had an experience of seeing the 

Divine Light 18 , is considered by Bishop Ilarion (Alfeyev) to be one of the 

creators of the Theology of Light in a Christian tradition that was developed 

further by such mystic writers as Maximus the Confessor, Simeon the New 

Theologian and Gregory Palamas. Theologians of the hesychast movement 19 

in Byzantium considered Gregory Palamas to be the most authoritative 

author whose writings became one of the primary sources of hesychast 

doctrine. 20 According to Gregory the Theologian, in order to see the purest 

light one has to purify one's mind: In as much as anyone approaches the King, 

thus far is he/she becoming the light. 21 

Let us become the light, following the disciples who were called by 

the great Light when He said: ‘You are the light of the world’ (Mat 

5:14) ... . Let us dedicate ourselves totally, let us become the sound 

(wise) burnt offering, the verbal sacrifice ... . Let us give ourselves 

totally so that we may also take ourselves back totally, for to take in 

15 Origen's interest in Philo was connected with his love of the allegorical interpretation 

of the Bible. Origen considered Philo's approach (method) to be the best for revealing 

the hidden (deeper) spiritual meaning of the Holy Scripture. 

16 V. Ivanitzky, Philo of Alexandria. His Life and the review of His Literary Activity, (Kiev: 

Petr Barsky's Press, 1911), p. 588. (in Russian) 

17 V. Losskyi, Essays on the Mystical Theology of the Eastern Church. (Moscow: SEI Center's 

Press, 1991), p.19. (in Russian) 

18 His father, Gregory Nazianzus the Elder, had the same spiritual experience (this light 

was witnessed by his associates right after his coming out of the font after his baptism). 

19 Gk. hesychastes, one who is silent, a hermit. 

20 Hieromonach Ilarion (Alfeyev), The Life and the Teaching of St. Gregory the Theologian. 

(Moscow: Lovers of Church History Society's Press, 1998), p.360. (in Russian) 

21 Quoted according to Alfeyev, The Life and the Teaching of St. Gregory the Theologian, 

p.366. 



ourselves in purity is to give ourselves to God and to perform a 

religious rite of personal (our own) salvation. 22 

In contrast to Philo of Alexandria the emphasis here is put not on an 

intellectual effort 23 but rather on activities that take place at the physical 

(fleshly) level. Ascetic deeds, charity and fulfillment of commandments 

assist in reaching mystical illumination. According to Gregory the 

Theologian, prayer is primarily a meeting with the living God. A human 

being is seeking God and is in need of fellowship with Him, but God is 

seeking those who are thirsty after Him, continually and abundantly outpouring 

(Himself) upon them 24 . Praying to Christ was an integral part of Gregory's 

spiritual life. His prayers are filled with deep personal love for Christ 25 . 

However, he also has prayers that are addressed to each of the divine 

hypostases: 

... 

To Thee, o Blessed, I am turning my glance; to Thee, my help, 

The Almighty, Unborn, the Beginning and the Father of the Beginning - 

Of Immortal Son, great Light (the Father) of equally great Light - 

Of Him (the One), Who is from the One and in the One! .. 

To Thee, the Son of God, the Wisdom, the King, the Word, the Truth, 

The Image of the Proto-image, the nature equal to the Parent, 

The Shepherd, Lamb and Sacrifice, God, Man and Metropolitan! 

To Thee, the Spirit, Who is from the Father, the Light of our Mind, 

Coming to those who are pure and making a human being god! 

Have mercy on me, let me, also here in my old age, 

22 Alfeyev, The Life and the Teaching of St. Gregory the Theologian, p.366-367. 

23 When Philo is speaking about drunkenness and rage/fury (images that he borrowed from 

the Dionysian drama, mystery plays) he means sober rapture/ecstasy and intellectual 

‘drunkenness’. See Schenk, A Brief Guide to Philo, p.23. 


p.370. 

25 According to Origen, one has to pray only to God the Father through Christ, because 

Christ Himself did it and taught it to His disciples - Mt 6:9; 26:39; Lk 11:2; John 12:27; 

17:11 etc. (all the known Early Church liturgies are addressed to God the Father. 

Liturgies addressed to God the Son appeared not earlier than in the fifth century, in the 

era of Christological controversies). 



And there when I will unite with the entire God, 

Praise Thee joyfully with hymns unceasing. 26 

Understanding God's image as a goal of prayer and as a final point to reach 

during the whole of one's Christian life is the leitmotif of the Eastern 

Christian tradition. The teaching of Gregory on the vision of God is 

inseparable from his teaching on the knowledge of God (the 

incomprehensibility of God 27 ). He suggests that the vision of God is possible 

during earthly life, but only for a very few; it will be much more widely 

available in the world to come. But it is possible for a human being to feel 

the presence of God. A vision of God becomes possible for those who purify 

themselves, who reach the state of deification and are constantly in prayer. 

Even when in such a state, a person can see God only from ‘behind’, by 

feeling His mystical presence. God always remains unknowable, 

inexpressible, unreachable, and invisible. 

2. Deification 

Unification of a human being with God (deification) is considered by Gregory 

the Theologian to form the pinnacle of the Christian life. 28 However, no 

theologian had used this term as often and as consistently as Gregory. Along 

with the concept of adoption by God, it is central to Gregory's theology, and 

later these two concepts became the basis of Orthodox mysticism. The way 

leading to deification is a human being's love for God, which is expressed in 

prayer, mystical experience (the ascent of the mind to God in a prayerful 

meditation) and the fulfilment of the New Testament commandments. 

Gregory addresses himself to his own soul with the following words: What 

are you willing to become? Are you willing to become god who is luminiferously 

standing in the presence of God, rejoicing with angels? Go forward, stretch your 


p.376. 

27 Philo also did not believe that a human being is able to know God. He is able to know 

about His existence, but not the nature of His existence. Using the example of Moses, 

Philo shows that only the Almighty Himself may allow someone to know Him in a 

measure. However, the true way to God is the way of mysticism, that is understood in 

a limited sense, as a meditation on what is behind/above/outside the limits of a human 

comprehension/understanding and might only be experienced. See Schenk, A Brief 

Guide to Philo, p.115. 

28 This concept also appeared in the earlier writings of Irenaeus. 



wings and rise up on high 29 . It is important to remember that this is not just an 

intellectual ascent to God, but rather something that involves the whole of 

life itself including its everyday cares. Deification is the salvation of the entire 

person - a transformation and re-creation of his/her spirit, soul and body. 

By the narrow and hard way, through narrow, 

And for many not passable, gates, followed by the majestic court 

Christ is taking me to God - god, created from dust (earth), 

And not born; who from the mortal have become immortal. 

And with the magnificent image of God (my soul), 

He is also attracting my body, my helper, 

Just as a magnet is drawing black iron. 30 

In becoming God-like, a human being (a person) is not only doing good for 

him/herself, he/she is also revealing the Word of God to others. Deification, 

the pinnacle of God-knowing, occurs when the incomprehensible God 

becomes as comprehensible as it is possible for human nature. By this, every 

Christian can aspire to reach the final goal of existence, namely, the salvation 

of mankind, the renewal and transformation of the world, the entering of all 

who are saved into the ‘triumphant Church’, the unification of humanity 

with God, and the eschatological deification of the entire creation. 31 

For ten centuries (V-XVI) Gregory was the best known theologian and 

the one most quoted, and his writings were second only to Holy Scripture 

itself. It was his writings which influenced the great mystic of Byzantium - 

Simeon the New Theologian who will be discussed later. 

Although the term deification is unknown to Pentecostals, most of them 

speak about the importance of the fellowship of a Christian with the living 

God. The way towards this encounter is paved by the fulfilment of God's 

commandments, by being in the Word and by prayer and fasting. According 

to the testimonies of many Pentecostals, they have experienced the vision of 

the godly light that has changed their entire life, giving them the power to be 

29 Alfeyev, The Life and the Teaching of St. Gregory the Theologian, p.390. 





rid of the slavery to sin and vice. 32 The entire Pentecostal teaching is based 

on an encounter with God, on an experience of a ‘personal Pentecost’. 33 

Experiencing the Holy Spirit is inseparable from a Pentecostal spirituality, 

and it is on this account that Pentecostals are often accused of being 

emotional at the expense of being rational. 34 However, the special emphasis 

in their preaching is on the Love of God. Personal testimonies that form part 

of the service are extremely emotional, expressing sincerely the gratitude, 

love and sympathy, confidence in salvation and hope that have been gained. 

Their traditional hymns, many of which were inherited from the Holiness 

Movement, 35 are full of such expressions. Prayer is the centre of a Pentecostal 

spirituality. It is the place in which the encounter between a human being 

and the living God occurs, which results in the decision to follow Him. Love 

for God and for a neighbour is the basis for spreading the Kingdom of God 

through witnessing, preaching and ministering as well as through different 

forms of social work. 

To be continued 

32 I do not know how it has happened, but the first thing I felt was light. ... It was different from 

the light that came through the door and the window: it was more illumination, than the light 

from a precise source. But this light had something special: I felt a kind of an awe, though in no 

way did I feet scared. Instead, I experienced recognition, ...’Are you Christ?’ I asked. The light 

approached a bit. It was as if He would come closer, at the same time not leaving the place where 

he had been earlier. ... I was filled with such a sense of peace that I had never known before. For 

a long time I have been weeping out of joy. I tried to share about this wonderful encounter 

... but to my surprise, as soon as I opened my mouth to start, the same thing happened again 

and again - I felt that the tears were coming to my eyes and I knew that if only I would say just 

one more word, I would start to cry as a child. J. Cheril, They speak in other Tongues, (Kazan: 

Linguatrans Society Press, 1991), p. 9, 10. (in Russian) 

33 S. Land, Pentecostal Spirituality. A Passion for the Kingdom; W. Menzies & S. Horton Bible 

Doctrines: A Pentecostal Perspective, (Springfield, Mi. Logion/Gospel Publishing House, 

1999); S. Land, H. Gause, Living the Faith, (Cleveland, TN: Pathway Press, 2001) et al. 

34 Land, Pentecostal Spirituality: p.132. 

35 This was one of the movements in recent Protestantism, born in the USA at the end of 

the 19 th century from among Methodists. This movement declared ‘the birth from 

above’ or ‘sanctification’ (instant miraculous, the second stage after repentance), to be 

the main goal of a Christian. Its visual manifestations included the repudiation of 

smoking, drinking alcohol, etc. 



Calvin, Spirit, Communion and the 

Supper 

Larry Daniel Siekawitch 1 

Abstract 

John Calvin has been one of the most influential theologians in the history of 

Christianity. Caricatures abound where he is portrayed as an intellectualist without 

a heart, divisive and an antagonist toward evangelism – none of these are true. By 

looking at his doctrine concerning the Lord’s Supper we will see a man with deep 

affections and a great interest for unity in the body of Christ, someone whom 

Pentecostals can glean from with profit. 

His views regarding the Supper were not simply a compromise between Zwingli and 

Luther, but rather reflect a conscious attempt to be both biblical and ecumenical. A 

survey of the evolution of his thought will reveal the unique contribution to 

Christianity he brought that did not change in substance, but rather in depth. After 

looking at a survey of his writings on the subject of the Lord’s Supper we will look at 

the importance of the Spirit in Calvin’s theology. The Spirit was Calvin’s solution 

for how the benefits of the Supper were applied to the Christian without seeing the 

elements themselves as magical. When the believer partakes in the Supper combined 

with faith, the Spirit produces the benefits, especially communion with Christ. 

Calvin’s presentation of the Supper in one sense can be seen as a compromise 

between Zwingli and Luther as a marvellous attempt at bringing unity in the body 

of Christ, but it is also a masterful endeavour to present the Biblical truth of the 

place of the Spirit and communion in the Supper. 

Introduction 

In Pentecostal circles John Calvin has either been ignored or vilified by 

many. It is the hope of the writer that some of the caricatures of Calvin 

would be eliminated and a new appreciation for his contributions to 

theology would ensue. Calvin has been called ‘the theologian of the Holy 

1 Professor of Bible and Theology at Elim Bible Institute, 7245 College St., Lima, NY, 

14485, 585-624-5277, lsiekawitch@elim.edu 


Larry Siekawitch 

Spirit’ 2 and communion with God has been cited as the center or heart of his 

theology. 3 If these declarations are true then it can be seen why Pentecostals 

may want to take a second look at Calvin. A study of his pneumatic element 

in the Lord’s Supper reveals his ecumenicity, high view of the Spirit and 

experiential faith. Some questions we will address include: Was Calvin’s 

doctrine of the Supper an irenic compromise of Luther and Zwingli, an 

original Biblical contribution, or both? What part did communion with God 

play in his understanding of the Supper? Where does the Holy Spirit fit in? 

First we will give an historical overview of the progression of Calvin’s view 

of the Supper to see it in its historical context. Next we will look at Calvin’s 

understanding of the Spirit. Finally the Holy Spirit, communion with Christ 

and the Supper will be considered. 

Historical Overview of Calvin’s View of the Supper 

Martin Luther heavily influenced Calvin’s early teaching on the Supper. It 

has been said that Calvin borrowed his ideas on union with Christ from 

Luther’s Sermon Upon the True and Sacred Body of the Christ (1519), 4 as well as 

his rejection of transubstantiation from The Babylonian Captivity. But it 

appears that even from the very beginning of Calvin’s writings on the 

Supper he sought a middle ground between Luther and Ulrich Zwingli, as 

Alexander Barclay said, ‘Calvin seemed destined to be a mediator.’ 5 Luther 

rejected the Roman Catholic view of transubstantiation where the bread and 

wine become the body and blood of Christ and are therefore considered a resacrifice 

of Christ, but he maintained a real presence of the body and blood 

of Jesus in, with and through the elements (consubstantiation). Zwingli, the 

founding reformer in Zurich, denied both the Catholic transubstantiation 

and the Lutheran consubstantiation, holding to the belief that the elements 

2 Benjamin Warfield, ‘John Calvin the Theologian,’ in Calvin and Augustine, edited by 

Samuel Craig (Philadelphia: Presbyterian and Reformed Publishing, 1956), p. 484. 

3 Willem van’t Spijker, Calvin and the Holy Spirit, edited by Peter De Klerk (Grand 

Rapids: Calvin Studies Society, 1989), p. 44. It should be noted that by center of 

theology I am not referring to the concept of ‘central dogma’ popular among 

nineteenth century theologians, but rather that of central importance. 

4 

Francois Wendel, Calvin (Durham, NC: The Labyrinth Press, 1987), p. 330. 

5 Alexander Barclay, The Protestant Doctrine of the Lord’s Supper (Glasgow: Jackson, Wylie, 

and co., 1927), p. 113. 


Calvin, Spirit, Communion 

of the Lord’s Supper were ‘figurative and symbolical.’ 6 Some want to rescue 

Zwingli by saying he did not mean the Supper was a ‘bare’ sign and so they 

claim he allowed for a spiritual presence in the Supper, 7 but in all of his 

writings on the subject he argues against any real presence, seeing the 

Supper as a memorial and an avenue for giving thanks to God for what he 

has done; he never refers to a communion or spiritual presence to be 

experienced in the partaking of the bread and wine. 8 Zwingli’s stance is 

probably the most predominant position of most Baptists and Pentecostals 

today. But in his reaction to the Catholics and Lutherans he may have 

inadvertently truncated the meaning of the Supper. 

A brief study of Calvin’s 1536 edition of the Institutes, his Short Treatise 

on the Holy Supper of Our Lord Jesus Christ (1540), the Consensus 

Tigurinus (1549), The Second Defense Against Westphall (1556), his 1559 

edition of the Institutes and a short summary of his beliefs on the Supper 

written at the end of his life called Best Method of Obtaining Concord will 

help us see Calvin’s uniqueness and his conciliatory skills. In this brief 

synopsis we will pay special attention to his mention of the Holy Spirit as 

well as how he parallels and diverges from Luther and Zwingli. 

1536 Institutes 

Calvin was a remarkable man. Originally from France, he was forced to flee 

for his life to Geneva because of his evangelical beliefs. He was converted 

sometime between 1532 and 1533 and penned his first edition of the 

Institutes in August 1535; this being the case, one would expect the first 

edition to reveal a lack of preparation, but Ford Lewis Battles correctly notes 

concerning his writing on the Supper that he ‘enters the debate not as a new 

voice just beginning its labours, but as if Calvin had long been debating the 

6 G.W. Bromiley, editor, Zwingli and Bullinger (Philadelphia: The Westminster Press, 

1953), 199. 

7 Bromiley., Zwingli and Bullinger 179. 

8 In his lengthy treatise ‘On the Lord’s Supper’ he has ample opportunity to mention 

communion and spiritual presence, but defers. In his discussion of 1 Corinthians 10:16 

where communion is mentioned he argued that koinonia should be understood as the 

community of the believers rather than a personal fellowship with Christ. Bromiley, 

Zwingli and Bullinger, 236-237. 



points at issue.’ 9 As far as our study is concerned, though he elaborated 

considerably on the Supper by the 1559 edition, all the emphases concerning 

the Spirit are in place at this early date at least in embryonic form. These 

emphases included: The Spirit nourishes the believer, especially by 

strengthening his or her faith through the Supper; the Spirit connects the 

believer to Christ rather than Christ coming down into the Supper; the Spirit 

increases communion with Christ as the believer partakes in the Supper; the 

Spirit inspires thanksgiving and praise as well as unity in the body as the 

church takes the Supper in remembrance of what Christ did for her. 

The 1536 Institutes are not very conciliatory and though it should be seen 

as a median position between Zwingli and Luther, it attacked Luther, 

rejecting the idea of ‘the real presence of the body’ 10 and the concept of 

ubiquity. 11 Calvin quoted Zwingli favorably for the most part, but unlike 

Zwingli he spoke of the Supper as spiritual nourishment for the soul. 12 Since 

Jesus has gone up to heaven he is only present on earth spiritually. It is the 

Spirit that imparts the benefits of Christ’s blood to us, which ‘strengthen, 

refresh, and gladden’ us, 13 so we are to seek Christ in the Supper to feed our 

souls and ‘obtain him spiritually.’ 14 The Supper is an ongoing provision or 

‘continual food on which Christ spiritually feeds the household of his 

believers.’ 15 For Calvin, even at this early stage, the Spirit is highlighted in 

regard to His responsibility for the distribution of the benefits of the Supper. 

9 John Calvin, Institutes of the Christian Religion, 1536 Edition translated and annotated by 

Ford Lewis Battles (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1975), p. lii. It would be safe to say he 

had read Zwingli, Luther and Bucer by this time. 

10 Calvin, Institutes, p. 110. 

11 Calvin, Institutes, p. 106. Ubiquity is the idea that Christ’s glorified body is able to be 

in more than one place at a time; his body can be everywhere. Battles points out that 

Calvin is referring to Luther’s statements in The Sacrament of the Body and Blood of Christ 

Institutes,., p. 282 and Calvin goes so far as to call anyone holding this position a 

madman. Institutes, p. 106. 

12 He calls the bread ‘spiritual food, sweet and delicate’ where our faith is fed. Calvin, 

Institutes, pp. 110 and 107, see also p. 93. 






Short Treatise on the Lord’s Supper of Our Lord Jesus Christ 

In 1538 Calvin was forced out of Geneva by the Genevan Council and spent 

three years in Strasbourg as a university lecturer and pastor of a 

congregation of French refugees. These were some of the happiest years for 

Calvin. 16 At this time Calvin was greatly influenced by Martin Bucer, the 

lead reformer of that city and a strong supporter of unity among Protestants. 

Bucer magnified the importance of the Holy Spirit in his theology. At this 

point it will be helpful to show Bucer’s beliefs about the Supper, especially 

the place of the Holy Spirit in our communion with Christ when we 

participate in the Supper. 

Bucer wrote three important works on the Supper that reveal a 

progression in thought as well as willingness to compromise for the sake of 

unity. In 1526 he wrote ‘The Apology of Martin Bucer’ on the Eucharist in 

response to accusations made by John Brenz who had devised the Lutheran 

formula adopted by the Lutheran clergy meeting at Schwabisch-Hall in 1525. 

In Bucer’s Apology representing the Strasbourg Preachers, he thoroughly 

rejected any form of a physical presence of Christ in the Supper. 17 He began 

by stressing his distaste for disputes because of the division they cause. 

Though he advocates unity he was not very conciliatory at this time. There 

is little attempt to pacify Brenz, and the document is focused almost entirely 

on rejecting the Lutheran belief in the real presence of Christ in the Supper. 

In this writing the Supper is seen as a memorial only, 18 and any idea of the 

sacraments as confirming or strengthening faith is absent. 19 Also there is no 

16 Carter Lindberg, The European Reformations (Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing, 1996), 

p. 258. 

17 One can see the similarity here with Calvin’s later position in the 1536 Institutes. 

18 Bucer stated, ‘The Spirit seems to us to teaching *sic+ nothing further than this. For in 

those passages he has presented the Supper as being nothing more for us than the 

solemn commemoration of Christ’s death endured on our behalf.’ Martin Bucer, 

Common Places (Appleford, England: The Sutton Courtenay Press, 1972), p. 321. Here 

he is clear that the Supper means ‘nothing more’ than a commemoration. 

19 He stated, ‘Wherefore those who teach that faith is confirmed by the use of the 

sacraments, or that just as herbs and certain other things are applied for the healing of 

the body, so the sacraments serve as instruments for the soul’s salvation to God, will be 

furnishing ready proof that someone other than the Holy Spirit is the author of their 

teaching. As faith is begotten by the operation of the Spirit, so it is increased and 

confirmed by the same, while the Spirit himself is granted and imparted by the Father 

by virtue of the merit of Christ and not in the least by virtue of the use of the 

sacraments.’ Bucer, Common Places, p. 320. Here he seemingly rejected the Supper 

even as a means of the Holy Spirit for strengthening faith. 



mention of communion with Christ in the participation of the Supper. But 

even at this early stage we see some hints of what Bucer and Calvin will 

teach later. He said, ‘In this act of remembrance, if we believe, we truly but 

spiritually eat and drink his body and blood, and are nourished for eternal 

life.’ 20 This sounds like the Supper is supposed to be a means for spiritual 

nourishment. Perhaps he embraced the concept of spiritual nourishment on 

an ongoing basis for the strengthening of faith even at this time, but the 

Apology is so polemic against the ‘carnal eating’ of Christ that he appears to 

have contradicted himself in other places in the document. He made 

reference to the ministry of the Spirit in ‘directing the minds of the believers 

above’ signifying we are somehow taken up to the presence of God rather 

than the flesh of Christ brought down to us in the elements; 21 this idea will 

be more fully developed in the writings of Calvin. For Bucer there is a 

‘spiritual presence and eating’ 22 for the faithful of the ‘bodily body of Christ, 

but spiritually and in a manner that conveys blessing.’ 23 These blessings in 

the Supper are experienced by the work of the Spirit; Christ physically 

remains in heaven, and the Spirit produces the results. Bucer only briefly 

touched on these aspects of spiritual blessing at this time, but they will be 

expounded upon as he sought amelioration between the Zwinglians and 

Lutherans. 24 

Ten years later he wrote the Account of the Concord entered into in 1536 

at Wittenberg between Luther and the Theologians of Upper Germany on 

the issue of the Eucharist where he included the Articles or Formula of 

Concord 25 and expounded upon them. It appears Bucer took almost a 180- 

degree turn from the previous document. 26 He admitted to 

20 Bucer, Common Places, p. 325. 

21 Bucer, Common Places, pp. 325-326. 



24 One cannot help but notice the early similarities with Bucer’s early writings and 

Calvin’s 1536 Institutes. 

25 An article seeking agreement between the Swiss and German churches that up to this 

point were at odds with each other. The Catholic church was beginning to organize 

and so it was critical for the survival of the Reformation that they try to put aside their 

differences. The major point of contention was their differences on the Lord’s Supper. 

26 W.P. Stephens notes, ‘The effect of this shift in emphasis and understanding is seen in 

the Gospels (1536). References that might offend are omitted and any idea that the 

bread and wine are bare signs of an absent Christ is rejected.’ W.P. Stephens, The Holy 

Spirit in the Theology of Martin Bucer (Cambridge: University Press, 1970), p. 254. 



misunderstanding Luther and so went out of his way to stress a ‘true 

presence’ of Christ in the Supper. He wholly agreed to the statement in the 

Concord, which said, ‘Accordingly they maintain and teach that with the 

bread and the wine the body and blood of Christ are truly and substantially 

present and presented and received.’ 27 So long as ‘substantially present’ 

doesn’t mean ‘presented as food for the stomach’ he had no qualms using 

and teaching this phrase. He is clearly seeking unity by giving the benefit of 

the doubt to the Lutherans, 28 but he has also brought in a new emphasis on 

his own part of a spiritual eating of Christ’s body where the sacraments are 

‘channels of divine grace.’ 29 He said, ‘His true body and true blood are truly 

presented, given and received with the visible signs of bread and wine.’ 30 

The Supper is no longer simply a memorial for Bucer, but rather a means for 

ongoing communion with Christ: ‘By receiving it *the sacrament+ they might 

have Christ living in them ever more and more, and might live in him and 

worthily celebrate the benefit of his death.’ 31 In the first document there was 

no mention of communion with Christ in the partaking of the Supper, but in 

the 1536 document it becomes the centerpiece of the sacrament. He 

continued to emphasize the role of the Holy Spirit in this communion who 

‘brings about and increases in us faith and any goodness we possess’ 

through the partaking of the Supper. 32 Two years later Calvin came to 

Strasbourg, where Bucer significantly influenced him, as we shall see. 

Like Bucer, Calvin saw a ‘true communication’ of Christ in the Supper. 33 

Christ’s body is presented to us in the Supper. It should be noted that he 

does not say with the Concord of Wittenberg that Christ’s body is both present 

and presented. 34 Bucer probably had some difficulties with the language of 

the body being present because the Lutherans clearly meant by present the 

27 Martin Bucer, Common Places, p. 362. 

28 Two points of contention that are never really solved are the questions ‘Is Christ bodily 

present in the elements?’ and ‘Is the Supper efficacious to the unbeliever?’ 





33 Calvin said, ‘To deny that a true communication of Jesus Christ is presented to us in 

the Supper, is to render this holy sacrament frivolous and useless – an execrable 

blasphemy unfit to be listened to.’ Calvin, Selected Works, p. 161. 




body of Christ was present locally in the elements. 35 How Christ’s body can 

be presented without being in the elements is a mystery, but Calvin 

indicated the solution: ‘In order to exclude all carnal fancies, we must raise 

our hearts upwards to heaven, not thinking that our Lord Jesus is so 

debased as to be enclosed under some corruptible elements.’ 36 Here we see 

Calvin’s doctrine of sursum corda of which he will expound upon more 

thoroughly as his view matures. The idea is that rather than Christ’s body 

coming down to earth, the partaker of the Supper is spiritually raised to 

heaven and spiritually feeds on the body of Christ. 37 Colossians 3:1-3, 1 

Corinthians 10:16, 11:23-26 and Ephesians 5:28-33 were critical texts in 

support of this belief. Christ’s body is not brought down to us, but instead 

we are raised spiritually with Christ and partake of his body spiritually 

when we join in the Supper in faith. This mystical communion takes place 

by the work of the Spirit: ‘A life-giving virtue from Christ’s flesh is poured 

into us by the Spirit, though it is at a great distance from us, and is not 

mixed with us.’ 38 This brings us to the next element Calvin had in common 

with Bucer, the emphasis of the Spirit. 

In discussing the idea of sursum corda Calvin goes on to explain: ‘On the 

other hand, not to impair the efficacy of this holy ordinance, we must hold 

that it is made effectual by the secret and miraculous power of God, and that 

the Spirit of God is the bond of participation, this being the reason why it is 

called spiritual.’ 39 Earlier he said Christ ‘operates in us inwardly by his Holy 

Spirit, in order to give efficacy to his ordinance.’ 40 Both Calvin and Bucer 

were not willing to embrace an ex opere operato understanding of the Supper 

35 Bucer stated, ‘In the Supper by the ordinance and operation of the Lord, his true body 

and true blood are truly (exactly as his words indicate) presented, given and received 

with the visible signs of bread and wine.’ Common Places, p. 359. 

36 Calvin, Selected Works, pp. 185-186. 

37 In the 1536 edition of the Institutes he briefly mentions the sursum corda concept but 

instead of our hearts being raised as it is stated in the Short Treatise, he says our minds 

should be raised up to ‘seek him in heaven’ adoring him spiritually rather than 

carnally. 1536 Institutes, p. 108. 

38 John Calvin, Commentary on the Epistle of Paul the Apostle to the Corinthians (Grand 

Rapids: Baker Books, 2005), 379. He went on to say, ‘For as to his communicating 

himself to us, that is effected through the secret virtue of his Holy Spirit, which can not 

merely bring together, but join in one, things that are separated by distance of place, 

and far remote.’ He then reminds us, ‘It is a secret and wonderful work of the Holy 

Spirit, which it were criminal to measure by the standard of our understanding’ p.380. 

39 1536 Institutes, p. 108. 

40 1536 Institutes, p. 164. 



where the elements of the Supper imparted grace whether the participant 

had faith or not, which seemed to be demanded if the body of Christ is 

present in the elements. 41 Their introduction of the work of the Spirit was 

key to their maintaining that the Supper is not simply a memorial but rather 

a true participation in the body of Christ, without being physically eaten by 

the recipient. The real difference between the Swiss (Reformed) view and 

the German (Lutheran) view of the Supper was the spiritual eating of the 

body of Christ instead of the physical eating of the body of Christ; this will 

later be expounded upon. 

The Consensus Tigurinus 

Attempts at unity in the body of Christ were very important to the 

Reformers. The Catholic Church began to unify its ranks through the 

Council of Trent and maintained a concerted effort to root out all the 

‘heresy’ of the Reformation. The Reformers knew that a part of this attempt 

at unification by the Catholics could mean warfare and so a united front was 

necessary to withstand the onslaught, not to mention the detraction of God’s 

glory bred by disunity. In all of the attempts of unity the Lord’s Supper was 

at the forefront of disagreement. We have noted the endeavor for unity 

between Zurich and Germany in the Concord of Wittenberg, with Bucer as 

the chief instigator willing to compromise by giving extreme latitude to the 

Lutherans in the use of the words ‘present’ and ‘presenting’ concerning the 

substance of the Lord’s body in the sacrament. Calvin follows Bucer in his 

appreciation for unity. Calvin and Bucer have amazing parallels: Bucer’s 

Apologia was polemic and not very advanced, which was written in 1525. 

Next came Calvin’s 1536 Institutes, which was also contentious in nature and 

still in the infant stage of his development of the doctrine of the Lord’s 

Supper. In 1536 Bucer wrote on his agreement with the Concord of 

Wittenberg as it pertained to the Lord’s Supper and came across very irenic 

with a fuller doctrine of the Supper especially concerning the place of the 

Spirit and communion with Christ. Calvin then wrote the Short Treatise in 

1540 while in Strasbourg with Bucer showing a more developed 

understanding of the place of the Spirit and communion in the Supper and 

41 The Lutherans historically denied this but the Roman Catholics make the point that if 

the actual body of Christ is being eaten, supernatural grace would be automatically 

effected. 



also revealing a desire for unity between the opposing groups within the 

Reformation. 42 Calvin’s major attempt at unity with the churches in Zurich 

can be seen in the Consensus Tigurinus of 1549 where intentionally vague 

language is used in hopes to appease all groups without compromise; 43 his 

place for the Holy Spirit is key in this attempt for a middle ground between 

the Lutherans and Zwinglians. 44 

In the Consensus Tigurinus Calvin is seeking unity with the Swiss 

churches and therefore goes out of his way to stress the distinctness of the 

sign and the thing signified without entirely separating them: 

Wherefore, though we distinguish, as we ought, between the signs 

and the things signified, yet we do not disjoin the reality from the 

signs, but acknowledge that all who in faith embrace the promises 

there offered receive Christ spiritually, with his spiritual gifts, while 

those who had long been made partakers of Christ continue and 

renew that communion. 45 

The emphasis here is on receiving Christ spiritually rather than bodily. 

There is no mention of sursum Corda, which he seems to shy away from at 

this time. 46 Calvin made it clear that all the work done is by the Holy Spirit, 

not the Sacraments, though the sacraments can be a means to accomplish his 

work: 

For it is God alone who acts by his Spirit. When he uses the 

instrumentality of the sacraments, he neither infuses his own virtue 

into them nor derogates in any respect from the effectual working of 

42 Calvin was even willing to agree to the Augsburg Confession, probably because he 

knew the intent of the author, Philip Melanchthon who held to a similar view of the 

Supper along with Bucer as well as John Bradford. Alexander Barclay, The Protestant 

Doctrine of the Lord’s Supper, p. 138-139; 121. See also John Bradford, The Writings of 

John Bradford (Carlisle, Penn: Banner of Truth Trust, 1979), 1:82-110 and Philip 

Melanchthon, Loci Communes (Saint Louis: Concordia Publishing House, 1992), pp. 145- 

153. 

43 He denied the use of vague speech but does want to state the belief in such a way that 

all can agree without denying the importance of truth. Calvin, Selected Works, pp. 208- 

209. 

44 Calvin explicitly stated he was seeking a middle ground in his explanation of the 

Consensus: ‘If a middle course has been observed by us, who will not call those 

obstinate enemies of the truth, who choose rather to carp maliciously at a holy consent, 

than either civilly embrace, or at least silently approve it?’ Selected Works, p. 210. 

45 John Calvin, Selected Works, p. 202. 

46 He will return to the idea of sursum corda in the 1559 Institutes. 



his Spirit, but, in adaptation to our weakness, uses them as helps; in 

such manner, however, that the whole power of acting remains with 

him alone. 47 

The Holy Spirit advances, nourishes, confirms and increases our faith and 

feeds our souls through the sacraments, 48 accomplishing their chief end, 

which is communion with Christ. 49 

The Second Defense Against Westphall (1556) 

By 1556 it is clear that Calvin and Bucer have taken a different tone toward 

the Lutherans. Hope for unity has been lost and congenial speech has been 

replaced with pejorative accusations. 50 Calvin wrote his Second Defense to 

oppose the Lutheran Joachim Westphall who attacked the Consensus 

Tigurinus. In this writing Calvin demonstrated no tolerance for the idea that 

‘Christ is sensibly chewed by the teeth,’ 51 which he described as ‘dragging 

the body *of Jesus+ down from heaven.’ 52 He disagreed with Westphall in 

three major areas: 

First, he insists that the bread of the Supper is substantially the body 

of Christ. Secondly, in order that Christ may exhibit himself present to 

believers, he insists that his body is immense, and exists everywhere 

without place. Thirdly, he insists that no figure is to be admitted in the 

words of Christ, whatever agreement there may be as to the thing. 53 

Though Calvin is very polemical in this writing it should not be considered a 

reaction because he doesn’t pendulum swing away from his previously held 

understanding; instead he refined his beliefs. He maintained his emphasis 

on communion with God as well as the Spirit playing the major role in the 

47 Calvin, Selected Works, p. 203. 

48 Calvin, Selected Works, pp. 204-206. 

49 He states, ‘The end for which the sacraments were instituted


benefits obtained from the Supper. The chief contribution of the Second 

Defense toward Calvin’s understanding of the Supper is the development of 

the idea of sursum corda. 

In stating that he abhorred the idea of a local presence of the body of 

Christ in the Supper, calling it ‘gross fiction,’ he presented his own view: 

For I hold that Christ is not present in the Supper in any other way 

than this because the minds of believers (this being an heavenly act) 

are raised by faith above the world, and Christ, by the agency of his 

Spirit, removing the obstacle which distance of space might occasion, 

conjoins us with his members. 54 

Here we see the idea of the mind or heart of the believer being raised up 

spiritually to Christ in heaven where he or she spiritually feeds on the 

physical body of Christ, what some have affectionately called the ‘beam me 

up Scotty’ view. 55 He said that a ‘true and real communion, which consists 

in our ascent to heaven, and requires no other descent in Christ than that of 

spiritual grace’ takes place by faith, where Christ infuses ‘his vivifying virtue 

in us’ without moving his body from heaven. 56 It is a ‘true and real 

communion’ but not a bodily presence in the bread. 57 The Spirit solves the 

problem of space so that we can remain on earth physically and Christ can 

remain in heaven as far as his human nature is concerned; there is no need 

for the invention of ubiquity, but rather mystery is employed. 58 The 

Lutheran understanding of ubiquity maintained that Christ’s glorified body 

could be everywhere at once, but for Calvin this confused the human and 

divine natures of Christ. In his divinity Christ is everywhere (Matthew 

28:20), but in his humanity he remains in heaven until his second coming 

(Acts 1:11). By the ‘secret influence of the Spirit’ we truly partake in the 

flesh of Christ, experiencing the benefits of that flesh in the Supper without 


55 Lecture on the Institutes at RTS by Dr. Richard Gamble. 


57 Calvin has referred to the Supper as a ‘true presence’ and a ‘real communion’ but he 

has never specifically called it a ‘real presence’ which is the Lutheran position. 

58 He stated, ‘Christ, by the incomprehensible agency of his Spirit, perfectly unites things 

disjoined by space, and thus feeds our souls with his flesh, though his flesh does not 

leave heaven, and we keep creeping on the earth.’ Calvin, Selected Works, p. 278. 



physically eating that flesh. 59 This idea of sursum corda was in its infant stage 

prior to the contention with Westphall, but is now fully developed. 60 Christ 

remains physically in heaven and the believer stays on earth, but the Spirit 

affects communion between Christ and the believer through the means of 

the Supper, and communicates the benefits of the body of Christ to the 

believer spiritually when faith is displayed. 

1559 Institutes 

The 1559 Institutes is the most thorough of Calvin’s treatments on the Lord’s 

Supper and the most mature. He first discussed the sacraments in general 

and then the sacrament of the Lord’s Supper in particular and in both places 

his central focus was on the Holy Spirit’s work to achieve intimate 

communion between Christ and the believer, especially through the means 

of the Lord’s Supper. First we will look at the place of the Spirit in the 1559 

Institutes, then the place of communion as pertaining to the Supper. 

For Calvin nothing of spiritual significance can take place apart from the 

Spirit. Without His illumination we are blind, stupid and have ‘no relish for 

spiritual things.’ 61 The Spirit ‘opens up an entrance to our hearts for the 

word and sacraments’ which he uses to ‘sustain, nourish, confirm, and 

increase faith.’ 62 The Spirit gives faith and then increases and nourishes that 

faith through the sacraments; in other words, ‘faith is the proper and entire 

work of the Holy Spirit.’ 63 There is nothing magical about the sacraments; 

59 He says, ‘I acknowledge, however, that by the virtue, of his Spirit and his own divine 

essence, he not only fills heaven and earth, but also miraculously unites us with 

himself in one body, so that that flesh, although it remain in heaven, is our food. Thus I 

teach that Christ, though absent in body, is nevertheless not only present with us by 

his divine energy, which is everywhere diffused, but also makes his flesh give life to 

us. For seeing he penetrates to us by the secret influence of his Spirit, it is not 

necessary, as we have elsewhere said, that he should descend bodily.’ Calvin, Selected 

Works, p. 266. 

60 It is interesting that Bucer never speaks of this concept in detail. He mentions the idea 

in passing in his early writing The Apology, but never elaborates, whereas Calvin 

expounds on it more and more throughout his career. Calvin is a beneficiary of 

Bucer’s ideas on the Supper as has been shown in the progression of their writings, but 

this idea of sursum corda appears to be unique with Calvin. 

61 Calvin, Institutes of the Christian Religion (1559) translated by Henry Beveridge (Grand 

Rapids: Eerdmans, 1989), 4. 14,8. 

62 Calvin, Institutes, 4.14,8 

63 Calvin, Institutes, 4.14,8 



there is no ‘secret efficacy perpetually inherent in them.’ 64 But the Holy 

Spirit uses the sacraments as a means to the end of increasing faith. 65 This 

understanding of the necessity of the Spirit fits well with his definition of a 

sacrament: 

It is an external sign, by which the Lord seals on our consciences his 

promises of good-will toward us, in order to sustain the weakness of 

our faith, and we in our turn testify our piety towards him, both 

before himself, and before angels as well as men. 66 

The Holy Spirit seals his promises in our hearts and strengthens our faith 

through the sacraments. 

The place of communion is central to Calvin’s thinking in all of his 

theology and especially in his understanding of the Supper. The cross 

attained the forgiveness of sins so that a person could be united with Christ. 

The Supper is a means of grace where this union is remembered as well as 

experienced. Calvin considered the Supper a sign and a seal. As a sign it is 

a memorial for the Christian to often remember what Christ has done for 

him or her. As a seal there is a blessing of grace received. The word and 

sacraments are God’s means of our appropriating God’s promises, chief of 

which is our communion with Christ. In this life we never arrive at full 

communion with God so the Supper is an instrument God uses to further 

this union until its completion when we arrive in heaven: ‘It *the sacrament+ 

is a help by which we may be ingrafted into the body of Christ, or, already 

ingrafted, may be more and more united to him, until the union is 

completed in heaven.’ 67 As we shall see later, it is the Spirit who brings 

about the experience of communion for the believer through the Supper. 

The Best Method of Obtaining Concord 

Toward the end of his life Calvin made one final attempt to bring unity 

between the opposing groups in a brief work called The Best Method of 

64 Calvin, Institutes, 4. 14,9. 

65 He states, ‘They confer nothing, and avail nothing, if not received in faith, just as wine 

and oil, or any other liquor, however large the quantity which you pour out, will run 

away and perish unless there be an open vessel to receive it.’ Calvin, Institutes, 14,17. 





Obtaining Concord. 68 Nothing new is found in this writing, but Calvin’s 

mature position is still fully represented. 69 He began by defining the two 

polar positions: ‘What produced the greatest hatred was the allegation by 

one party that the grace of the Spirit was tied down to external elements; 

and, by the other, that only bare and empty figures resembling theatrical 

shows were left.’ 70 He then claimed that these disagreements had already 

been settled by the median position he presented in the past and restated in 

this writing. He declared that the Lutherans should be satisfied because he 

does not see the elements of the Supper as bare symbols, but rather through 

the Spirit the believer is truly nourished by the body and blood of Jesus. He 

does not agree with any carnal eating of Christ (the physical eating of the 

body of Christ), but the flesh of Christ is consumed spiritually. He 

explained that using the word spiritual does not turn the Supper into a mere 

phantom, but rather adheres to the clear teaching of Scripture and the early 

writings of the Church. He also believed that his rejecting the carnal eating 

of Christ should satisfy the Zwinglians and therefore everyone should be 

able to be in a state of concord. 

Once again his solution to the problem of disunity is the Spirit. Rather 

than resorting to unbiblical notions of eating Jesus with one’s teeth or the 

idea of ubiquity (that a physical body can be in more than one place at a 

time) he embraces mystery – that somehow the Spirit is able to unite things 

separated by space. He finishes his writing retelling briefly the idea of 

sursum corda saying: 

This definition answers the question, What is it to receive the body of 

Christ in the Supper by faith? Some are suspicious of the term faith, as 

if it overthrew the reality and the effect. But we ought to view it far 

otherwise, viz., That the only way in which we are conjoined to Christ 

is by raising our minds above the world. Accordingly, the bond of our 

union with Christ is faith, which raises us upwards, and casts its 

anchor in heaven, so that instead of subjecting Christ to the figments 

of our reason: we seek him above in his glory. 71 

68 This was published in January of 1561 against Tilemann Hesshuss. 

69 Barclay says of this document: ‘It is the essence of his thought.’ Alexander Barclay, The 

Protestant Doctrine of the Lord’s Supper, p. 226. 

70 Calvin, Selected Writings, p. 518. 

71 Calvin, Selected Writings, p. 523. 



The Spirit raises our minds to Christ in heaven where we then experience 

the benefits of the body and blood of Christ as we partake in the elements of 

the Supper. A true communion takes place by the Spirit through faith. 

Calvin’s Understanding of the Spirit 

At this point it will help to discuss briefly Calvin’s understanding of the 

Spirit and his central role in the life of the believer before he or she gets to 

heaven. Though Calvin always sought to remain Biblical and preferred to 

‘act’ rather than ‘react’ to situations, he was caught in between two 

opponents, both of which he saw as dangerous: the Roman Catholic 

Church’s captivity of the Scriptures and the Radical Reformers oversubjectivity 

of the Spirit. 72 In the midst of this battle he forged his doctrine of 

word and Spirit. 73 The Roman Catholic Church believed that the laity were 

not able to correctly interpret Scripture, which seemed to shackle the Spirit 

to a few select people, 74 but many of the Radical Reformers bypassed the 

Scriptures opting for direct new revelations to all believers. 75 Calvin alleged 

that the Spirit speaks through the Word and Sacraments. ‘Not that the Spirit 

was restricted to the preaching of the Word and to the sacraments, but that 

he could not be dissociated from either of them.’ 76 The Scriptures and the 

sacraments are not magical and are useless apart from the Spirit as far as 

bringing communion is concerned, 77 but they are means the Spirit uses to 

reveal his truths. The Spirit wrote the Scriptures, inspires the preacher of the 

Word and gives an internal witness to the hearer that the Scriptures are from 

God. 78 The Spirit is absolutely necessary because of the depravity of 

humans. This is also true with the Supper. The Spirit uses it as a means to 

72 Willem Balke says, ‘Calvin, the theologian of the Holy Spirit, wanted to guard against 

Fanaticism without curtailing the freedom of the Holy Spirit in any way.’ Willem 

Balke, Calvin and the Anabaptist Radicals (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1981), p. 326. 

73 See Augustus Lopez, ‘Calvin, Theologian of the Holy Spirit: The Holy Spirit and the 

Word of God’ in Scottish Bulletin of Evangelical Theology (1997), 15:40. 

74 See Calvin, Institutes 1.7. Calvin says this is an insult to the Holy Spirit. 1.7,1. 

75 See Calvin, Institutes 1.9. 

76 Augustus Lopez, ‘Calvin, Theologian of the Holy Spirit: The Holy Spirit and the Word 

of God’ p. 44. 

77 

Both the Scriptures and the Sacraments will bring judgment on the unbeliever (John 

5:39-47; 1 Corinthians 11:27-29). 




communicate to the believer and has chosen this means to bring about 

communion in a special way to the believer, but is not bound to the Supper 

in an automatic sense. What Lopes says about the Word is also true of the 

Supper and reveals the preeminence of the Spirit: ‘The Word is not like a 

talisman, which liberates its magical powers when called upon to do so, at 

the whims of its possessor. The efficacy of the Word, on the contrary, is 

totally dependent on the sovereignty of the Spirit.’ 79 For Calvin communion 

can only take place by the work of the Spirit who uses the means of the 

Word and the sacraments to accomplish intimate communion. 

Calvin, the Spirit and Communion 

Willem Van’t Spijker has rightly noted ‘Communion with Christ *is+ the 

heart of Calvin’s theology.’ 80 In our survey we saw the close connection of 

the Spirit, communion with Christ and the Supper. It will be helpful to 

review some of the aspects of this connection as well as some implications of 

his emphases. 

First Calvin recognized an element of mystery in the concept of how we 

are fed by a distant Christ. The two extremes of a mere sign and the actual 

eating of Christ’s flesh with our teeth were both unacceptable. A true 

feeding of Christ’s body does take place in the Supper but the question of 

how must be relegated to mystery. He said, ‘It were, therefore, extreme 

infatuation not to acknowledge the communion of believers with the body 

and blood of the Lord, a communion which the apostle declares to be so 

great, that he chooses rather to marvel at it than to explain it.’ 81 When asked 

to explain how communion takes place in the Lord’s Supper, he replied: ‘I 

am overwhelmed by the depth of this mystery, and am not ashamed to join 

Paul in acknowledging at once my ignorance and my admiration


of that intercourse.’ 82 He then attempted to elucidate the unexplainable by 

resorting to ‘the secret virtue of the Holy Spirit.’ 83 He acknowledged, ‘The 

Spirit truly unites things separated by space.’ 84 This mysterious work is 

referred to as sursum corda. Ronald Wallace gives a good, succinct 

explanation of sursum corda: ‘Communion with the body of Christ is effected 

through the descent of the Holy Spirit, by whom our souls are lifted up to 

heaven, there to partake of the life transfused into us from the flesh of 

Christ.’ 85 

A second aspect in the connection between the Spirit, communion and 

the Supper for Calvin is the place of faith. Two false doctrines must be 

guarded against: the idea that there is something magical in the elements 

and the notion that there is something good in humans. Calvin’s solution 

was the necessity of faith. The elements were useless apart from faith and 

faith was a gift from the Holy Spirit. Wilhelm Niesel explains: 

If the Holy Spirit accomplishes His work, the receptive faculty of faith 

is created and strengthened in us: for we ourselves are intrinsically 

incapable of receiving Jesus Christ into ourselves. Neither our soul 

nor our physical lips are capable of receiving the Lord who died and 

rose again for us. Christ Himself must by His Spirit open our hearts to 

His coming. This accessibility to Himself which He creates is called 

faith.86 

The Holy Spirit creates and strengthens faith in us through the Word and 

sacraments. 87 Faith is necessary for the Word and sacraments to be affective 

and the Spirit gives the faith as well as strengthens the faith through the 

Word and sacraments by imparting Christ to us. 88 

82 John Calvin, Commentaries on the Epistles of Paul to the Galatians and Ephesians (Grand 

Rapids, Mich.: Baker Books, 2005), 325. 


84 Calvin, Institutes, 4. 17,10 

85 Ronald Wallace, Calvin’s Doctrine of the Word and Sacrament (Eugene, OR: Wipf and 

Stock Publishers, 1982), p. 206. 

86 Wilhelm Niesel, The Theology of Calvin (Philadelphia: The Westminster Press, 1956), p. 

227. 

87 Calvin said, ‘Our Lord has instituted them *the sacraments] for the express purpose of 

helping to establish and increase our faith,’ Institutes, 4. 14,9. 

88 Calvin stated, ‘I admit, indeed, that faith is the proper and entire work of the Holy 

Spirit, enlightened by whom we recognize God and the treasures of his grace, and 

without whose illumination our mind is so blind that it can see nothing, so stupid that 



Finally the benefits the Spirit brings by means of the Supper must be 

mentioned. Calvin said, ‘We expect salvation from him – not because he 

stands aloof from us, but because ingrafting us into his body he not only 

makes us partakers of all his benefits, but also of himself.’ 89 Through our 

union with Christ we experience his benefits and through ever-increasing 

communion we experience those benefits more and more. 90 The Supper is 

an aid to this communion and experience of Christ’s benefits when received 

in faith ‘by the means of the Holy Spirit.’ 91 First let’s notice the experiential 

nature of our encounter with Christ and his benefits then let’s observe the 

specific blessing of sanctification. 

For Calvin the sacraments, when ‘accompanied by the Spirit, the internal 

Master, whose energy alone penetrates the heart, stirs up the affections.’ 92 

Though Calvin should not be considered a mystic, he definitely saw 

Christianity affecting the whole person. Our minds are transformed and our 

affections are stirred as well as our wills changed. True knowledge of God is 

increased through the instrumentality of the sacraments ‘so as to possess 

him [Christ] more fully, and enjoy him in all his richness’ (emphasis mine). 93 

Calvin asserted that we are to ‘feel within ourselves the efficacy of that one 

sacrifice’ through the Supper. 94 Like the Puritans after him he used 

it has no relish for spiritual things. But for the one Divine blessing which they 

proclaim we count three. For, first, the Lord teaches and trains us by his word; next, he 

confirms us by his sacraments; lastly, he illumines our mind by the light of his Holy 

Spirit, and opens up an entrance into our hearts for his word and sacraments, which 

would otherwise only strike our ears, and fall upon our sight, but by no means affect 

us inwardly.’ Calvin, Institutes, 4. 14,8. 


90 He went on to say, ‘Christ is not external to us, but dwells in us; and not only unites us 

to himself by an undivided bond of fellowship, but by a wondrous communion brings 

us daily into closer connection, until he becomes altogether one with us.’ Calvin, 

Institutes. 

91 Calvin, Institutes, 4. 14,17, 16. 



94 Calvin, Institutes, 4. 17,1. see also 4. 17,11 where he claimed that through the ‘mystery 

of the Supper


experiential language to describe the affects of the Supper when combined 

with faith and the Spirit. 95 He was not satisfied with a mere notional faith. 96 

Not only does the Supper arouse our affections, it conforms our wills to 

Christ when combined with faith and the Spirit. Though the gospel reveals 

our justification should be sought extra nos (outside of us), through the Spirit 

Christ becomes in nobis (in us) and actually makes a difference in our lives. 97 

For Calvin the Spirit was not only the solution to the problem of the bodily 

absence of Christ, but the synthesis of justification and sanctification as well. 

In fear of stereotyping it might be said that for the Lutheran camp of the 

Reformation an attempt was made to separate justification from 

sanctification as far apart as possible; the Reformed branch endeavored to 

keep them as close as possible without losing their distinction; 98 for Calvin 

communion with God was the solution. In communion the Spirit transforms 

the believer, gradually making him or her more like Christ. 99 We possess the 

benefits of Christ’s death through communion with Christ, which the Spirit 

accomplishes. 100 This appropriation is through faith, but faith itself comes 

from the Spirit. 101 The Supper is a means of grace by which we experience 

communion with God afresh and thus appropriate the benefits of Christ’s 

death, one of which is our sanctification. 102 

95 He commented, ‘Moreover, as we see that this sacred bread of the Lord’s Supper is 

spiritual food, is sweet and savoury, not less than salutary, to the pious worshippers of 

God, on tasting which they feel that Christ is their life, are disposed to give thanks, and 

exhorted to mutual love; so, on the other hand, it is converted into the most noxious 

poison to all whom it does not nourish and confirm in the faith, nor urge to 

thanksgiving and charity.’ Calvin, Institutes, 4. 17,40. 

96 He says, ‘He is offered by the promises, not that we may stop short at the sight or mere 

knowledge of him, but that we may enjoy true communion with him.’ Calvin, 

Institutes, 4. 17,11. 

97 Peter De Klerk [ed], Calvin and the Holy Spirit, p. 44. 

98 J. Calvin, Commentary on the first Epistle to the Corinthians, 1 Corinthians 1:30. Also 

Calvin, Institutes,, 3. 2,8. 

99 Calvin, Institutes,, 3. 1,1-5. 

100 He says, ‘The Holy Spirit is the bond by which Christ effectually binds us to himself.’ 

Calvin, Institutes, 3. 1,1. 

101 He says, ‘Faith itself is produced only by the Spirit.’ 3. 1,4 




Conclusion 

It is evident that the Holy Spirit played a chief role in Calvin’s doctrine in 

general and specifically in his doctrine of the Lord’s Supper. It is also clear 

that communion with God was at least a central focus in his understanding 

of the purpose of the Supper and perhaps his entire system of theology. 

Was his interest in the Spirit, communion and the Supper lost to the next 

generation of reformers and beyond? It would be a worthwhile study to see 

how Calvin has influenced the church even to this day in his particular 

emphasis of the Spirit, communion and the Supper. It is apparent he at least 

heavily influenced the Puritans. In the early seventeenth century Richard 

Sibbes wrote extensively on the Holy Spirit and in the later part of the 

seventeenth century John Owen also covered the doctrine of the Spirit in a 

comprehensive manner. Both of these Puritans also greatly emphasized the 

place of communion with God, especially as it is experienced in the Supper. 

Sibbes stated: 

Fifthly, and especially, when the soul is touched with the Spirit of God, 

working faith, stirring up dependence, confidence, and trust on God. 

Hence ariseth sweet communion. The soul is never at rest till it rests 

on him. Then it is afraid to break with him or to displease him. But it 

groweth zealous and resolute, and hot in love, stiff in good cases; 

resolute against his enemies. And yet this is not all, for God will have 

also the outward man, so as the whole man must present itself before 

God in word, in sacraments; speak of him and to him with reverence, 

and yet with strength of affection mounting up in prayer, as in a fiery 

chariot; hear him speak to us; consulting with his oracles; fetching 

comforts against distresses, directions against maladies. 103 

Notice that Sibbes understanding of the Holy Spirit, communion and the 

sacraments are identical to Calvin’s teaching. He went on to encourage the 

believer to seek his or her happiness by seeking the Holy Spirit who will 

bring communion to the saint, especially through the sacraments. 104 

103 Richard Sibbes, The Works of Richard Sibbes 7 Volumes (London: Tho. Cotes, 1637), 7:69. 

104 Sibbes, The Works., 7:71-73. The Westminster Confession also revealed dependency on 

Calvin in its doctrine of the Lord’s Supper. In paragraph one of Chapter 29 it stated: 

‘Our Lord Jesus, in the night wherein He was betrayed, instituted the sacrament of His 

body and blood, called the Lord’s Supper, to be observed in His Church, unto the end 

of the world, for the perpetual remembrance of the sacrifice of Himself in His death; 

the sealing all benefits thereof unto true believers, their spiritual nourishment and 

growth in Him, their further engagement in and to all duties which they owe unto 



Calvin brings a rich but balanced understanding of the Supper with his 

emphases on the Spirit and communion with God. He avoids the absurd, 

but does not simply turn the institution to a mere memorial. His influence 

has continued to the present, blessing multitudes of Christians. We concur 

with the comments of I. John Hesselink in his article ‘Calvin, The Holy 

Spirit, and Mystical Union’: 

My hope is that this survey of a few aspects of Calvin’s doctrine of the 

Spirit does indeed confirm the thesis that Calvin is a theologian of the 

Holy Spirit. Focusing on this dimension of his theology reveals a 

personal, dynamic, and experiential side of the Genevan reformer 

often overlooked. This is also a dimension in our own faith and work 

that is often missing. Hence we can well emulate Calvin – and above 

all, God’s Word – in seeking to be Spirit-filled and Spirit-led servants 

of Jesus Christ. 105 

Calvin could not be considered a Pentecostal, but his experiential 

doctrine of the Supper should be seen as a resource for further encounter 

with the Spirit. Pentecostal churches have excelled in highlighting the work 

of the Spirit in experiential encounter with Christ in the worship service, 

especially during the singing of praises and practice of the spiritual gifts. 

Promoting another avenue for intimate communion with Christ as 

experienced in the Lord’s Supper would seem to be a natural fit for the 

Pentecostal movement. Though the Pentecostal might not agree with 

everything Calvin taught, his theology should still be recognized as a 

valuable resource for experiential contact with Christ. 

Him; and, to be a bond and pledge of their communion with Him, and with each other, 

as members of His mystical body.’ And then in paragraph seven it stated: ‘Worthy 

receivers, outwardly partaking of the visible elements, in this sacrament, do then also, 

inwardly by faith, really and indeed, yet not carnally and corporally but spiritually, 

receive and feed upon, Christ crucified, and all benefits of His death: the body and 

blood of Christ being then, not corporally or carnally, in, with, or under the bread and 

wine; yet, as really, but spiritually, present to the faith of believers in that ordinance, as 

the elements themselves are to their outward senses ‘ , M.H. Smith, Westminster 

Confession of Faith. Index created by Christian Classics Foundation; Published in 

electronic form by Christian Classics Foundation, (Greenville, SC: Greenville 

Presbyterian Theological Seminary Press, 1996). 

105 I. John Hesselink, ‘Calvin, the Holy Spirit, and Mystical Union’ in Perspectives (1998): 

Vol. 13, 1:18. 



The Significance of Cecil H. Polhill 

for the Development of Early 

Pentecostalism 

John Martin Usher 1 

Abstract 

Cecil Henry Polhill was a highly significant figure for the development of early 

Pentecostalism but very few have chosen to research him. There are several primary 

sources which give us an insight into where and how he fits into Pentecostal history. 

The Confidence periodicals preserve a perspective of Polhill from another significant 

figure of the early movement and close associate of Polhill's, Alexander Boddy. 

Flames of Fire, Polhill's own periodical, demonstrate his passion for foreign mission 

and for organising Pentecostal prayer meetings and conferences all over London. 

The official Minutes of the Pentecostal Missionary Union provide details of Polhill's 

leadership of the Union from 1909-1925 and his previously undisclosed personal 

account books reveal a wide range of substantial financial donations to Pentecostal 

causes. It is important to know about Polhill because he is so intrinsic to early 

Pentecostal history. From Azusa Street to Emmanuel Mission Hall, Bournemouth, 

and from Thomas Ball Barratt to Smith Wigglesworth and George Jeffreys, there 

was scarcely a major Pentecostal initiative that he was not involved in and he 

crossed paths with and financially supported many of the early Pentecostal leaders. 

Introduction 

There are three significant pieces of work which have examined, to varying 

extents, the question of Cecil Polhill's significance to the Pentecostal 

1 John Usher is PA to the Senior Pastor at York Elim Pentecostal Church he also studies a 

part time MA in Pentecostal and Charismatic Issues at Elim's Regents Theological 

College, Nantwich. His email is: usher.john@googlemail.com. 


John Usher 

movement. The first by a contemporary, Gee, 2 the following two by later 

Pentecostal scholars Hocken 3 and Kay 4 respectively. Polhill shared 

leadership of the early Pentecostal movement with Alexander Boddy but 

unlike the situation with Boddy 5 there has been no exhaustive research on 

Polhill's contribution to the movement over the course of his life. This paper 

will by no means be exhaustive but will provide previously unknown details 

of Polhill's significance for the development of the earliest stages of the 

Pentecostal movement. His significance financially, editorially, socially and 

in terms of mission was proportionally far higher than the amount of 

existing research on Polhill indicates. 

Methodology 

This paper will present most of Polhill's major financial donations to the 

early Pentecostal movement in the US, UK and Continental Europe between 

1908-1911. Table 1 shows the average annual salary in the UK and in 

selected states of the US for the years 1908-1910. This has been provided to 

give a point of comparison with today's monetary values. 

Table 1. Average Annual Salary in the UK and in Selected States of the 

US and Exchange Rates 1908-1910 

Average Annual Salary 1908 1909 1910 

UK 6 (Pounds and Shillings) £57.3s £57.4s £57.9s 

2 D. Gee, These Men I Knew (Nottingham: Assemblies of God Publishing House, 1980), 

73-77. 

3 P. Hocken, ‘Cecil H. Polhill – Pentecostal Layman’, PNEUMA, The Journal of the Society 

for Pentecostal Studies, Vol.10/No.2 (Fall, 1988) 116-140. 

4 P. Kay, The Four-Fold Gospel: Cecil Polhill and the Pentecostal Missionary Union, 

1909-1925. (Position Paper for Currents in World Christianity, University of 

Cambridge, 1996). 

5 G. Wakefield, Alexander Boddy Pentecostal Anglican Pioneer (London: Paternoster, 2007). 

6 C. Feinstein, ‘New estimates of average earnings in the United Kingdom, 1800-1913’, 

Economic History Review Vol.43/No.4 (1990). The indices on page 609 have been applied 

to the total for all sectors figure from Table 3 on page 603. Although the figure in Table 

3 is just for 1911, the indices on page 609 allow estimates to be made for all the years 

between 1881-1913 taking 1911 as a base figure. 


The Significance of Cecil Polhill 

Selected States of the US 7 

(Dollars and Cents) 

$494.00 $500.14 $603.90 

Exchange Rate 8 $4.87 = £1.00 

$4.87 = 

£1.00 

$4.86 = £1.00 

Background 

On February 23 rd , 1860, Cecil Henry Polhill was born into the wealthy 

Polhill-Turner family of Howbury Hall, Bedfordshire. 9 After five years at 

Eton10 and Cambridge Polhill was commissioned as a Lieutenant in the 

Bedfordshire Militia in 1880. 11 His younger brother, Arthur, was converted 

at D.L Moody’s Cambridge mission in 1882. 12 Arthur persuaded Cecil to 

read the bible every day and in 1884 Cecil ‘yielded himself to Christ’. 13 The 

two brothers felt called to be missionaries in China and so joined the China 

Inland Mission with five other Cambridge graduates to form the Cambridge 

Seven. 14 The seven departed for China on 5 th February 1885. 15 But Cecil had 

to return to England after just 15 years due to ill health. 16 

7 S. Nearing, Wages in the United States 1908-1910 (New York: The Macmillan Company, 

1914), 142. 

8 L. H. Officer, ‘Exchange Rates Between the United States Dollar and Forty-one 

Currencies’, Measuring Worth, 2009. 

http://www.measuringworth.com/exchangeglobal/ (accessed April 3 rd , 2009). 

9 J.A. Venn, Alumni Cantabrigiensis: A biographical list of all known students, 

graduates and holders of office at the University of Cambridge, from the earliest times 

to 1900. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1953) s,vv. ‘Polhill-Turner (post 

Polhill) Cecil Henry.’ 

10 Old Etonian Association, The Eton Register 1871-1880 (Eton: Spottiswoode & Co.Ltd., 

1907) s,vv. ‘Polhill-Turner Cecil Henry.’ 

11 Venn, Alumni, 146. 

12 J. Pollock, The Cambridge Seven (London: Inter-Varsity Fellowship, 1966), 40-41. 

13 Pollock, The Cambridge Seven, 44-47. 

14 Pollock, The Cambridge Seven, 14. 

15 Pollock, The Cambridge Seven ,12-13. 

16 Hocken, ‘Cecil H. Polhill’, 118. 


John Usher 

Polhill took a keen interest in reports of revival in Wales and in India. 17 

He visited LA in 1908 and spent a month there seeking a deeper experience 

of God. Whilst still in LA, on February 3 rd 1908 Polhill reports being thrown 

to the floor under the power of the Holy Spirit where he laughed, writhed 

and spoke in tongues. 18 On his return to England, he met Alexander Boddy 

at the first Sunderland Conference in June 1908, 19 Boddy had received his 

baptism in the Spirit with tongues on the 2 nd December 1907. 20 Boddy and 

Polhill quickly became the recognised leaders of the emerging Pentecostal 

movement 21 through Boddy’s Confidence periodical, 22 skilfull ‘platform 

personality’ 23 and Sunderland conferences 24 and Cecil’s financial 

contributions, social standing, organisational and leadership ability, 

missionary experience and numerous Pentecostal initiatives. 

1. The Financier 

In 1900, Cecil inherited a lucrative estate from his uncle Sir Henry Page- 

Turner Barron who died childless. 25 In addition, in 1903 Cecil inherited the 

Howbury Hall estate on the death of his childless older brother. 26 The 

income of the Page-Turner estate alone is estimated to have been £16,000 per 

year, 27 approximately £6.5 million in today's money. 28 Polhill provided 

significant financial support to numerous Pentecostal initiatives. 

17 C. H. Polhill, A China Missionary’s Witness, (Howbury Hall, c.1908), 1. 

18 Polhill ‘A China..’, 6. 

19 Hocken, 121. Also Confidence Vol.1/No.1 (April 1908), 2. 

20 Wakefield, Alexander Boddy, 89. 

21 Gee, These Men I Knew, 73. 

22 A. Anderson, An Introduction to Pentecostalism (Cambridge: Cambridge University 

Press, 2004), 91. 

23 Gee, These Men I Knew, 73. 

24 Anderson, An Introduction, 91. 

25 S. Burrow, ‘The Polhill Family History’, http://www.all-saints-churchrenhold.org/history/polhill.htm 

(accessed January 14th, 2009). 

26 Burrow, ‘The Polhill Family History’ 

27 Burrow, ‘The Polhill Family History’ 

28 L. H. Officer, ‘Five Ways to Compute the Relative Value of a UK Pound Amount, 1830 

to Present’, Measuring Worth, 2008. http://www.measuringworth.com/ukcompare/ 

(accessed January 14th, 2009 ) Average Earnings Indicator. 



A. Donations to Buildings for Pentecostal Purposes 

The early Pentecostal movement in Britain was characterised by a number of 

informal prayer meetings and gatherings taking place around the country. 29 

These meetings steadily multiplied in number 30 and through conferences 

such as the one in Sunderland the movement gradually gained a greater 

sense of identity and cohesion. One aspect of Polhill's support to the early 

movement was through financially contributing to the hiring, purchasing 

and building of locations for Pentecostal purposes such as church halls, 

prayer meeting and conference venues. Without these contributions the 

movement could have easily stagnated. 

Few Pentecostal locations command as iconic a status as the Apostolic 

Faith Mission Hall on Azusa Street, Los Angeles. The leader of the Apostolic 

Faith Church, William J. Seymour, had been baptised in the Spirit with 

tongues during the Spring of 1906. 31 His ministry grew so popular that he 

soon had to hire an abandoned building on Azusa Street. 32 The meetings at 

Azusa Street came to be seen as the fulfilment of an expectation of 

Pentecostal revival. 33 Expectations of a great Pentecostal revival had already 

been raised by the Welsh revival and were actively cultivated by a 

premillennial eschatology taught at the Keswick conventions and within the 

Holiness movement. 34 A successful publicity campaign through the official 

periodical of Azusa Street, The Apostolic Faith, meant that news of the 

meetings at Azusa Street spread all over the world. Norwegian T B Barratt 35 


30 36 centres in July 1908 to 70 centres in August 1910. Confidence Vol.1/No.7 (July 1908), 2 

and Vol.3/No.8 (August 1910), 24 respectively. 

31 H. Cox, Fire From Heaven The Rise of Pentecostal Spirituality and the Reshaping of Religion 

in the Twenty-First Century (London: Cassell, 1996), 56. 

32 Cox, Fire, 56. 

33 J. Creech, ‘Visions of Glory: The Place of the Azusa Street Revival in Pentecostal 

History’, Church History Vol.65 (Sept 1996), 421. 

34 Creech, ‘Visions’, 421. 

35 G.B. McGee, ‘To the Regions Beyond: The Global Expansion of Pentecostalism,’ in The 

Century of the Holy Spirit 100 Years of Pentecostal and Charismatic Renewal, ed. V. Synan 

(Nashville: Thomas Nelson Publishers, 2001), 72. 


John Usher 

would learn of the meetings this way. 36 He was baptised in the Spirit in 

America in September 1906. 37 Barratt became a significant inspiration to 

Boddy and his family, to Lewi Pethrus, the primary Swedish Pentecostal 

pioneer and to Jonathan Paul the primary German Pentecostal leader. 38 

Two days prior to Polhill's baptism in the Spirit in LA, he made a 

payment to Mr E. Iverson for the redemption of the mortgage on the Azusa 

Street Mission Hall at the cost of £1,500, approximately £700,000. 39 

In June 1908, G. R. Polman from Amsterdam attended the first 

Sunderland conference. On the 3 rd June, Mr and Mrs Boddy laid hands on 

him and he received the baptism in the Holy Spirit with tongues. 40 Polhill 

paid for Polman to come to Bedford by rail after the conference. 41 Polman 

assisted Polhill with open air meetings where sixteen were reported as 

having become Christians. 42 Polhill subsequently paid Polman for services as 

an Evangelist. 43 When Polman returned to Amsterdam his ministry thrived. 44 

Helped by visits from Boddy the Pentecostal gatherings led by Polman in a 

hall designed to seat 140 frequently had to accommodate 160. 45 It was a 

donation from Polhill 46 in April 1909 that eventually helped Polman to hire a 

building with room for 250 later that year. 47 

36 T. B. Barratt, When the Fire Fell and an Outline of My Life (Norway: Alfons Hansen & 

Sonner c. 1927), 103. 

37 Barratt, When the Fire Fell, 102-104. 

38 Barratt, When the Fire Fell, 78. 

39 C. H. Polhill, ‘Subscriptions and Donations to Missionary Organisations and Charities’ 

in Ledger of Accounts 1908-1912, 6. Per Capita GDP Indicator, Officer. 

40 C. Van Der Laan, Sectarian Against His Will: Gerrit Roelof Polman and the Birth of 

Pentecostalism in the Netherlands (London: The Scarecrow Press, Inc. 1991), 94. 

41 Polhill ‘Subscriptions...’, 8. 

42 Confidence Vol.1/No.5 (August 1908), 18. 

43 Polhill ‘Subscriptions..’, 9. 

44 Van Der Laan, Sectarian, 95. 


46 £100, Polhill ‘Subscriptions..’, 12. 




Another attendee at that first Whitsuntide convention in Sunderland was 

part time Evangelist William Oliver Hutchinson from Bournemouth. 48 

Hutchinson was baptised in the Holy Spirit with tongues whilst on his knees 

at one of the services in Sunderland. 49 He returned to Bournemouth and 

immediately started using his home for prayer meetings. 50 His ministry 

continued to grow as he prayed for others to be baptised in the Spirit, 

baptised by full immersion and successfully prayed for the sick to be 

healed. 51 Soon the opportunity arose for Hutchinson to purchase land and 

build a hall, the total cost of this would come to £382 of which Polhill 

donated £100. 52 Emmanuel Mission Hall opened on November 5 th 1908, with 

Polhill as the inaugural speaker, 53 it was the first purpose built Pentecostal 

church in the country. 54 It is possible that George Jeffreys, who later went on 

to establish the largest Pentecostal denomination in Britain, was baptised in 

the Spirit at Emmanuel Mission Hall. 55 Unfortunately, the denomination 

started by Hutchinson, the Apostolic Faith Church, would later be 

discredited. 56 

2. Hiring Premises for Pentecostal Prayer Meetings and Conferences 

In October 1908 Polhill purchased a home at 9 Gloucester Place, London, 

which would hold Pentecostal Meetings for the next two months. 57 In 

addition, by December 1908 he was holding meetings at the Canon Street 

Hotel and at Eccleston Hall both in London. 58 These meetings soon became 

known as ‘the London Meetings’ 59 or ‘Mr Polhill’s Meetings’. 60 In March 1909 

48 J. E. Worsfold, The Origins of the Apostolic Church in Great Britain with a Breviate of its 

Early Missionary Endeavours, (Wellington: Julian Literature Trust, 1991), 33-34. 

49 Worsfold, The Origins of the Apostolic Church 34. 



52 Worsfold, The Origins of the Apostolic Church 35. Polhill ‘Subscriptions’, 10. 

53 Confidence Vol.1/No.11 (November 1908), 23. 




57 Confidence Vol.1/No.7 (October 1908), 8. 

58 Confidence Vol.1/No.9 (December 1908), 7. 

59 Confidence Vol 2/No.11 (February 1909), 14. 


John Usher 

Polhill started a Pentecostal prayer meeting in Sion College which continued 

until at least 1941, 61 three years after his death. 62 Other venues where Polhill 

held Pentecostal prayer meetings or Conferences in London include: The 

Institute of Journalists, 63 51 Montague Street, 64 Praed Street Chapel, 65 

Dennison House, 66 Caxton Hall, 67 Kingsway Hall, 68 Newton Hall, 69 The 

Central Hall Westminster, 70 and Holborn Hall. 71 It should be noted that not 

all of these venues were used simultaneously. The most consistently used 

venues were the Institute of Journalists and Sion College for the main 

weekly Pentecostal prayer meetings. Both of these venues were used 

sporadically from October 1909 and simultaneously for the entirety of 1913 

but from April 1914 Sion College alone was used as the location of the main 

weekly prayer meeting. 72 

These meetings, usually presided over by Polhill, would welcome 

various national and international Pentecostal leaders. 73 The meetings 

strengthened the network of early Pentecostal leaders. Table 2 shows the 

subscription fees Polhill paid for just three of the many locations used. 

Another way in which Polhill financially sponsored these early meetings 

was by paying individuals with Pentecostal ministries to attend. 

60 Confidence Vol 3/No.22 (January 1910), 2. 

61 Gee writes that the Sion College Meetings ‘continue to this day’ in 1941. D. Gee, The 

Pentecostal Movement (London: Victory Press, 1941), 53. 

62 Obituary of Cecil Polhill, The Times, March 11 th , 1938. 


64 Confidence Vol.1/No.10 (January 1908), 7. 

65 Confidence Vol.2/No.14 (May 1909), 16. 

66 Confidence Vol.3/No.24 (March 1910), 16. 

67 Confidence Vol.4/No.34. (January 1911), 4. 

68 Flames of Fire No.11 (May 1913), 4. 

69 Flames of Fire No.19 (August 1914), 6. 

70 Flames of Fire No.29 (July 1915), 8. 

71 Flames of Fire Vol.4/No.35 (February 1911), 12. 

72 Flames of Fire 1909-1917. 

73 For example S. Wigglesworth, Confidence Vol.1/No.9, (December 1908), 7. See also T. B. 

Barratt Confidence Vol.2/No.14 (May 1909), 15. 



Table 2. Three of the locations hired by Polhill for Pentecostal purposes 

and all known payments 1909-1910 74 

Location 

Sion College 

Praed St Chapel 

The Institute of 

Journalists 

Total 

Amount in Pounds, Shillings and Pence 

£108.9s 

£85.5s9d 

£58.15s2d 

£252.9s11d 

B. Donations to Individuals with Pentecostal Ministries 

Polhill’s sometimes considerable donations to individuals with Pentecostal 

ministries would have enabled many of them to minister full time. He paid 

their salaries, gave ‘gifts’, made loans to them, paid their travelling expenses 

and their rent among other things. Polhill was a strategic philanthropist, he 

donated to key Pentecostal leaders in different regions of the world. 

1. America 

Levi Rakestraw Lupton had received his baptism in the Spirit on December 

30 th 1906. 75 He began holding an annual Pentecostal camp meeting in 

Alliance, Ohio. 76 Boddy reports on his visit to Camp Alliance in the 

September issue of Confidence 1909 and significantly of the establishment of 

the American Pentecostal Missionary Union on Friday June 23 rd 1909. 77 

Polhill paid Lupton £5 toward the American PMU in October 1909 78 and a 

further gift to Lupton of £10 in April 1910. 79 Lupton is credited as being the 

American Pentecostal movement’s most articulate advocate for mission but 

74 Polhill ‘Subscriptions..’ 14-122. 

75 The New International Dictionary of Pentecostal and Charismatic Movements [NIDPCM]rev. 

expanded. ed. (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 2002), s.vv. ‘Lupton, Levi Rakestraw.’ 

76 NIDPCM, s.vv. ‘Lupton, Levi Rakestraw.’ 

77 Confidence Vol.2/No.8 (August 1909), 7. 




John Usher 

unfortunately his ministry collapsed along with the American PMU when he 

confessed to adultery in December 1910. 80 

One of the earliest visiting speakers at Azusa Street was Frank 

Bartleman. 81 In 1910, Bartleman began a trip around the world ‘by faith’ 

encouraging Pentecostal centres as he went. 82 Bartleman spent time with 

Polhill in May and was paid by him for preaching at the Costin Street 

Chapel. 83 In total, Bartleman received £25 from Polhill which would have 

enabled him to continue his journey around the world encouraging 

Pentecostal centres. 84 

2. Britain 

Table 3 shows just four of at least 19 British individuals with Pentecostal 

ministries Polhill made payments to between 1908 – 1911, for their 

ministries. These payments included: gifts, salaries, boarding, 

reimbursement for cash stolen, 85 money for a bicycle, 86 travel and conference 

expenses but exclude Pentecostal papers, books or tracts which will be 

examined in more detail in part II. 

Boddy’s contributions to Pentecostalism around the world would have 

been significantly less had it not been for Polhill’s generous financial 

support. Boddy’s ministry was the greatest benefactor of Polhill’s wealth in 

terms of donations to individuals. 

James Tetchner had been baptised in the Spirit at the same meeting as 

Boddy in Sunderland on December 2nd 1907. 87 Tetchner worked for the 

Salvation Army in Sunderland. He joint welcomed delegates to the first 

Sunderland conference with Boddy. 88 

80 NIDPC], s.vv. ‘Lupton, Levi Rakestraw.’ 

81 F. Bartleman, Azusa Street, The Roots of Modern Day Pentecost (Plainfield: Bridge 

Publishing, Inc. c.1925), 48. 

82 Bartleman, Azusa Street, 146. 

83 Polhill ‘Subscriptions...’, 122. 

84 Polhill ‘Subscriptions...’, 121-122. 



87 Wakefield, Alexander Boddy 87. 

88 Wakefield, Alexander Boddy 87. 



In July 1910, Polhill paid Tetchner to speak at Costin Street. Polhill 

purchased the Costin Street Mission Hall in 1906 for £1550. 89 The Costin 

Street Hall remained his property until his death when it was left to a 

Pentecostal Evangelistic Society. 90 Tetchner also spoke at the PMU London 

Conference, Kingsway Hall in May 1907. 91 

Table 3. Four of the British individuals with Pentecostal ministries 

Polhill funded (not including printing) 1908 – 1911 92 

Total amount 

received (£s) 

Name 

No of 

payments 

Payments made 

between 

158.1s A. A. Boddy 13 June 1908 – 

September 1910 

126.7s A. M. Niblock 93 11 December 1908 – 

June 1910 

27.10s S. 

Wigglesworth 

5 May 1908 – 


11.00 J. Tetchner 2 July 1910 

In April 1909, Alex Moncor Niblock opened his home in London for 

Pentecostal meetings. 94 He had also been to the first Sunderland conference 

and received his baptism in the Spirit there. 95 He would become the first 

principal of the PMU training home in Preston in July 1909. 96 He was 

replaced by Thomas Myerscough eight months later. 97 Hocken rightly states 

that this was related to financial mismanagement, 98 this is one of the reasons 

89 C. H. Polhill, Cashbook 1904-1908, p116 (deposit) and p122 (main payment). 

90 ‘Costain*sic+ Street Chapel’, Hocken, ‘Cecil H. Polhill’, 9. 

91 Flames of Fire No.50 (May 1917), 11. 

92 Polhill ‘Subscriptions..’, 8-123. 

93 Not including money he handled on behalf of the PMU. 

94 Confidence Vol.2/No.4 (April 1909), 9. 

95 Confidence Vol.1/No.4 (April 1908), 13. 

96 Hocken, ‘Cecil H. Polhill’,11. 




John Usher 

recorded in the PMU minutes 99 but the minutes also record general 

mismanagement and a failure by Niblock to communicate and cooperate 

with the Council. 100 The possibility of Niblock being invited onto the council 

was opposed by T. Mundell and H. Small. 101 Despite this, Polhill’s records 

show that Niblock continued to receive generous donations even after he left 

the training home. 102 The final known payment being at the opening of 

Niblock’s Pentecostal home, ‘Peniel’, in June 1910, Polhill also gave the 

opening address. 103 Niblock took the post of Superintendent of the 

Pentecostal Assembly upper Islington in October 1910. 104 He organised the 

London conferences and weekly prayer meetings in Polhill's absence 105 and 

the spread of Pentecostalism in Russia was aided by his missionary efforts. 106 

Smith Wiggleworth, a plumber and Evangelist from Bradford, was 

baptised in the Holy Spirit with tongues on October 26 th 1907 in 

Sunderland. 107 Wigglesworth had a successful healing ministry and Polhill 

made several payments for his attendance at meetings. 108 He was accepted 

onto the council of the British PMU on 28 th May 1915. 109 Wigglesworth went 

on to hold meetings in Oslo with attendances of approximately 3000 and in 

Australia (where 1000 professed to have had a conversion experience) and 

99 ‘The expenses had been higher than the council approved’, PMU Minutes Book 1, 52. 

100 Minutes Book 1, 52-53. 

101 Minutes Book 1, 53. 

102 Polhill ‘Subscriptions..’, 19, 111 and 121. 

103 Polhill ‘Subscriptions..’, 121. Confidence Vol.3/No.7 (July 1910), 5. 


105 Confidence Vol.3/No.11 (November 1910), 13 and Vol.4/No.1 (January 1911), 5 

respectively. 

106 McGee, 77. 

107 D. Cartwright, The Real Smith Wigglesworth (Kent: Sovereign World Ltd, 2000), 35. 

108 For example: the ‘Special work’ at 9 Gloucester Place in December 1908. Confidence 

Vol.1/No9 (December 1908), 7. The sum of £5. Polhill, 10. For the Annual Easter 

Convention in Bradford Confidence Vol.3/No.3 (March 1910), 19. The sum of £5. Polhill, 

19. 

109 Cartwright, 35. 



also New Zealand where meetings were attended by approximately 3000. 110 

He also toured America and South Africa. 111 

3. Continental Europe 

In addition to the Norwegian T. B. Barratt 112 and the Dutchman G. Polman 113 

there are two significant German Pentecostals to whom Polhill made 

generous financial contributions. In Spring 1907, Germans Jonathan Paul 

and Emil Meyer travelled to Oslo to meet with T. B. Barratt. 114 Meyer 

experienced the baptism of the Spirit with tongues but Paul would not speak 

in tongues until September of that year. 115 In July, Meyer was joined by two 

women from Norway who were in Germany as Pentecostal missionaries. 116 

The two women then joined Heinreich Dallmeyer, an Evangelist, and began 

holding meetings at Kassel where revival broke out. 117 Albeit Paul was not at 

this revival, he would emerge as the recognised leader of the German 

Pentecostal movement. 118 Paul and Meyer were at Sunderland in 1909 where 

Paul shared the platform with Boddy. 119 

Polhill paid the Germans for their attendance. 120 In September 1909 

opposition to the German Pentecostal movement culminated in the Berlin 

Declaration which branded the Pentecostal movement as ‘from below.’ 121 As 

a result German Pentecostals were persecuted. 122 Emil Meyer wrote of the 



112 He is discussed under section I.A.1 Donations to Permanent Buildings. 

113 Also discussed in section I.A.1. 

114 C. Simpson, ‘Jonathan Paul and the German Pentecostal Movement – The First Seven 

Years, 1907-1914’ JEPTA Vol.28/No.2 (2008), 171. 

115 Simpson, 171. 

116 Anderson, 88. 

117 Anderson, 88. 

118 Anderson, Introduction, 170. 

119 Confidence Vol.2/No.6 (June 1909), 6. 


121 Simpson, 176. 



John Usher 

persecution to Boddy and it was subsequently published in Confidence. 123 As 

soon as Polhill learned of the persecution he sent Meyer £50. 124 

The final category to which Polhill made contributions, printing, requires 

closer scrutiny. In the case of printing, Polhill's influence was not restricted 

to merely donating money. 

Table 4. Four of the Continental Europeans with Pentecostal ministries 

Polhill funded 1908 – 1911 125 

Total Amount 

Received 

(Pounds, 

Shillings and 

Pence) 

Name 

No. of 

Payments 

£173.10s T. B. Barratt 5 

£135 

(inc. £100 loan) 

£63.10s 

J. Paul 4 

G. R. 

Polman 

£60 E. Meyer 2 

8 

Date Range 

(Date of first and last 

payment) 

March 1909 – 

December 1910 

October 1909 – July 

1910 

June 1908 – 


June 1909 – 

November 1909 

II The Editor 

Polhill's own publication Fragments of Flame became the official periodical of 

the PMU in 1911 and the name was changed to Flames of Fire with the 

permanently attached missionary news supplement Tidings from Tibet and 

Other Lands. 126 The format between 1911 and the end of 1917 did not differ 

significantly from the following: an introductory article by Polhill followed 

by one or two articles from other periodicals, a book, a conference seminar 



125 Polhill ‘Subscriptions’, 8-122. 

126 The New International Dictionary of Pentecostal and Charismatic Movements, s.vv. 

‘Polhill, Cecil, H.’ 



or original contribution. Towards the end of each issue the Tidings from Tibet 

section largely consisted of reports from PMU missionaries in China/Tibet, 

India, Japan and Africa. Polhill also included reports from other missionary 

societies such as the Congo Inland Mission 127 and the China Inland 

Mission. 128 Crucially, Flames of Fire also publicised the times and locations of 

Pentecostal meetings and conferences. Like Boddy's Confidence, Polhill's 

publications would have been an essential channel of communication for the 

early Pentecostal movement. 

Before the title of Polhill's periodical changed it was already circulating 

as far as Antwerp, Belgium, where a woman was inspired to seek the 

baptism in the Spirit after reading it. She contacted Polman and was 

subsequently baptised in the Spirit. 129 As Polhill was not dependent on 

donations, the circulation of Fragments of Flame was relatively high. Records 

show a payment by Polhill for the printing of 10,000 copies of Fragments of 

Flame in November 1909. 130 But since it was printed much less frequently 

than a monthly periodical like Confidence, it would have been distributed 

over a longer period of time. 

In November 1911, it is reported in Confidence that Polhill and 

Wigglesworth had conducted the wedding of Stanley Frodsham in 

Bournemouth. 131 The previous month, Polhill began printing Flames of Fire at 

‘Victory Press Bournemouth’ 132 which was owned by Frodsham. Regardless 

of this wealthy new client, Frodsham was ‘thrust out of business’ on October 

1 st 1911 133 and it is as yet unknown where Polhill continued to print Flames of 

Fire. Polhill was well known as a source of various types of Pentecostal 

literature. 134 

127 Flames of Fire No.21 (November 1914), 6. 

128 Flames of Fire No.24 (February 1915), 5. 

129 Confidence Vol.2/No.5 (May 1909), 18. 


131 Confidence, Vol.4/No.11 (November 1911), 17. 

132 Its imprint appears on the bottom right hand side corner of the last page of the first 

issue of Flames of Fire only. Confidence carries a notice that there is an interesting story 

as to how the Press came into Frodsham's possession Vol.3/No.11 (November 1910), 4. 

133 F. Campbell, Stanley Frodsham Prophet with a Pen (Springfield: Gospel Publishing House 

1974), 36. 



John Usher 

Table 5 shows all known payments by Polhill to various publications 

between 1908 and 1911. The significance of Confidence for the early 

Pentecostal movement cannot be understated. Pentecostal publications such 

as Confidence and Flames of Fire were the main channels of communication 

for early Pentecostals. 135 

Table 5. All known payments towards printing for Pentecostal 

purposes between 1908-1911 136 

Total Amount Paid 

(Pounds, Shillings 

and Pence) 

Purpose 

No. 

Payments 

Date Range 

£182.1.6 

Tracts 137 19 

February 1908 – May 

1911 

£129.4.8 

In the Days of the 

Latter Rain. 

Book by 

T.B.Barratt. 

4 

November 1909 – 

February 1910 

£73.00 Confidence 4 July 1908 – July 1910 

£37.11.9 

Fragments of 

Flame 138 

4 

September 1909 – 

August 1910 

£1.10 Polman Press 1 April, 1910 

£1.00 

The Spirit of 

Truth 139 

1 May, 1910 

£1.00 Apostolic Faith 1 August, 1910 


136 Polhill ‘Subscriptions..’ 6-123. 

137 Includes payments for hymn books but not for Polhill's own hymn book ‘Songs of 

Praises’ Confidence Vol.4/No.8 (August 1911), 21. 

138 Not Flames of Fire 

139 The Pentecostal Periodical of W. L. Lake. Taylor, 126. 



Among other things, they were a means of encouragement, 140 publicising 

meetings and teaching doctrine. 141 Confidence was based on the Apostolic 

Faith Church periodical in that it was largely free. In addition to the 

payments made to Confidence shown in Table 5, Taylor has calculated that 

Polhill also paid a further £169.10s between January 1921 and November 

1924. 142 Taylor rightly states that Boddy was dependent on Polhill's 

donations 143 which, as can be seen from Table 3, were not confined to 

payments towards Confidence. The financial support Boddy received could 

well have secured his position as a balanced 144 leader of the movement and 

secured the prominence of Confidence. 145 Without this financial support from 

Polhill, Boddy's leadership of the early movement may have faced steeper 

competition from extremists and fanatics. 

This section has demonstrated that albeit Polhill's donations were 

significant, his contributions to the Pentecostal movement were not 

restricted to giving money. He actively participated by writing his own 

periodical. The next section examines his most active field of participation. 

III The Missionary 

‘Remember you are taking part in an attack, it is an invasion. It is not a raid, 

it is a war; not a sport, but a prolonged effort, an invasion to the prosecution 

of which, for the rest of your life, let all your powers, whether married or 

single, be ungrudgingly offered.’ 146 These are not the words of Lieutenant 

Polhill-Turner rallying his troops, this statement is the first point in a list of 

Practical Points for Missionaries that Polhill composed for the PMU in 

140 

M.J. Taylor, Publish and Be Blessed: a case study in early Pentecostal publishing 

history 1906-1924, (Phd diss., the University of Birmingham, 1994), 119. 

141 Taylor, Publish and Be Blessed, 341. 





146 C.H. Polhill, Practical Points Concerning Missionary Work Reprinted from Suggestions 

to P.M.U. Workers (London: Maranatha 1916), 1. 


John Usher 

November 1916. 147 The PMU was established in January 1909 by an 

executive of seven including Boddy and Polhill. 148 The PMU is likely to have 

been conceived mainly by Polhill. It was well known that he had dedicated 

his life to taking the gospel into Tibet 149 and he had spoke at length on the 

importance of foreign mission at the Hamburg conference a month before 

the PMU was established. 150 Polhill alone possessed the experience, skills, 

energy and funds 151 to become the most prominent promoter of early 

Pentecostal mission. 152 On October 14 th 1909, at the first minuted meeting of 

the PMU, he was elected President 153 a post which he held until the PMU 

merged with the Assemblies of God in 1925. 154 

In June 1909, Polhill was responsible for initiating a training homes 

scheme for training PMU missionaries. 155 He also took most of the financial 

responsibility for the training homes. Between 1909-1926 Polhill donated at 

least £11,033 156 to the PMU, a considerable sum of money which reflects the 

importance Polhill placed on mission. The training homes Polhill established 

produced many future leaders of the movement 157 including George Jeffreys 

whom Polhill had personally invited to the training home. 158 

Polhill's leadership of the PMU brought credibility to the early 

movement through the zeal of its missionaries, good organisation and good 

147 This guidance was initially requested by a missionary in 1913. Minutes Book 1, 275- 

276. 

148 Confidence Vol 2/No.1 (January 1909), 13. 

149 Confidence Vol 1/No.6 (August 1908), 12-13. 

150 Confidence Vol 1/No.9 (December 1908), 26. 

151 Kay has calculated that Polhill paid £10,903 to the PMU between 1909-1926. P. Kay, The 

Fourfold Gospel in the Formation, Policy and Practice of the Pentecostal Missionary Union 

1909-1925 (MA Diss. Cheltenham & Gloucester College of Higher Education, 1995) 64. 

152 The New International Dictionary, s.vv. ‘Polhill, Cecil, H.’ 



155 Confidence Vol.2/No.6 (June 1909), 6. 

156 Kay's figure in footnote 147 plus five payments totalling £129.6s6d recorded in Polhill 

‘Ledger’ 12,17,18 (x2) and 25 respectively. 


158 Gee, These Men I Knew, (1980), 75. 



training. 159 Kay has rightly pointed out that the teaching in the training 

homes ‘remained primarily within mainstream Protestantism and did not 

deviate from Evangelical Soteriological or Christological norms.’ 160 This 

would prove to be a crucial stabiliser at a time when Pentecostalism could 

have been destroyed by misguided doctrine. 161 It was Polhill's experience 

and affiliation with the China Inland Mission that secured the PMU within 

mainstream Protestantism. A comparison of the Book of Arrangements 162 

(Principles of the CIM 1890) and the Principles of the PMU 163 clearly 

demonstrate that Polhill used the former as a template for the latter. Much of 

the articles in the Book of Arrangements have been copied by Polhill word for 

word but there are some significant differences in the PMU version for 

example under article 6. ‘Soundness of Faith’, 164 Polhill added ‘Sanctification 

and the Baptism of the Holy Ghost with the Scriptural signs.’ 

In the October issue of Confidence 1908, Boddy writes of Polhill ‘Mr. Cecil 

Polhill. The Lord has surely raised him up in England to be one of His 

special witnesses, giving him at the same time unusual opportunities and 

great influence with many in very different positions in life.’ 165 Polhill’s 

social position and wealth helped him to lay the foundations of the 

Pentecostal movement. However, by the start of WWI Polhill’s position and 

attitudes and the position and attitudes of the majority of Pentecostals were 

in deep contrast. 

IV Polhill's Social Position, Its Advantages and Disadvantages 

Polhill was an ex-Army officer and he was known to pay families living on 

his estate to send their sons to fight in the war. 166 Boddy visited the troops in 

159 P. Kay, The Fourfold Gospel in the Formation, (1995), 60-61. 

160 P. Kay, The Fourfold Gospel in the Formation (1995), 60. 


162 W. Cooper, The Book of Arrangements, (Gang'ing: Shanghai Mercury Office, 1890), 8-16. 

163 Principles of the Pentecostal Missionary Union for Great Britain and Ireland, c.1916 

(Obtainable from Mattersey Hall, Mattersey UK). 

164 This corresponds with Article 7. in Cooper, 10. 


166 Julian Polhill, interview by author, Howbury Hall, December 12 th 2008. 


John Usher 

1915 167 and his own son lost one of his legs in action. 168 The war was an 

emotional issue for both men and they supported it. This was not a 

sentiment shared by most Pentecostals. As working class men and women 

they did not share the upper class background or the institutional ties of 

Anglicans Boddy and Polhill. 169 When conscription became compulsory in 

1916 a number of Pentecostals registered as conscientious objectors and 

some served jail sentences for their refusal to serve. 170 

The war forced the Whitsuntide conventions to move to London in 

1915 171 and Polhill began chairing but his views no longer represented those 

of most within the movement. Polhill and Boddy saw the movement as a 

force for renewing the existing church in order that it might more 

successfully evangelise the world ahead of the parousia. 172 After the war 

however, most Pentecostals came to see the movement primarily as a force 

for domestic mission to create more Pentecostals as an end in itself. 173 

Adding to this, doctrinal issues arising from Polhill and Boddy's 

Anglicanism became contentious. 174 Polhill and Boddy also refused to insist 

that tongues was the only evidence of the baptism in the Holy Spirit, this 

was contrary to the views of many other leading Pentecostals of the time. 175 

Polhill had been stung by the CIM's decision to close their property and 

facilities to PMU workers over the issue of ‘waiting meetings’ and tongues. 176 

Albeit he regarded tongues as inseparable from Spirit baptism he was 

against the doctrine of initial evidence, arguing that moral standards could 

be overlooked if speaking in tongues was accepted as sufficient evidence of 

Spirit baptism. 177 This would have been one of the main contributing factors 


168 Confidence Vol.16/No.132 (January 1923), 62. 

169 P. Kay, The Fourfold Gospel in the Formation, (1995), 52. 

170 Gee, The Pentecostal Movement, (1941), 114-115. 

171 Flames of Fire No.24 (February 1915), 8. 

172 P. Kay, The Fourfold Gospel in the Formatio,n (1995), 53. 

173 P. Kay, The Fourfold Gospel in the Formatio,n (1995), 54. 



176 P. Kay, ‘The Four-Fold Gospel’ (1996), 34; Flames of Fire No.29 (July 1915), 9. 

177 P. Kay, ‘The Four-Fold Gospel’, (1996), 35. 



to his resignation from the PMU and from the Pentecostal movement in 

general when the PMU merged with the AOG. 

Polhill's position within the movement became resented by some. 178 But 

even his critics were forced to admit that he had laid the foundations of the 

movement albeit one that had since changed its objectives. 179 There is, 

however, a sad sense that Polhill desperately wanted the PMU to finish what 

he had started but could not finish himself two decades earlier. More than 

half of the PMU's missionaries were sent to Yunnan province adjacent to 

Tibet. 180 It was verging on the unethical for Polhill to be funding so 

extensively the missionary organisation of which he was also the President, 

this gave him too much control. Demonstrative of the fact that Polhill would 

not easily relinquish control is that the first Superintendent of the PMU was 

not appointed until 1921, 181 12 years after the PMU's establishment. Kay has 

rightly pointed out that Polhill's rigid sense of hierarchy and structure was 

‘at odds with the general Pentecostal view of the implicit egalitarianism of 

the Spirit's operation within the Church’. 182 

Polhill's single mindedness was one of his strengths as an evangelist but 

when it crossed over into the philosophy of the PMU, ‘let others educate, 

doctor, do philanthropy....and the 101 things which may be accumulated in 

station life’, the mission lost credibility in the eyes of the Chinese and 

Africans who hoped for social amelioration. 183 Polhill resigned from the 

PMU in 1925 but the council paid him ‘hearty good wishes’ and prayed 

earnestly that ‘God's richest blessing might follow his future service for the 

Master’. 184 

Conclusion 

Polhill's significance to a movement which has come to represent a quarter 

of all Christians in the world is considerable. 185 His strategic financial 

178 Gee. These Men I Knew, (1980), 75-76. 

179 Gee, These Men I Knew (1980), 75-76. 

180 P. Kay, ‘The Four-Fold Gospel’ (1996), 5. 

181 Minutes Book 2, 302-303. 

182 P. Kay, ‘The Four-Fold Gospel’, (1996), 33. 

183 P. Kay, ‘The Four-Fold Gospel’ (1996), 9, 10 and 32. 

184 Minutes Book 5, 83-84. 



John Usher 

contributions to the Pentecostal movement secured good leaders and funded 

their ministries around the world. He funded significant Pentecostal 

buildings and provided premises for prayer meetings and conferences. He 

secured the prominence of Confidence which provided encouragement and 

stability to a young and vulnerable movement and he edited his own 

periodical which was significant although to a lesser extent. His experience 

and planning were the main contributing factors to the success of the PMU. 

The PMU was organised and sending out board sponsored missionaries 15 

years before the two largest North American Pentecostal bodies. 186 It helped 

to ensure that early Pentecostal missiology emphasised the imminence of the 

Holy Spirit as well as scripture which countered modernist or rationalistic 

orientated approaches. 187 His experience with the CIM placed the PMU 

firmly within mainstream Protestantism. However, an exhaustive account of 

Polhill's financial contributions would prove beneficial as well as a more 

exhaustive account of his domestic evangelistic ministry and of the long 

term effects of having based the PMU so closely on the CIM. Taylor rightly 

equates the significance of Polhill's contribution to the early movement to be 

as significant as Boddy's contribution. 188 

Bibliography 

Key Primary Sources 

Confidence, The Flower Pentecostal Heritage Center, http://ifphc.org/ or CD 

Rom. 

Cooper, W., The Book of Arrangements [Principles of the China Inland 

Mission], Gank'ing: Shanghai Mercury Office, 1890. Obtainable from the 

Oversees Mission Fellowship, Station Approach, Boroughbridge, Kent, 

UK. 

Flames of Fire, 1911-1917, CD-ROM, Obtainable from the Revival Library, 

http://www.revival-library.org/acatalog/pentcoll.html 

186 G. McClung, ‘Explosion, Motivation and Consolidation: The Historical Anatomy of the 

Pentecostal Missionary Movement’, Missiology: An International Review, Vol.14/No.2, 

(April 1986), 167. 

187 P. Kay, ‘The Four-Fold Gospel’, (1996), 42-43. 




Pentecostal Missionary Union Minutes Complete Set, CD-ROM, Obtainable 

from the Donald Gee Centre, Mattersey Hall, Mattersey, UK. 

Polhill, Cecil Henry, Cashbook 1904-1908. Obtained from Howbury Hall, 

Bedfordshire, by kind permission of Mr Julian Polhill. 

Polhill, Cecil Henry, A China Missionary’s Witness pamphlet. Obtainable from 

the Donald Gee Centre, Mattersey Hall, 1908-1924. 

Polhill, Cecil Henry, ‘Practical Points Concerning Missionary Work’, 

Reprinted from Suggestions to PMU Workers Written by the late Mr 

Cecil H. Polhill (November 1916). (London: Maranatha). Obtainable from 

the Donald Gee Centre, Mattersey Hall, Mattersey, UK. 

Polhill, Cecil Henry, Principles of the Pentecostal Missionary Union for Great 

Britain and Ireland, 1916. Obtainable from the Donald Gee Centre, 

Mattersey Hall, Mattersey, UK. 

Polhill, Cecil Henry, ‘Subscriptions and Donations to Missionary 

Organisations and Charities’ in Ledger of Accounts 1908-1912, 6-123. 

Obtained from Howbury Hall, Bedfordshire, by kind permission of Mr 

Julian Polhill. (Polhill's clerk would technically be the author of his 

Ledger but in the absence of his clerk's name Polhill's name is used) 

Additional Sources 

Anderson, Allan, An Introduction to Pentecostalism (Cambridge: Cambridge 

University Press, 2004). 

Barratt, Thomas Ball, When the Fire Fell and an Outline of My Life, (Norway: 

Alfons Hansen & Sonner circa 1927). 

Bartleman, Frank, Azusa Street The Roots of Modern-day Pentecost An 

Eyewitness Account by Frank Bartleman a leader in the 1907 Azusa Street 

visitation (S. Plainfield: Bridge Publishing, 1925). 

Burgess, Stanley, M. and Van Der Maas, Eduard, M., The New International 

Dictionary of Pentecostal and Charismatic Movements, revised and expanded 

edition (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 2002). 

Burrow, S. ‘The Polhill Family History’, http://www.all-saints-churchrenhold.org/history/polhill.htm 

(accessed January 14th, 2009). 

Campbell, Faith, Stanley Frodsham Prophet with a Pen (Springfield: Gospel 

Publishing House 1974). 

Cartwright, Desmond. The Real Smith Wigglesworth (Kent: Sovereign World 

Ltd, 2000). 


John Usher 

Cox, Harvey, Fire From Heaven The Rise of Pentecostal Spirituality and the 

Reshaping of Religion in the Twenty-First Century (London: Cassell, 1996). 

Creech, J. ‘Visions of Glory: The Place of the Azusa Street Revival in 

Pentecostal History’, Church History – Studies in Christianity and Culture. 

Vol.65 (Sept 1996), 405-424. 

Feinstein, Charles, ‘New estimates of average earnings in the United 

Kingdom, 1800-1913’, Economic History Review Vol.43/No.4 (1990), 595- 

632. 

Gee, Donald, The Pentecostal Movement (London: Victory Press, 1941). 

Gee, Donald, These Men I Knew (Nottingham: Assemblies of God Publishing 

House, 1980). 

Hocken, Peter, ‘Cecil H. Polhill – Pentecostal Layman’, Pneuma The Journal of 

the Society for Pentecostal Studies, Vol.10/No.2 (Fall, 1988), 116-140. 

Kay, Peter, K., The Four-Fold Gospel: Cecil Polhill and the Pentecostal Missionary 

Union, 1909-1925. Position Paper for the Currents in World Christianity, 

University of Cambridge 1996. Obtainable on CD-ROM from the Henry 

Martyn Centre, Westminster College, Cambridge. 

Kay, Peter, K., The Fourfold Gospel in the Formation, Policy and Practice of 

the Pentecostal Missionary Union 1909-1925, MA Diss. Cheltenham & 

Gloucester College of Higher Education, 1995. 

McClung, Grant, ‘Explosion, Motivation and Consolidation: The Historical 

Anatomy of the Pentecostal Missionary Movement’, Missiology: An 

International Review, Vol.14/No.2, (April 1986), 160-172. 

McGee, Barry M., ‘To the Regions Beyond: The Global Expansion of 

Pentecostalism,’ in The Century of the Holy Spirit 100 Years of Pentecostal 

and Charismatic Renewal, edited by V. Synan (Nashville: Thomas Nelson 

Publishers, 2001), 69-95. 

Nearing, Scott, Wages in the United States 1908-191, (New York: The 

Macmillan Company, 1914). 

Officer, Lawrence H., ‘Five Ways to Compute the Relative Value of a UK 

Pound Amount, 1830 to Present’ (Measuring Worth 2008). 

http://www.measuringworth.com/ukcompare/ (accessed June 14 th , 

2008). 

Officer, Lawrence H., ‘Exchange Rates Between the United States Dollar and 

Forty-one Currencies’ (Measuring Worth, 2009). 

http://www.measuringworth.com/exchangeglobal/ [accessed April 3 rd , 

2009] 



Old Etonian Association, The Eton Register 1871-1880 (Eton: Spottiswoode & 

Co.Ltd., 1907). 

Pollock, John, The Cambridge Seven (London: Inter-Varsity Fellowship, 1966). 

Simpson, Carl, ‘Jonathan Paul and the German Pentecostal Movement – The 

First Seven Years, 1907-1914’ Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological 

Association Vol.28/No.2 (2008), 169-182. 

Taylor, M. J., Publish and Be Blessed: a case study in early Pentecostal 

publishing history 1906-1924. Phd diss., University of Birmingham, 1994. 

Van Der Laan, Cornelis, Sectarian Against His Will: Gerrit Roelof Polman and 

the Birth of Pentecostalism in the Netherlands (London: The Scarecrow Press, 

Inc. 1991). 

Venn, J.A., Alumni Cantabrigiensis: A biographical list of all known 

students, graduates and holders of office at the University of Cambridge, 

from the earliest times to 1900. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 

1953. 

Wakefield, Gavin, Alexander Boddy Pentecostal Anglican Pioneer (London: 

Paternoster, 2007). 

Worsfold, James. E., The Origins of the Apostolic Church in Great Britain with a 

Breviate of its Early Missionary Endeavours (Wellington: Julian Literature 

Trust, 1991). 



An Exegetical Exploration of ‘Spirit’ 

References in Ezekiel 36 and 37 

Verena Schafroth 1 

Abstract 

The ‘spirit’ references in Ezekiel 36 and 37 are as yet largely unexplored in 

scholarship, although they are rich and meaningful for any theology of the spirit. Set 

against Israel’s sin and her experience in exile, the spirit is portrayed as the moral 

conscience, which makes the people aware of their sin, and as the animating force 

enabling the people to walk in God’s ways again. In the famous passage of the 

‘Valley of the Bones’ in chapter 37, the spoken Word only becomes effective after the 

Spirit breathed life into it, thereby clearly underlining the New Testament theology 

of the need for the Spirit’s empowerment in preaching and His involvement in 

conversion. 

1. Introduction 

Ezekiel is often referred to as ‘the prophet of the Spirit’, an expression 

warranted for a couple of reasons. 2 Firstly, the Hebrew word רוח (rŭach - 

wind/breath/spirit) appears 52 times in the Book of Ezekiel, which is more 

often than in any other book in the Old Testament (OT), naturally making it 

stand out. Secondly, references to the spirit are distributed widely 

throughout the book and cover the full semantic range the word signifies 

throughout the OT. 3 

The focus of this paper will be the references to the spirit in chapter 36 

with the related verse 18:31, and chapter 37 with the related verse of 39:29. 

While a general exegesis of the passages and their contexts will be provided, 

1 Verena Schafroth works with the Africa Inland Mission in South Sudan; email 

crossrene@hotmail.co.uk 

2 D.I. Block, ‘The Prophet of the Spirit: The Use of RWH in the Book of Ezekiel,’ Journal of 

the Evangelical Theological Society, (1/1989), 28-29; R. Tribe, ‘Spirit in the Old Testament 

Writings,’ Theology, XXXIL, (5/1936), 267 

3 W. Hildebrandt, An Old Testament Theology of the Spirit of God, (Peabody: Hendrickson, 

1995), 187; P. Finny, The Origins of Pauline Pneumatology, (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 

2005), 36 


Exegetical References to Spirit in Ezekiel 36 & 37 

the focus of the exegesis will be on the references to the spirit in order to 

explore its workings within these passages. The paper will thus be divided 

into three parts: (1) Preliminary Remarks, (2) A New Heart and a New Spirit, 

and (3) The Valley of the Dead Bones, after which brief concluding 

observations will be presented. 

2. Preliminary Remarks 

2.1 The Etymology of ‘spirit’ 

In order to fully understand the working of the spirit in Ezekiel, it is 

necessary to first look at its etymology in the OT as such. The three most 

common categories of ‘spirit’ are meteorological, anthropological and 

theological. 4 

In its meteorological and most basic sense, ‘spirit’ refers to wind or ‘air in 

motion’ (Job 4:15; Gen. 3:8; Jer. 4:12). 5 The anthropological concept of ‘spirit’ 

retains this sense of ‘air in motion’ and primarily refers to the physical act of 

breathing. 6 Furthermore, ‘spirit’ incorporates a variety of psychological and 

emotional dispositions (Gen. 6:17; 7:15; Num. 16:22) in its anthropological 

sense, which exact translation often derives from the immediate context of 

the word (Gen. 41:8; Dan. 2:3; 7:15; Isa. 54:6). 7 The emotions are understood 

to come forth out of the spirit and affect both disposition and behaviour. 8 

The theological meaning is ‘Spirit’, as in God’s Spirit. In this sense, ‘spirit’ is 

often qualified as e.g. rŭach elohim (God’s Spirit), harŭach (the Spirit) or rŭchi 

(my Spirit) (Gen. 41:38; 2 Sam. 23:2; 1 Kings 22:24), 9 though it never really 

loses its meteorological sense as wind. This results in some instances where 

it is difficult to distinguish between the two senses and where ambiguity is 

4 J. Robson, Word and Spirit in Ezekiel, (New York: T&T Clark, 2006), 18; Tribe, 262; W. 

Kasper, Gegenwart des Geistes. Aspekte der Pneumatologie, (Freiburg: Herder, 1979), 67; 

F.A. Gosling, ‘An Unresolved Problem of Old Testament Theology,’ Expository Times, 

(8/1995), 234 

5 F. Baumgartel, ‘Spirit in the Old Testament,’ Theological Dictionary of the New Testament, 

VI, 360; G.T. Montague, ‘The Fire in the Word: The Holy Spirit in Scripture,’ in B.E. 

Hinze, & D.L. Dabney, Advents of the Spirit, (Milwaukee: Marquette Press, 2001), 36 

6 W. Zimmerli, Ezekiel 2, (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1983), 566 

7 L.J. Wood, The Holy Spirit in the Old Testament, (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1976), 17 

8 Hildebrandt, An Old Testament Theology of the Spirit of God, 14 

9 Wood, The Holy Spirit in.., 18 


Verena Schafroth 

also intended as in Ezekiel 37:9. 10 Not only does the meteorological concept 

mix with the theological, but also with the anthropological use of ‘spirit’. It is 

often integrated into a theological context of meaning, e.g. when the wind is 

presented as the instrument of healing, again merging the concepts 

together. 11 

Koch suggests that the concept of the divine breath of life in humankind 

originates in Egyptian myths, while the idea of an extraordinary vital power 

stems from Babylonian religious beliefs. 12 Though recognising the 

similarities, Neve rightly points out that there is no concept in ancient Near 

Eastern literature, which could have served as preparation for the Spirit of 

God as it is described in the vast majority of the Biblical texts. 13 Hildebrandt 

further stresses that there is no evidence that has the meaning ‘Sprit’ outside 

the Hebrew canon. 14 The OT is, thus, the only ancient literature that 

develops this term to portray a people’s experience with their God. 

2.2 The Book of Ezekiel: Sitz im Leben 

The period during which Ezekiel prophesied was a time of intense political 

crisis for Israel. However, even more significant than the political chaos was 

the religious and theological crisis triggered by the first deportation in 597 

BC and the ever increasing threat of the total destruction of Jerusalem. 15 It is 

commonly assumed that Ezekiel was deported to Babylon in 597 BC, shortly 

after which he started his prophetic ministry to the exiles. 16 He was a 

Zadokite priest, and as such prepared from an early age for the rigorous task 

10 Zimmerli, Ezekiel 2, 567; Montague, in Hinze & Dabney, 37 

11 M. Wenk, Community-Forming Power: The Socio-Ethical Role of the Spirit in Luke-Acts, 

(Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 2000), 57 

12 R. Koch, Der Geist Gottes im Alten Testament, (Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 1991), 24 

13 L. Neve, The Spirit of God in the Old Testament, (Tokyo: Seibunsha, 1972), 12; W. Ma, 

Until the Spirit Comes: The Spirit of God in the Book of Isaiah. Journal of the Old Testament 

Supplement Series # 271, (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1999), 27 


15 R.R. Wilson, ‘Prophecy in Crisis: The Call of Ezekiel,’ in J.L. Mays, & P.J. Achtemeier, 

(eds.) Interpreting the Prophets, (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1987), 161 

16 D.F. Launderville, Spirit and Reason, (Waco: Baylor University Press, 2007), 12; W. 

Eichrodt, Ezekiel, (London: SCM Press, 1970), 1; W. Zimmerli, Ezekiel 1, (Philadelphia: 

Fortress Press, 1979), 10-11; W.H. Brownlee, Ezekiel 1-19. Word Biblical Commentary, 

(Wacco: Word Books, 1986), xxviii 



of interpreting and pronouncing the law, which is demonstrated by the fact 

that he draws upon historical and prophetic traditions as well as legal ones. 17 

The Book of Ezekiel has been the centre of scholarly debate for the last 

century starting in the early 1930s, when its coherence and literary quality 

was heavily critiqued by Torrey, who considered it a pseudonymous 

creation of the Hellenistic period. 18 While few scholars went as far as Torrey 

by critiquing the book as such, Ezekiel himself has often been accused of 

suffering from a mental illness such as schizophrenia, due to his extreme 

behaviour and often overpowering spiritual experiences (3:14-15), some of 

which are unprecedented in the OT. 19 Lately, scholarship has returned to a 

more conservative view of the book and the prophet, though commentators 

still seem to be caught up in the discussion on the locale and time of the 

prophet, which admittedly are hard to place. 20 These scholarly discussions 

will be included in this paper, though only where they have a direct 

influence on the interpretation of ‘spirit’ references in the texts. 

3. A New Heart and a New Spirit 

Having thus laid the background foundation for this paper, the following 

section will now explore one of the most prominent ‘spirit’ themes in the 

Book of Ezekiel, the ‘new heart and new spirit’ texts in 36:25-28 and 18:31. 

3.1 Observation on Papyrus 967 

Before starting to look at this passage in greater depth, it is necessary to 

comment on the omission of verses 36:23b-38 in the oldest manuscript of the 

Septuagint, Papyrus 967 (dated 200 AD), as well as the Codex 

Wirceburgensis (dated 600 AD).21 

A number of theories have been put forward of which Launderville’s is 

probably the least likely one, suggesting that the passage of 36:23b-38 

17 E.F. Davis, Swallowing the Scroll, (Sheffield: Almond Press, 1989), 40; B. Vawter, & L.J. 

Hoppe, Ezekiel: A New Heart, (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1991), 11 

18 Brownlee, Ezekiel 1-19, xx 

19 Wilson, ‘Prophecy and Ecstasy’ in Mays & Achtemeier, 158; C.L. Feinberg, The 

Prophecy of Ezekiel, (Chicago: Moody Press, 1969), 11 

20 Zimmerli, Ezekiel 1, 19; J.E. Lapsley, Can Theses Bones Live? The Problem of the Moral Self 

in the Book of Ezekiel. Beihefte zur Zeitschrift für die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft, 

(Berlin/New York: Walter de Gruyter, 2000), 32 

21 J. Lust, ‘Ezekiel 36-40 in the oldest Greek Manuscript,’ Catholic Biblical Quarterly 43, 

(4/1981), 517 



contains 1,451 letters, almost a full page of a codex (1,512 letters), which 

might have simply been lost. 22 The fact that 36:23b-38 is not simply missing 

but that there was also a rearrangement of chapters, 37 follows 38 in Papyrus 

967, discredits this theory from the start. Another heavily debated 

suggestion is that of McGregor proposing a case of inner-Greek parablepsis 

from the recognition formula in verse 23 to the one in verse 38. 23 However, it 

seems too large an omission to be a copying error, an interpretation Lust also 

vehemently opposes stating that if a scribal error had occurred, the scribe 

would have continued with 37:1 and not chapter 38. Thus, the abovementioned 

rearrangement of chapters further disqualifies McGregor’s 

interpretation. 24 

Commenting on the Hebrew text itself, Allan observes the significant 

non-Ezekielian nature of the Hebrew, notably the unique אנכי ('ânôkiŷ – 

‘which’) of verse 28, the only occurrence in Ezekiel of מצלל (ma‛ălâl – 

‘practice,’ usually bad) of verse 31, תחת אשׁר (tachath 'ăsher – ‘whereas’) of 

verse 34, and הלזו (halleẑû - ‘this’) of verse 35. 25 Remarking on this, Lust 

rightly notes though that other prophetic passages display similar 

phenomena, and thus these hapax legomena would not be alarming as such. 

However, he concludes that taken together with the omission of the text in 

Papyrus 967 and the rearrangement of the chapters therein, it is an indicator 

that the text might have been omitted in the Hebrew Vorlage and was a later 

addition. Though this seems possible, it would also pose the questions of 

when and why that would have been done, for which there are no answers, 

hence shedding doubt on Lust’s conclusion. 26 

It is difficult to come to a definite conclusion at this point, since even Lust 

admits that his comments on the Hebrew text are partly speculative due to 

the lack of information. 27 At any rate, the passage of 36:23b-38 is affirmed by 

the canonical tradition preserved in the Massoretic Text (MT), which opts for 

22 Launderville, Spirit and Reason, 29 

23 L.J. McGregor, The Greek Text of Ezekiel, An Examination of its Homogeneity, (Atlanta: 

Scholars Press, 1985), 190-191 

24 Zimmerli, Ezekiel 2, 245; Lust, ‘Ezekiel 36-40’, 520 

25 L.C. Allen, Ezekiel 20-48. Word Biblical Commentary, (Waco: Word Books, 1990), 177 

26 Lust, ‘Ezekiel 36-40’, 525 

27 Lust, ‘Ezekiel 36-40’, 529 



including it rather than following the abbreviated reading of Papyrus 967. 28 

What might also be of value for this study is to say that on an exegetical 

level, the text-critical background of this passage has to be taken into 

account, though it should not be overestimated as no new theology is 

introduced in this passage. Looking at the content of 36:23b-38, it seems like 

a well-worded summary, borrowing from the surrounding chapters – its 

most famous thought, the gift of a new heart and a new spirit, is mentioned 

again in 11:19, though obviously in a different context. 29 

3.2 The New Spirit: 36:25-2 

Bearing these concluding remarks in mind, one can now proceed to look at 

36:25-28 in depth, which starts out with a cleansing scene preceding the 

giving of the new heart and spirit.30 

Though the verb רקז (zâraq – ‘sprinkle’) in verse 25 is usually connected 

with the sprinkling of blood, the sprinkling with pure water here should be 

understood as a ritual cleansing and recalls the Mosaic rites of purification 

(cf. Num. 19:17-19; Isa. 4:4; Zech. 13:1) as well as Psalm 51:7, which refers to 

sprinkling and cleansing of the worshipper. 31 In other cleansing texts, the 

spirit was the agent of the cleansing itself (cf. Isa. 4:4; the spirit is related to 

fire and water). In the text here, however, the new spirit appears as the 

positive life following the cleansing, which is unprecedented in the OT, 32 

though it seems to level the way for some of the New Testament (NT) 

experiences of the Spirit (Heb. 9:13-14; 10:22; Eph. 5:26). 

The reference to the spirit with an adjective in verse 26 is again unique 

within the Book of Ezekiel and this has created considerable debate on 

whether to interpret it anthropologically or theologically. 33 If one opts for a 

theological interpretation, the new spirit could be identified with God’s 

28 Launderville, Spirit and Reason 30 

29 Lapsley, Can Theses Bones Live? 167 

30 Neve, The Spirit of God, 91; J. Rea, The Holy Spirit in the Bible: All the Major Passages about 

the Spirit, (Lake Mary: Creation House, 1990), 103; Montague, 47 

31 C.R. Biggs, The Book of Ezekiel, (London: Epworth Press, 1996), 116; Feinberg, The 

Prophecy of Ezekiel, 209 

32 

G.T. Montague, Holy Spirit. Growth of a Biblical Tradition, (Peabody: Hendrickson, 1976), 

46 

33 Allen, Ezekiel 20-48, 179; Zimmerli, Ezekiel 2, 249; Eichrodt, Ezekiel, 499 



Spirit in verse 27, as Montague suggests. 34 Finny, however, points out that if 

understood theologically, the impression is that the ‘new’ spirit that would 

be given to the people of Israel is different in operation from the one that is 

already operative in Israelite religion/experience. 35 While recognising his 

argument, it is, nevertheless, doubtful that such a line of thought was 

intended, as it seems like a natural flow within the text to identify the ‘new 

spirit’ in verse 26 with ‘my spirit’ in 27. 36 

Still, most scholars understand verse 26 anthropologically stating that 

due to the use of ‘spirit’ alongside לב (lêb – ‘heart’), it is to be treated 

synonymously as meaning the centre of human volition, thought and moral 

will. 37 Therefore, a renewal of heart and spirit seems to be brought about by 

the granting of a new moral will and a new attitude of spirit towards God 

and His statutes. 38 Along with the deepening of the nature of the spirit come 

a continuity of its activity and a general internalisation of religion. 39 

It seems that this verse goes beyond the usual anthropological 

interpretation at this point since on a physical level, there is an underlying 

sense that the people are defective in some fashion, that they are not fully 

human in a significant way, since a human being cannot live with a heart of 

stone. 40 This organ transplant, however, will recreate the people as 

distinctively human, suggesting that people only become truly human and 

find to their true self after being given the Spirit of God. 

The purpose for which the gift of the spirit is given is further defined in 

verse 27, with the emphasis on God’s Spirit causing Israel to obey His 

statutes. 41 While the impression is often given that the Spirit replaces the law 

34 Montague, 47; P. Joyce, Divine Initiative and Human Response in Ezekiel. Journal for the 

Study of the Old Testament Supplement Series 51. (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 

1989), 110 

35 Finny, The Origins of Pauline Pneumatology, 39 

36 Robson, Word and Spirit in Ezekiel, 243 

37 W.E. Lemke, ‘Life in the present and hope for the future,’ Interpretation 38, (2/1984), 

177; C.H.J. Wright, Knowing the Spirit through the Old Testament, (Leicester: IVP, 2006), 

129; Koch, 130; Rea, The Holy Spirit in the Bible, 102; C.R. Seitz, ‘Ezekiel 37:1-14,’ 

Interpretation 46, (1/1992), 53 

38 Wright, Knowing the Spirit through the OT, 129; Koch, 130; Rea, The Holy Spirit in the 

Bible, 152; Joyce, 108; Lapsley, Can Theses Bones Live? 166 

39 Eichrodt, Ezekiel, 500; Hildebrandt, An Old Testament Theology of the Spirit of God, 95 

40 Lapsley, Can Theses Bones Live? 104; Robson, Word and Spirit in Ezekiel, 244 




(and the tension between law and Spirit is acknowledged here), this passage 

sets out beautifully how the law came first, then the Spirit, which, however, 

points back to the law in almost a circular argument, with the Spirit granting 

the added capability of fulfilling the law. In Biggs’ words, ‘God would take a 

new initiative by providing the motive force for the people to respond to 

God’s action with the obedience God required.’ 42 Thus, God was willing to 

actively participate in His people’s struggle for obedience and as a result 

vindicate His name. 43 

3.3 ‘Get’ A New Spirit: 18:31 

The bestowal of the Spirit, however, does not obviate human responsibility. 

Ezekiel does not envision a new creation devoid of wilful obedience. 44 The 

issue of human responsibility versus God’s action leads to chapter 18:31, 

where the command is to ‘make/get yourself’ a new heart and a new spirit, 

as compared to 11:19 and 36:26, where God gives/promises the new Spirit. 45 

Putting these three verses side-by-side makes one realise that the call is for 

partnership and not mere passivity when the issue of salvation and grace is 

concerned – a tension that continues in the NT with the appeal to ‘work out 

your salvation’ (Phil. 2:12). 46 

Chapter 18 interrupts the two statements on the kings in chapters 17 and 

19 to deal with accountability before God in terms of individual 

responsibility. 47 It begins with a refutation of an apparently well-known 

proverb in Ezekiel’s time and climaxes with his most vigorous exhortation to 

turn away from the transgressions that the people have committed. 48 

18:31 is not to be taken merely as a contrast to the great promise of 36:26, 

that perhaps Ezekiel became more disillusioned with human capabilities to 

affect significant inward change, as Lemke argues. 49 Briscoe rightly points 

out that there is no contradiction in the 18:31 ‘make/get’ to the 36:26 

42 Biggs, The Book of Ezekiel, 116; Davis, 115 


44 Davis, Swallowing the Scroll, 116 

45 Brownlee, Ezekiel 1-19, 291 

46 Zimmerli, Ezekiel 1, 386 

47 Biggs, The Book of Ezekiel, 54 

48 K.D. Sakenfeld, ‘Ezekiel 18:25-32’, Interpretation 32, (3/1978), 295 

49 Lemke, ‘Life in the present’ 177; Brownlee, Ezekiel, 1-19, 291 



‘promise’ of the new Spirit; they are two sides of the same coin. 50 Biggs sums 

it up in an appropriate statement saying that ‘the two forms highlight the 

action of God toward the people calling for repentance, offering the way of 

repentance and renewal when the Israelites repented, and acknowledging 

that the person had to accept the opportunity to repent.’ 51 

Ezekiel thus points out to the exiles that their own sins and not those of 

their parents or society as such are responsible for their fate, and by arguing 

that their relationship with God is not inherited but intentional, they are 

freed and required to take responsibility for it. 52 The focus here is on a 

decision, which is made clear by the fact that a call to repentance appears 

three times in the short section of 18:30-32. 53 Here, repentance is not 

described as a return to God, but as a turning away from wickedness and 

from rebellion. 54 Additionally, not only does Ezekiel demand that the people 

cast off their old selves, he also urges them to become agents of their 

transformation into new selves. 55 

As a summary of this part, it can be concluded that the spirit is portrayed 

as the positive life following a cleansing of heart, as the animating force that 

will cause the people to walk in God’s ways, and, finally, as the moral 

conscience, which makes the people aware of their sin so they can repent of 

it. 

4. The Valley of the Dead Bones 

The Book of Ezekiel is probably most famous for the vision of the valley of 

the dead bones in 37:1-14, which is set between two corresponding themes: 

the ethical renewal of Israel in chapter 36 and the national restoration of 

Israel and Judah in 37:15-28. 56 The spirit plays a central role in this text as it 

occurs no fewer than ten times in these fourteen verses, with varying 

50 Eichrodt, Ezekiel, 246; S. Briscoe, All Things Weird and Wonderful, (Wheaton: Victor 

Books, 1981), 95 


52 M. Fishbane, ‘Sin and Judgment in the Prophecies of Ezekiel,’ in Mays & Achtemeier, 

179 

53 Launderville, Spirit and Reason, 14; Sakenfeld, 299 


55 F.A. Tatford, Dead Bones Live, (Heathfield: Errey’s Printers, 1977). 105 

56 Koch, Der Geist Gottes im Alten Testament, 124 



nuances, which embrace virtually the whole range of meanings previously 

discussed in the section on its etymology. 57 

Ezekiel is brought to the valley plain (cf. 3:22; 8:4), which had been a 

place where judgement had to be suffered, but now becomes the place 

where God triumphs over death and serves as an impressive symbol of 

God’s resurrecting power. 58 This is not the only mention of spirit 

transportation in Ezekiel (cf. 3:12, 14; 8:3; 40:1), which is always induced by 

the ‘the hand of God,’ an expression often used to describe God’s 

possession, inspiration, and empowering of the prophet. 59 It seems to 

designate something felt, rather than seen; an awareness of the divine power 

coming over Ezekiel’s consciousness enabling him to experience these 

heavenly visions. 60 

4.1 The Spirit and the Word 

In verse 4, God commands Ezekiel to prophesy to the bones, that He will 

‘bring’ and ‘give’ the spirit so that the bones shall live, and ‘know that I am 

Yahweh’, which Ezekiel does. The actual events in the vision, however, in 

response to that first prophetic word, culminate in a puzzling anti-climax at 

the end of verse 8, almost giving the impression that the spoken word 

beforehand failed to fulfil its purpose. 61 It seems that something from the 

outside, the spirit, was needed to come and bring to completion what the 

word had started. 62 This is also illustrated by the fact that contrary to the 

usage of נתן (nâthan – put into) as a gift given by Yahweh in verse 6, the 

verb בוא (bô' - ‘enter in’) in verse 9 indicates something external that is 

‘caused to enter’ into the bone or called out from the four winds. 63 

Apparently, the issue concerning the two stages is not so much the power of 

the word per se, but how that word can become effective in people’s 

57 Lemke, ‘Life in the Present‘, 179; Allen, Ezekiel 20-48, 187 

58 Eichrodt, Ezekiel, 507 

59 Neve, The Spirit of God, 97; Robson, Word and Spirit in Ezekiel, 85; Koch, 45-46 

60 R.R. Wilson, ‘Prophecy and Ecstasy: A Re-examination,’ Journal of Biblical Literature, 

(98/1979), 322; G.W.H. Lampe, ‘Holy Spirit,’ Interpreter’s Dictionary of the Bible II, 628 

61 Vawter & Hoppe, Ezekiel: A New Heart, 165, Zimmerli, Ezekiel 2, 260 





experience 64 – the obvious implication being that word and Spirit need to be 

united to achieve the aim of bringing people to God. 

4.2 The Spirit as Creative Force 

Scholars often comment on the close relationship of Ezekiel 37:5, 6, 8 and 10 

with the creation account in Genesis 2:7 and its context, where God forms 

the first human being from the dust and then breathes the breath of life into 

the nostrils. 65 The presence of two stages (forming, then in-breathing), the 

repetition of ‘breathe’ (Gen. 2:7; Ezek. 37:9), and the ‘setting’ (Gen. 2:15; 

Ezek. 37:14) of the people into their ‘land’ (Gen. 2:5; Ezek. 37:12, 14) all point 

into this direction. 66 Ezekiel, however, shows a particular variation in the 

concept of the place of origin of the spirit of human life. 67 While in the 

Genesis creation account, God was still the subject of the ‘breathing’, it 

changes in Ezekiel to the spirit, which is unique in the OT. 68 In this context, 

‘spirit’ is the animating principle of life that makes a person a living being. 69 

Commenting on this, Koch rightly states that Ezekiel, therefore, gives an 

unprecedented scope to ‘spirit’ as the origin of the ‘breath of life’, which has, 

thus, irrevocably made its way into the creation language. 70 Furthermore, the 

identification of the spirit as ‘my spirit’ in verse 14 indicates that a measure 

of divine life has been given to these reconstituted exiles. 71 The biological 

reality has thus turned into an inherently theological reality. 72 


65 Hildebrandt, An Old Testament Theology of the Spirit of God 18; Koch, 26; Vawter & 

Hoppe, Ezekiel: A New Heart, 166; Seitz, ‘Ezekiel 37:1-14,’ 53 



68 H.M. Wahl, ‘Tod und Leben: Zur Wiederherstellung Israels nach Ezekiel 37:1-14,’ Vetus 

Testamentum 49, (2/1999), 226 

69 Hildebrandt, An Old Testament Theology of the Spirit of God 96; R.G. Bratcher, ‘Biblical 

Words describing Man: Breath, Life, Spirit,’ Bible Translator 34, (4/1983), 203 

70 Koch, Der Geist Gottes im Alten Testament , 26; Wahl, ‘Tod und Leben‘, 226 

71 

Launderville, Spirit and reason, 345; M.G. Kline, Images of the Spirit, (Grand Rapids: 

Baker Books, 1980), 22 

72 Seitz, ‘Ezekiel 37:1-14,’ 53 



4.3 The Summoning of the Spirit 

The five-fold clustering of ‘spirit’ references in verse nine suggests that this 

is the heart of the unit. 73 The change from the anarthrous ‘spirit’ of the 

previous verses to ‘the spirit’ stands out and rightly makes Launderville 

argue for a shift in the meaning of ‘spirit’, which previously meant breath or 

human spirit, but now seems to involve the wind as a symbol of the divine 

Spirit. 74 Block argues that Ezekiel is to summon/command the spirit, which 

would give the impression that he can control or influence it. 75 However, the 

ultimate command came from God and not from Ezekiel; Ezekiel was 

commanded to prophecy to the spirit not to command it himself. The 

reference to the ‘four winds’ here is on the one hand a symbol of the 

universality of the life-giving spirit, 76 but on the other hand, an Akkadian 

idiom for the four corners of the earth. 77 It is likely that both meanings were 

intended here. 

4.4 The Spirit Connected to the Land 

Reading verse 14, one naturally thinks of the newly bestowed Spirit of life in 

verse 9, yet it is remarkable that the reference here is explicitly to ‘my 

spirit.’ 78 This suffixed form of ‘spirit’ clearly refers to God’s Spirit as the 

ultimate source of life in the full range of both its physical as well as its 

spiritual connotations. 79 This promise is placed alongside two key phrases, 

namely, ‘you shall live’ and ‘I will place you in your own land’ (cf. 36:28-30 

and 39:28b). 80 God’s Spirit takes up His action in giving the exiles life, 

settling them in their homeland and thus causing them to know that God’s 

spoken word was fulfilled. 81 The fact that Ezekiel sets the resurrection of the 

dead Israel in between its ethical restoration (chapter 36) and its return to the 

promised land (37:15-28), indicates that the physical and political restoration 

of Israel was part of God’s covenantal blessing as well as a crucial part, 

73 Block, JETS, 38; Allen, Ezekiel 20-48, 185; Eichrodt, Ezekiel, 508 

74 Launderville, Spirit and Reason , 335; Koch, 125 

75 Block, JETS, 38 

76 Feinberg, The Prophecy of Ezekiel, 214 

77 Tatford, Dead Bones Live , 217 


79 Lemke, ‚‘Life in the present‘ 179 





maybe even the final stage, of Israel’s spiritual renewal. 82 The timeline, 

however, is important here, since Israel has to be renewed inwardly first (cf. 

36:26-27) before God will restore them outwardly by placing them back into 

their land. Israel was in exile due to their disobedience to God and also due 

to their failure to tend to the land (2 Chron. 36:21), which makes Israel’s 

return to the land a part of God’s salvific plan as well as a part of His 

‘healing’ of Israel’s broken trust in Him. Thus, the promise of ‘my spirit’ 

comes as a response to the outcry of the people ‘our hope is lost, we are 

clean cut off’ in verse 11. The reference to ‘my spirit’ in this passage is 

remarkably similar to that of 36:27, 83 suggesting that the entire unit (37:1-14) 

is an exposition of the notion introduced in 36:26-27. 84 

4.5 The Spirit being ‘Poured Out’: 39:29 

The passage of 39:25-29 is predominantly considered a summary of God’s 

accomplishing of salvation described in chapters 34-37, hence its inclusion 

here. 85 In 39:28b, the reference to the land is again tied in with God’s 

covenantal plan of restoration for Israel (cf. 36:28-30 and 37:14). In 39:29, the 

third and final instance of ‘my spirit’ in Ezekiel can be found, occurring in 

the conclusion of the Gog oracle. 

Unlike the earlier usage, however, Ezekiel 39:29 employs a different 

phrase which is ‘to pour out’ for the expectation of the spirit. 86 Two 

expressions seem important here, namely ‘I will pour out’ and ‘I will not 

hide my face anymore.’ The reference to God hiding His face is usually 

connected to His wrath in Ezekiel (cf. 7:8; 9:8; 20:8; 30:15; 36:18). 87 In the 

present passage, however, what was a stereotypical threat of judgement – ‘I 

will pour out my wrath’ – changes into God’s restorative activity - ‘I will 

pour out my spirit.’ 88 This reversal is further evident as God will not ‘hide His 

82 Lapsley, Can Theses Bones Live? 145 

83 Zimmerli, Ezekiel 2, 257; Allan, 187 


85 D.I. Block, ‘Gog and the pouring out of the Spirit: reflections on Ezekiel 39:21-29,’ Vetus 

Testamentum 37, (3/1987), 259; Rea, The Holy Spirit in the Bible, 105; Robson, , Word and 

Spirit in Ezekiel, 252; Eichrodt, Ezekiel, 529; W.A. Van Gemeren, ‘The Spirit of 

Restoration,’ Westminster Theological Journal, (50/1988), 96 






face anymore,’ which usually describes God’s response to Israel’s 

disobedience (cf. Isaiah 5:25; 9:11; 10:4; 30:4). 

The precise relationship of the phrase ‘I will pour out my Spirit’, to 

Yahweh’s promise that He will ‘give’ His Spirit ‘within them,’ in 36:27 and 

37:14 has been disputed, with the debate usually revolving around the 

significance of the different verbs and prepositions in the respective 

passages. 89 Block strongly argues for a change of meaning from 36:27 and 

37:14 to 39:29, stating that in 39:29, the outpouring of the Spirit serves as a 

guarantee of the future unbroken fellowship between God and His people. 90 

He further comments that the pouring out of God’s Spirit upon His people 

represented an assurance of new life, peace and prosperity, and also served 

as the definitive act of claiming ownership of Israel. 91 While this is accurate, 

it still seems more coherent to not see a shift in essential meaning between 

the texts, as an analysis of God’s ‘giving’ the Spirit and His ‘pouring’ it, 

points to them describing essentially similar actions. 92 Furthermore, on a 

conceptual basis, it seems that the reason for the bestowing of the Spirit was 

Israel’s disobedience, i.e. in all three texts, God’s Spirit will ensure the 

obedience of the restored people. 93 It can, thus, be assumed that the change 

in terminology expresses symmetry with the pouring out of God’s wrath, 

but does not signify something fundamentally new or different from that 

which is envisaged in 36:27 and 37:14. 

In summary of section 4, one can say that word and Spirit go together 

and will only achieve their aim of bringing people to God when they are 

joined. Ezekiel, furthermore, builds upon the creation account presenting the 

spirit as partaking in creation, even as the origin of the breath of life. 

Another important theme in this passage is the Spirit’s connection to the 

land and the people’s daily living. It seems that one of the main reasons for 

the giving of the Spirit is so that the people of Israel would know that God 

has not forsaken them and that He is still true to His word. The return to the 

land plays a vital part in this ‘healing’ of Israel’s trust in their God, and also 

in God’s salvific plan for His people. The pouring out of the Spirit in 39:29 

should be seen in light of the preceding chapters as signifying the sealing of 


90 Block, VT, 267 

91 Eichrodt, Ezekiel, 529; Block, VT, 268 

92 Allen, Ezekiel 20-48, 208-209 




God’s people as a mark of ownership and covenant fulfilment concerning 

Israel’s return of the land (cf. 39:28b). 

5. Conclusion 

After having explored the spirit references in the above verses the 

conclusion can be drawn that the spirit follows the cleansing of the heart, 

that it is the animating force causing the people obey God’s statutes and that 

it is a moral conscience for the people. The giving of the Spirit is very much a 

divine initiative, but it is also recognised that the people still have to do their 

part and actively follow God. In both chapters the granting of the Spirit is 

tied to the land also indicating that no difference is made between the 

spiritual and nonreligious parts of life and that the Spirit has influence on 

both. Above all, the covenant framework of the two chapters suggests that 

the Spirit was given as proof that God was still faithful to His people and 

also to instil hope for future deliverance from exile. 

Bibliography 

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1990). 

Biggs, C.R., The Book of Ezekiel (London: Epworth Press, 1996). 

Briscoe, S., All Things Weird and Wonderful (Wheaton: Victor Books, 1981). 

Brownlee, W.H., Ezekiel 1-19. Word Biblical Commentary (Waco: Word Books, 

1986). 

Davis, E.F., Swallowing the Scroll (Sheffield: Almond Press, 1989). 

Eichrodt, W., Ezekiel (London: SCM Press, 1970). 

Feinberg, C.L., The Prophecy of Ezekiel (Chicago: Moody Press, 1969). 

Finny, P., The Origins of Pauline Pneumatology (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 

2005). 

Hildebrandt, W., An Old Testament Theology of the Spirit of God (Peabody: 

Hendrickson, 1995). 

Hinze, B.E. & Dabney, D.L., Advents of the Spirit (Milwaukee: Marquette 

Press, 2001). 

Joyce, P., Divine Initiative and Human Response in Ezekiel, Journal for the Study 

of the Old Testament Supplement Series 51 (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic 

Press, 1989). 

Kasper, W., Gegenwart des Geistes. Aspekte der Pneumatologie (Freiburg: 

Herder, 1979). 

Kline, M.G., Images of the Spirit (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Baker Books, 1980). 



Koch, R., Der Geist Gottes im Alten Testament, (Frankfurt am Main: Peter 

Lang, 1991). 

Lapsley, J.E., Can Theses Bones Live? The Problem of the Moral Self in the Book of 

Ezekiel, Beihefte zur Zeitschrift für die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft, 

(Berlin/New York: Walter de Gruyter, 2000). 

Launderville, D.F., Spirit and Reason, (Waco: Baylor University Press, 2007). 

Ma, W., Until the Spirit Comes: The Spirit of God in the Book of Isaiah. Journal of 

the Old Testament Supplement Series # 271, (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic 

Press, 1999). 

Mays, J.L. & Achtemeier, P.J. (eds.), Interpreting the Prophet (Philadelphia: 

Fortress Press, 1987). 

McGregor, L.J., The Greek Text of Ezekiel. An Examination of its Homogeneity 

(Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1985). 

Montague, G.T., Holy Spirit. Growth of a Biblical Tradition (Peabody: 

Hendrickson, 1976). 

Neve, L., The Spirit of God in the Old Testament (Tokyo: Seibunsha, 1972). 

Rea, J., The Holy Spirit in the Bible: All the Major Passages about the Spirit (Lake 

Mary: Creation House, 1990). 

Robson, J., Word and Spirit in Ezekiel (New York: T&T Clark, 2006). 

Tatford, F.A., Dead Bones Live (Heathfield: Errey’s Printers, 1977). 

Vawter, B. & Hoppe, L.J., Ezekiel: A New Heart (Grand Rapids, Mich.: 

Eerdmans, 1991). 

Wenk, M., Community-Forming Power: The Socio-Ethical Role of the Spirit in 

Luke-Acts (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 2000). 

Wood, L.J., The Holy Spirit in the Old Testament (Grand Rapids, Mich: 

Zondervan, 1976). 

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2006). 

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39:21-29,’ Vetus Testamentum 37, (3/1987), 257-270. 

Block, D.I., ‘The Prophet of the Spirit: The Use of RWH in the Book of 

Ezekiel,’ Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society, (1/1989), 27-50. 

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The Church as Eucharistic 

Fellowship: A British Apostolic 

Contribution toward a Pentecostal 

Ecclesiology 

Jonathan Black 1 

Abstract 

This article highlights one particular aspect of British Pentecostal ecclesiological 

thought, namely eucharistic thought within the Apostolic Church, and seeks to 

demonstrate the relationship which existed between thinking on the Breaking of 

Bread and wider issues of ecclesiology. An examination is also made of thinking on 

the relationship between the Lord’s Table and matters of particular interest to 

Pentecostal theology, namely the gifts of the Spirit and divine healing. These in 

turn both reinforce and are reinforced by a pneumatological understanding of the 

sacrament, which calls into question prevailing opinions of a Pentecostal approach 

to the interpretation of the significance of the Lord’s Supper. 

Ecclesiology has come very much to the fore in theological thought across 

the theological spectrum in recent decades, yet Pentecostalism has been 

continually criticised for lacking an ecclesiology. In fact, such criticism 

comes not only from outside the movement, but increasingly from within 

the Pentecostal academy itself. Coulter, in seeking to redress this issue, notes 

that ‘Recent Pentecostal theologians attempting to forge a Pentecostal 

ecclesiology seem to agree that early Pentecostalism lacked any significant 

discussion of the doctrine of the church.’ 2 Amos Yong, one of those 

1 Jonathan Black is a lecturer at Continental Theological Seminary: his email is: 

J.A.Black@cantab.net 

2 Dale M. Coulter, ‘The Development of Ecclesiology in the Church of God (Cleveland, 

TN): A Forgotten Contribution?’, Pneuma JSPS 29 (2007), 59 


The Church as Eucharistic Fellowship 

aforementioned recent Pentecostal theologians, states simply that 

‘Pentecostals have not generally given sustained thought to ecclesiology’ 3 ; ‘if 

they have talked about ecclesiology at all, it is usually as an afterthought.’ 4 It 

is likewise assumed that the Lord’s Supper has not received a great deal of 

theological attention from Pentecostals. John Bond, a South African 

Pentecostal theologian, has even gone so far as to write that, among 

Pentecostals, ‘the attitude to the elements of bread and wine betrays a 

doctrinal shallowness’. 5 

For the Apostolic Church, however, ecclesiology has always been of the 

utmost importance. 6 Contrary to Yong’s claims concerning Pentecostalism 

more generally, for the Apostolics the doctrine of the Church was no mere 

afterthought; rather it was their very raison d’être. Neither was the Lord’s 

Supper neglected among the Apostolics; rather, the writings of the early 

British Apostolics demonstrate that they did not fall into the trap of shallow 

eucharistic thought. 

The Lord’s Table within the British Apostolic Context 

Veli-Matti Kärkkäinen has recently reflected on the role of the Lord’s Supper 

in Pentecostal ecclesiology. 

What about the ecclesiological ramifications of the Lord’s Supper for 

Pentecostals? Although it is questionable whether Pentecostals have a 

distinctive ecclesiology at all, it is also true that instinctively, without 

intentional theological reflection, Pentecostals have aligned 

themselves with the free-church ecclesiological tradition. Hence, for 

3 Amos Yong, The Spirit Poured Out on All Flesh: Pentecostalism and the Possibility of Global 

Theology (Grand Rapids: Baker Academic, 2005), 123 

4 Yong, The Spirit Poured Out, 121 

5 John Bond, ‘What is Distinctive About Pentecostal Theology?’, in M.S. Clark & H.I. 

Lederle, eds., What is Distinctive About Pentecostal Theology? (Pretoria: UNISA, 1989), 

140 

6 The Apostolic Church is an indigenous British pentecostal denomination which, 

although small in its homeland, numbers over 6 million members around the world. 

Note that the first series to be printed in Riches of Grace (the doctrinal magazine of the 

Apostolic Church) was entitled ‘Eglwys Iesu Grist’ (‘The Church of Jesus Christ’). See 

Riches of Grace, Vol 1. 


Jonathan Black 

Pentecostals the Eucharist is not constitutive for the being of the 

church 7 . 

Yet, I would argue, that the issue is not quite so clear-cut as Kärkkäinen 

would suggest. 

Elsewhere Kärkkäinen examines the eucharistic ecclesiology of Eastern 

Orthodoxy as represented by John Zizioulas, noting that Zizioulas makes the 

point that when Paul and the early church fathers speak of the church, they 

are referring ‘primarily to the concrete eucharistic community. So the local 

eucharistic gathering is the church of God.’ 8 Some of Kärkkäinen’s 

comments on the pentecostal theology of the eucharist explain why he 

claims that, for Pentecostals, ‘the Eucharist is not constitutive for the being of 

the church’; ‘most often it is a rather short part of the worship service’ 9 , he 

writes, and ‘*a+ general rule of thumb is that it be celebrated monthly’ 10 . 

While these observations may be true of the American and Finnish varieties 

of Pentecostalism with which Kärkkäinen is most familiar, they are in no 

way applicable to traditional British Pentecostalism in any of its three 

forms 11 , and certainly not to the Apostolic Church. Hollenweger’s comment 

that ‘the service of the Lord’s Supper is the central point of Pentecostal 

worship’ 12 would resonate much more with Apostolics and other traditional 

British Pentecostals than would Kärkkäinen’s opinion that the sacrament is 

usually no more than a short part of the worship service. Historically the 

Apostolics (as well as Elim and AoG) have met each and every Lord’s Day 

morning for a service called simply ‘The Breaking of Bread’; thus the 

sacrament was not only the central aspect of the service, it was the service, 

the entire meeting being spent around the Lord’s Table with all that was 

7 Veli-Matti Kärkkäinen, ‘The Pentecostal View’, in Gordon T. Smith, ed., The Lord’s 

Supper: Five Views (Downers Grove: IVP, 2008), 130 

8 Veli-Matti Kärkkäinen, An Introduction to Ecclesiology: Ecumenical, Historical & Global 

Perspectives (Downers Grove: IVP, 2002), 97 

9 Kärkkäinen, ‘The Pentecostal View’, 122 


11 See David Allen, Neglected Feast: Rescuing the Breaking of Bread (Nottingham: 

Expression, 2007). This is a book solely about the Breaking of Bread written from a 

British classical Pentecostal perspective. David Allen is a member of AoG and was 

formerly a lecturer at Mattersey Hall. 

12 Walter J. Hollenweger, The Pentecostals (London: SCM, 1972), 385 



done or said either flowing into or out from the sacrament. 13 The Apostolic 

theologian W.A.C. Rowe notes that ‘this service is the centre of the greatest 

and most important expression of Church activity. The Lord’s Supper takes 

an absolutely central place in congregational worship.’ 14 While allowing that 

‘the Lord’s Supper as a particular act of obedience and spiritual exercise in 

itself may follow any other service’ Rowe proceeds to point out that ‘the 

greatest blessing is obtained usually when a full service is given to it.’ 15 Rowe 

continues by describing the nature of a Breaking of Bread service: 

Time should be given for spiritual exercise in spontaneous, collective 

worship by prayer expression, thanksgiving, praise and in other ways 

glorifying to the Lord … chief place will be given to the wonder of 

His grace (Romans 3:24) and for the resurrection power that ratified 

the work of the cross (I Corinthians 15:20)… The actual participation 

in the Breaking of Bread should take the main place of honour. This 

vital part should not be pushed to some odd corner of the time 

available and be gone through in a hurried or perfunctory manner, as 

if it was merely a duty to be accomplished. Given the climactic place 

of importance, all else should flow toward it, or if experienced earlier 

in the gathering everything that ensues should flow from it. 16 

1 Corinthians 14:26 has traditionally been seen as a key verse for the nature 

of the Breaking of Bread service 17 : ‘How is it then, brethren? Whenever you 

come together, each of you has a psalm, has a teaching, has a tongue, has a 

revelation, has an interpretation. Let all things be done for edification.’ Thus 

there is an expectation among Apostolics that the gifts of the Holy Spirit are 

to be manifested at the Breaking of Bread service. This accords with the 

observation of Eastern Orthodox theologian John Zizioulas that, in the early 

13 For more on this see Richard Bicknell, ‘The Ordinances: The Marginalised Aspects of 

Pentecostalism’, in Keith Warrington, ed., Pentecostal Perspectives (Carlisle: Paternoster, 

1998), 219-221 and Allen, Neglected Feast. Throughout his book Allen critiques the 

movement away from the Breaking of Bread service to the increasingly common 

Sunday morning worship service dominated by singing rather than sacrament. 

14 W.A.C. Rowe, One Lord, One Faith (Penygroes: Apostolic Publications, 1960; 2 nd ed., 

1988), 201; emphasis original 

15 Rowe, One Lord, 213 

16 

Rowe, One Lord, 213-214 

17 see e.g. D. Kongo Jones, ‘The Apostolic Form of Christian Worship’, Riches of Grace 

(1926) 



church, the spiritual gifts were in operation during eucharistic gatherings. 18 

In fact Zizioulas even goes so far as to say that ‘all charismatic 

manifestations< took place during the eucharistic gatherings’. 19 In the 

Apostolic Church, the use of the gifts is doctrinally linked to ‘the edification, 

exhortation and comfort of the Church, which is the Body of Christ’ 20 and 

are therefore ‘only to be exercised in the Assembly < under the supervision 

of the local presbytery’ 21 . Due to the fact that the gifts of the Spirit were not 

to be used at the Lord’s Day evening service (as it was a Gospel Service at 

which non-believers were expected to be present) 22 , as well as the association 

of 1 Corinthians 14:26 with the Breaking of Bread, the exercise of Spiritual 

Gifts was closely (although not exclusively) linked with the eucharistic 

gathering. 23 Certainly then, we must conclude that eucharistic piety and 

practice has historically played a key role in the Apostolic Church. 

The Breaking of Bread & the Nature of the Church 

The centrality of the Breaking of Bread can even be seen in the way in which 

the visible church is defined by the Apostolics. The catechism states it thus: 

‘How is the Church on earth known? It was known after Pentecost as the 

body of people who continued steadfastly in the apostles’ doctrine and 

fellowship, and in breaking of bread and in prayers (Acts 2:42).’ 24 Here in 

the catechism, the Apostolic love of Sola Scriptura is seen in the theological 

answer being given in the form of a Bible verse. Acts 2:42 has always been 

considered of great importance in Apostolic ecclesiology. Yet in this verse 

we see the same three marks of the church as those put forward by the 

Reformers. The ‘Pure Preaching of the Gospel’ is signalled by the Apostles' 

Doctrine, the ‘Right Administration of the Sacraments’ is indicated by the 

18 John Zizioulas, Being as Communion: Studies in Personhood and the Church (Crestwood, 

NY: St Vladimir’s Press, 1985), 193 

19 Zizioulas, Being as Communion: emphasis mine, p193 

20 Tenet 6 

21 The Apostolic Church: Its Principles and Practices, 206 

22 The Apostolic Church:, 266 

23 Within the context of the local assembly, the gifts would also have been operative in 

the prayer meeting and ministry meeting; yet those who attended these two meetings 

would, as a rule, have been regular participants in the Breaking of Bread; thus they are 

a gathering of the eucharistic body, even if not gathered for the eucharist. 

24 J.B. Clyne, Asked and Answered: A Catechism of Apostolic Principles (Bradford: Puritan 

Press, n.d.), 26 



Breaking of Bread and the ‘Exercise of Church Discipline’ is an aspect of the 

Apostles' Fellowship. Thus the Apostolic Church is in essential agreement 

with the Reformers as to the marks of a true church. 25 What is essential here 

for our present purpose is the necessity of the Breaking of Bread as a mark of 

a true church. The choice of Acts 2:42 as the definition of how the church on 

earth is known as opposed to the traditional Reformation formula only 

serves to highlight the importance of the eucharist for the Apostolic 

understanding of the church. 

This importance can also be seen in the nature of church membership 

among the Apostolics. New members were only to be given ‘the right hand 

of fellowship’ at a Breaking of Bread service 26 and the rules to be accepted by 

all members include: ‘Your presence in the meetings of the Church and 

abidance in full communion; that is not to absent yourself more than three 

times from Communion without sufficient reason given for your absence. 

(Heb. 10:25).’ 27 Thus the eucharist and membership of the church were 

closely linked and abiding in full communion was demonstrated through 

participation in Communion, i.e. the Breaking of Bread. W.A.C. Rowe 

explains this by writing that ‘there is no personal option whatsoever, hence 

the Scriptural insistence upon regular observance of this command as a 

principle and condition of Church membership.’ 28 Thus participation in the 

eucharist undergirds church membership; non-participation in the 

sacrament negates membership. Hence the Church is seen as a eucharistic 

fellowship. 

D.P. Williams, the founder of the Apostolic Church, explains this 

intimate link between church membership and the Breaking of Bread whilst 

referring to the link between the Cup and the New Covenant. ‘To neglect 

and disregard the Holy Sacrament is to disregard the very Covenant itself.’ 29 

Thus clearly it is not simply the external rite of attendance at the eucharist 

and the external status of church membership which is of concern to 

25 See e.g. Scots Confession, XVIII 

26 The Apostolic Church: Its Principles and Practices, 254 

27 The Apostolic Church: , 252; this rule also appears on the membership card of every 

member of the Apostolic Church. 

28 

Rowe, One Lord, One Faith, 201 

29 D.P. Williams, ‘Editorial Note: The Lord’s Table’, Riches of Grace, Vol. iii No. 7 (May 

1928), 275 



Williams, Rowe, and the membership rules. Rather it is the covenantal 

reality. Hence we must turn to look at the meaning of the sacrament. 

The Meaning of the Sacrament 

Kärkkäinen writes that ‘*it+ is safe to say – and this is generally 

acknowledged by Pentecostal theologians – that the theological 

understanding of most Pentecostals is basically in keeping with the 

Zwinglian understanding.’ 30 He writes further that ‘the Pentecostal view of 

the Lord’s Supper can thus rightly be called a ‘memorial’ view.’ 31 

Hollenweger makes the same observation, writing that the sacrament is 

viewed ‘on Zwinglian lines as a memorial of Jesus’ death.’ 32 Yet, once again, 

a perusal of the early British Apostolic writings belies this assessment, 

demonstrating that Zwinglian memorialism was, for them, an inadequate 

conception of the sacrament. Something more than Zwinglian memorialism 

was needed to explain the importance which they attached to the Breaking 

of Bread and its link with the New Covenant. 

An elder from the Tygwyn assembly in Llanelli points briefly to the early 

Apostolic understanding of the eucharist in an article for the Riches of Grace 

in 1932; he writes of the Breaking of Bread as ‘the time for us to feed on 

Jesus, to banquet with Him, the only true nourishment of our souls, the 

Bread of Life.’ 33 Although this statement may be brief, it is clearly alluding to 

something more than mere Zwinglian memorialism. D.P. Williams himself 

demonstrates the Apostolic understanding of this feeding on Christ, 

describing how the elements, although ‘no means of grace in themselves’ 

(i.e. not working ex opere operato), become means of grace through being 

joined with the faith of ‘all them that partake of the Sacrament’ and thus 

Christ’s ‘invisible grace is imparted mediately and directly from His Person 

to His worshipping Saints.’ 34 Thus, for D.P. Williams the sacrament is no 

mere memorial, but rather a true means of grace. This is high Calvinism, not 

Zwinglianism. 35 Williams continues: ‘through the agency of the Holy Spirit, 



32 Hollenweger, The Pentecostals, 385 

33 Edwin Williams, ‘The Lord’s Supper’, Riches of Grace, Vol. vii No. 5 (May 1932), 214-215 

34 D.P. Williams. ‘Editorial Note: The Lord’s Table’, 276 

35 See e.g. John Calvin, Institutes of the Christian Religion, 4.14.1; 4.14.14; 4.14.15; 4.17.1; 

4.17.4; 4.17.5; 4.17.11; John Calvin, ‘Catechism of the Church of Geneva’, in John Calvin, 



and the blessing of Christ, the effectiveness of the Finished Work on Man’s 

behalf is spiritually experienced and appropriated by them who have 

entered within the bonds of the Covenant of Grace.’ 36 Here we see the link 

he draws between participation in the sacrament and membership of the 

Covenant, thus explaining his prior comment that ‘To neglect and disregard 

the Holy Sacrament is to disregard the very Covenant itself.’ 37 The 

explanation that it is through ‘the agency of the Holy Spirit’ that grace is 

mediated in the sacrament not only takes the eucharist in a pneumatological 

direction (à la Calvin) which would appear particularly appropriate within a 

Pentecostal ecclesiology, but also serves to avoid the ideas of 

transubstantiation and consubstantiation, so abhorrent to Pentecostal 

theology, 38 while still allowing communicants to feed on Christ. As an 

editorial written by the presiding apostle, the eucharistic teaching contained 

here would appear to carry the weight of official teaching. This is confirmed 

by the fact that later that year ‘Fundamental Truths Believed by the 

Apostolic Church’ were printed on the inside cover of Riches of Grace. 39 The 

combination of the position, the title, and the fact that these were 

unattributed all serves to suggest that they were being printed as official 

teaching. Either they were written by D.P. Williams himself, or heavily 

based on his writings, as the same ideas found in his editorial on the Lord’s 

Table are present, and sometimes even the same sentences word for word. In 

these ‘Fundamental Truths’ we read that, in the Breaking of Bread ‘each 

believing saint partake*s+ by faith of the virtue of *Christ’s+ Own Body and 

Blood, as substantial sustenance to the spiritual Life’ 40 

Treatises on the Sacraments (Fearn, Ross-shire: Christian Heritage, 2002), 91; John Calvin, 

‘Short Treatise on the Lord’s Supper’, in John Calvin, Treatises on the Sacraments (Fearn, 

Ross-shire: Christian Heritage, 2002), 166-172. For a clear contemporary presentation of 

Calvinistic eucharistic doctrine, see Robert Letham, The Lord’s Supper: Eternal Word in 

Broken Bread (Philipsburg: Presbyterian & Reformed, 2001), 28-47. 



38 As W.A.C. Rowe notes, ‘that which is spiritual is spiritual; that which is physical and 

material remains the same.’ (One Lord, One Faith, 205; emphasis original) 

39 Riches of Grace was the Apostolic Church’s official denominational doctrinal periodical. 

40 ‘Fundamental Truths Believed by the Apostolic Church’, Riches of Grace, Vol. iv No.1 

(September 1928), inside front cover; see also ‘Fundamental Truths Believed by the 

Apostolic Church’, Riches of Grace, Vol. iv No.2 (November 1928), inside front cover. Cf. 

Calvin, Institutes, 4.17.10 



This high eucharistic theology is also evidenced by a collection of 

eucharistic hymnody. The three main British Pentecostal denominations 

have historically shared a hymnbook compiled by a committee composed of 

representatives of the three churches, namely The Redemption Hymnal. 41 In 

1974 a new small hymnal was produced as a supplement to The Redemption 

Hymnal, called Hymns at the Holy Table. 42 As the name suggests, this 

collection of 70 hymns was devoted entirely to the sacrament of the Lord’s 

Supper. It was compiled and edited by an Apostolic minister, Ian 

Macpherson, with a second Apostolic minister, Omri Bowen, selecting 

appropriate tunes to go with the words. Interestingly both of these ministers 

served at one time as principal of the Apostolic Church Bible College in 

Penygroes and thus were known within the church as theologians. The 

Redemption Hymnal already contained fifteen hymns under the heading of 

‘Breaking of Bread’ and a further 20 under ‘The Lord Jesus Christ – His 

Sufferings and Death’, yet the eucharistic piety of British Pentecostalism 

required more explicit hymnic attention to the sacrament. The hymns in this 

new eucharistic collection came from a wide variety of sources, some new 

and some old. No. 67 was taken from the Diadache, no. 47 dated from the 7 th 

century, whilst nos. 29 & 44 were written by Thomas Aquinas. Some hymns 

were contributed by Pentecostal hymn-writers, including Ian Macpherson 

himself. Macpherson’s hymns make clear the insufficiency of mere 

Zwinglian memorialism. Christ is said to be present ‘not in memory alone’ 43 , 

‘but with resurrection power’ 44 . ‘Yet are the holy bread and wine / more than 

mere symbols to my soul < And as the emblems are dispensed / more than 

a memory is sensed.’ 45 These hymns 46 are a remarkable achievement in 

articulating the Calvinistic eucharistic doctrine of the Spiritual presence in a 

popular fashion; Macpherson strongly rejects the Roman Catholic doctrine 

of the physical presence, without falling into mere memorialism. He gives an 

41 Joint Redemption Hymnal Committee, The Redemption Hymnal (Bradford: Puritan 

Press, 1951) 

42 Ian Macpherson, ed. & comp., Hymns at the Holy Table (London: Evangel Press, 1974) 

43 Ian Macpherson, ‘In the Breaking of the Bread’, Hymns at the Holy Table No. 25, 

emphasis mine 

44 Macpherson, ‘In the Breaking of the Bread’ 

45 I. Macpherson, ‘Why should I to a biscuit bow’, Hymns at the Holy Table, No. 66 

46 Particularly Hymn No. 66 



excellent, yet popular contrast between transubstantiation and the Spiritual 

presence, making very clear how far apart the two doctrines really are. 

Healing in the Cup 

A high Calvinistic view of the sacrament (and thus being considered a 

means of grace, it is definitely the word sacrament rather than ordinance 

which is appropriate) also helps account for a theme, common in various 

strands of Pentecostalism, which is often found in the Apostolic literature: 

namely the idea that ‘there is healing at the Table.’ 47 Kärkkäinen discusses 

this feature of Pentecostal eucharistic thought 48 , whilst also noting how this 

idea of ‘divine contact point’ sits uneasily with Zwinglian memorialism. 49 

D.P. Williams doctrine, that ‘through the agency of the Holy Spirit, and the 

blessing of Christ, the effectiveness of the Finished Work on Man’s behalf is 

spiritually experienced and appropriated’ 50 in the sacrament as a means of 

grace, would serve to ease this tension. 51 

Edwin Williams uses the link between the Lord’s Supper and Healing, 

along with the idea of the sacrament as a means of grace through which we 

feed on Christ and His benefits to argue against the use of individual 

communion cups and for a single common chalice. 52 

We cannot see how any true Christian can see danger (in the members 

using the same cup) at the Lord’s Table. We are partaking of and 

communing with Christ, Who is Life and Health. How can we partake 

of Life and Health and Death and Sickness at the same time, from the 

same source? It is impossible. It is either Health or Sickness, one of the 

47 See e.g. W.A.C. Rowe, One Lord, One Faith, 211 

48 Kärkkäinen, ‘The Pentecostal View’, 126-128 



51 Interestingly David Allen, writing in 2007, also argues for a Calvinistic eucharistic 

doctrine for Pentecostals. Allen, Neglected Feast. 

52 Note the comment in Keith Warrington, Pentecostal Theology: A Theology of Encounter 

(London: T&T Clark, 2008), 167-168 that ‘small goblets contained in communion trays’ 

are more common than a single chalice among Pentecostals. This is interesting in that 

Warrington is writing from a British (Elim) perspective. Although some British 

Apostolic assemblies now use individual cups on trays, it is still considered to quite 

some extent as ‘un-Apostolic’. Even many large assemblies (e.g. Dover) use several 

chalices rather than individual cups. 



two, and to say that there is a danger is nothing more but to belittle 

the value of Christ’s Atonement. 53 

Williams goes on to make an exegetical argument for a single chalice, 

followed by another theological argument, this time about the unity of the 

Body. ‘As we share the same cup, we realise that we have an equal share, a 

common interest in the same Saviour. We realise that we are all on the same 

level – just sinners saved by grace. There is a greater unity and sense of 

oneness.’ 54 

Communion and Unity 

Edwin Williams was not alone in making the connection between the 

eucharist and the oneness of the Body. According to the ‘Fundamental 

Truths Believed by the Apostolic Church’ in the Riches of Grace, ‘Gathered at 

the Table, we realise that the Cross has abolished all enmity, eliminated all 

class-distinction and broken down all national barriers; that we are members 

of One Body, partakers of One Life’ 55 . Rowe also connects this oneness 

specifically with the Cup. ‘The cup speaks of a great sharing < the thought 

and purpose is of a blissful communion between the Head and members 

and between the members and each other.’ 56 

Rowe takes this motif of the oneness of the Body even further, 

highlighting not only the unity of the members of the church, but also the 

source of that unity in the Head of the Body. Referring to 1 Corinthians 10:16 

(‘The cup of blessing which we bless, is it not the communion of the blood of 

Christ? The bread which we break, is it not the communion of the body of 

Christ?’), Rowe writes that in the Breaking of Bread we have ‘intimate 

communion in the Blood and Body of Christ and thus intrinsically with all of 

Himself and His great purpose.’ 57 Furthermore, Rowe argues that 

‘fundamentally, our communion is certainly and essentially with the Head. 

Obviously there could be no fellowship between the members only because of 

and through the Head. But the one makes the other not only possible, but 

53 Edwin Williams, ‘The Lord’s Supper’, 214 

54 Williams, ‘The Lord’s Supper,’ 214. 

55 ‘Fundamental Truths Believed by the Apostolic Church’, Riches of Grace, Vol. iv No.2 

(November 1928), inside front cover 

56 W.A.C. Rowe, One Lord, One Faith, 207 




necessary’ 58 . Hence for Rowe, the Cup is the sign and seal of ‘the living 

reality of exquisite and vital sharing, in fellowship and communion with the 

Lord and each other and all that essentially belongs to each.’ 59 

The Means of Grace & The Eucharistic Fellowship 

The sacrament of the Breaking of Bread then becomes, in Apostolic 

Theology, much more than a mere memorial of Christ’s sacrificial death; 

rather it is that and much more. The sacrament, through the agency of the 

Holy Spirit is a means of grace to those who partake in faith. As a means of 

grace, through it, the faithful feed on Christ and all His benefits, including 

divine healing, and receive sustenance for their spiritual life. Furthermore, 

the sacrament is also a sign and seal of the unity of the Body of Christ, both 

within itself and with her heavenly Head. As such the sacrament 

undergirds the life of the Church and hence the church is essentially, 

although not always necessarily a eucharistic gathering (the church also 

gathers for prayer, ministry and evangelism, and remains the church when 

not gathered), a eucharistic fellowship. 

58 Rowe, One Lord, 207, emphasis original. Note the accordance with contemporary 

Reformed theologian, Michael Horton: ‘As we receive our Living Head by His Spirit, 

we are made one people.’ Michael Horton, God of Promise: Introducing Covenant Theology 

(Grand Rapids: Baker, 2006), 159. 




Leadership versus the Congregation 

in the Pentecostal/Charismatic 

Movement 

David J. Garrard 1 

Abstract 

Leadership of Pentecostal congregations has been subject to little formal theological 

debate. The attempt to ensure that leadership in Pentecostal congregations follows a 

biblical pattern has been centred on the ‘ministry gift’ concept and the assumption 

that such ministers are right for leaders of their congregations. This has resulted in 

an exaggerated respect for leaders, especially when the concept of ‘anointing’ is used 

to supplement a minister’s authority. As a counterbalance to this kind of mistake, it 

is important to value the role of the congregation, of the people of God as a whole, in 

the function and mission of the work of God. 

Thanks to a sovereign move of the Holy Spirit and the willingness of a 

minority of keen and anxious believers who were not satisfied with the 

status quo, the Pentecostal and Charismatic movements are now able to look 

back with considerable satisfaction at what has been achieved and give great 

praise to God. The way in which the wind of the Spirit has blown across our 

globe appears to be unprecedented and causes one to suggest that even the 

move of God at the time of the Reformation has been surpassed in terms of 

numbers of those who have been influenced by this movement. 2 

The difficulty is that many Pentecostals have become so engrossed with 

their place in what has happened that they have failed to realise that they 

1 David Garrard is Senior Lecturer in Mission & Ecclesiology at Mattersey Hall, UK. 

Email dave.garrard@virgin.net 

2 The increase in numbers of those who have accepted this form of Christianity is 

considerable even if the numbers themselves are debatable. cf. Allan Anderson, An 

Introduction to Pentecostalism: Global Charismatic Christianity, (Cambridge, CUP, 2004), 

p.11; D. Barrett, Todd M. Johnson and Peter Crossing ‘Missiometrics 2006: Goals, 

Resources, Doctrines of the 350 Christian World Communions’, in IBMR, Vol. 30 No.1 

Jan. 2006 pp. 27-30 estimates Pentecostals and Charismatics to represent 596,096.000 

people worldwide. 



have only just begun the journey toward perfection. Their positions, both 

theological and practical, continue to present a haphazard picture to their 

critics within and without the Christian fold. 3 

Post-modernism is guilty of the practice of absolutizing relativism. Truth 

is One in the person of Christ and it is necessary for the believer to tease out 

what that means for the Body as a whole as well as for the individual in 

particular. Pentecostals and Charismatics are normally very dogmatic that 

truth is ‘their perception of truth’ even though they are unable to recognise 

that their own understanding of the same is only partial at best. One of the 

issues with which Pentecostals and Charismatics have difficulty is in the 

building of trust between the leaders and congregations. 

Biblical leadership 

One of the reasons for the apparent success of Pentecostalism and the 

Charismatic movement in the two-thirds world is that it has never accepted 

the dichotomy of Western thinking and for that reason the holism of the 

spirit and physical world make more sense when understood in the light of 

an active spirit world where God has the final say and where the Holy Spirit 

has the answers to all of the believer’s difficulties not just in terms of 

soteriology and sanctification but his need for direction, healing and power 

to overcome the work of Satan. 

Pentecostals have during their history, looked to a number of 

outstanding leaders who have greatly impacted their thinking and their 

practice. 4 Because these leaders have been charismatic, in both the ability to 

express themselves with great facility, as well as in the sense that they were 

people who majored on the use of the Gifts of the Holy Spirit, their word 

was sometimes viewed on a par with that of Scripture itself. 

The problem has been that such thinking has led Pentecostals to have 

more faith in their leaders than it has in their personal understanding of the 

Word of God or perhaps even the personal leading of the Holy Spirit in their 

lives. In real terms it is always easier to listen to a recognised leader and do 

3 The multitude of different groups, names and doctrinal emphases are indications of 

these factors and the lack of unity even if some of them are members of the Pentecostal 

World Fellowship many are not. 

4 In the early days of the Pentecostal movement in Britain men like Donald Gee as an 

author on Pentecostal issues, an organiser and an international figure interested in 

uniting Pentecostals and others like Smith Wigglesworth the practitioner as well as 

George Jeffreys. 


David Garrard 

what he tells you than it is to wait upon God for His personal and secret 

guidance. It takes less time for a start! It also means that if your leader gets it 

wrong you can always blame him for the failure whereas if the individual 

waits upon God and then gets it wrong there is no one to blame but oneself. 

Generally, there is very little difference in the concept of that held by the 

Old Testament Jew of his priest or prophet when it comes to the 

Pentecostal’s view of a God given leader or of an anointed individual. 

Priests and Prophets were the anointed of God. They were in a class of their 

own, appointed by God and representatives of man. They had specific tasks 

for which only they were suited. No one who was outside of the family of 

Aaron and the Levites could serve as a priest. Again, the prophets were 

especially anointed of God and only those who were chosen by Him could 

even speak on His behalf. To attempt to speak on His behalf without this 

particular anointing would not only be foolish but could have dire 

consequences and result in the death penalty for false prophets. 

By the time we come to the New Testament all priests are replaced by the 

one and only High Priest –Jesus Christ. Not only is He the only mediator 

between man and God, He is also the Prophet, the Priest and the King. 

Again, he offers himself as the ‘once for all’ sacrifice for our sin. 

Consequently, to attempt to place oneself in the place of a priest after the 

order of Aaron is to ignore the purpose and plan of God in sending Christ to 

die for mankind’s sin. It is to fail to recognise the difference between Old 

and New Testaments, Old and New Covenants, the covenant at Sinai which 

was partial and has been now done away with, and the perfect covenant in 

Christ’s blood which opens the door to salvation for all mankind who 

believes. The phenomenal action of God has meant that no longer does the 

individual in Christ rely upon another mediator to enter into the full 

presence of God because all believers are privileged to have full access, into 

the presence of God, through the blood of Christ. 

Pentecostals often have created their own spiritual hierarchies, which in 

many ways have bypassed the necessity for the individual to know the voice 

of God. The leaders have done more than lead. They have in many instances 

become spiritual dictators, even if one gives them the benefit of the doubt 

and classes them among the benevolent class. They have usurped the place 

of the Holy Spirit in the exercise of their role. Perhaps they have done this 

without recognising what they have done. Many of these people are well 

intentioned and would admit that they only want to do the will of God but 



due to the emphasis that has been placed upon leadership and ministry 

together with the particular emphasis that has been made regarding the 

ministries in Ephesians 4:11 they have not recognised the danger of their 

teaching nor have they stopped to think about the significance of the 

purpose of God’s anointing upon all of his people in the New Testament. 

The Reformation teaching of Martin Luther regarding the Priesthood of all 

believers 5 has never been more than a theological phrase for many to the 

extent that even the Lutheran Church has failed to implement the teaching 

of its founder. 

British Pentecostals may hesitate to use the term ‘Reverend’ when 

speaking of their pastors, 6 but they still think much in terms of the parallels 

between the Old Testament priest being in charge of religious activities and 

having particular spiritual rights and privileges in the order of the Catholic 

Priest even though they would hate to have it spelled out in such terms. It is 

not the purpose of this paper to deny the significant role played by 

leadership. To do so would be to fly in the face of Scripture and history. 7 

However, it could be suggested that one area of Theology which still needs 

to be corrected and which has been at fault during most of the last two 

thousand years of the Christian era is that the Church has spent so much 

time and energy looking at its leaders, their role, their significance, their 

privileges, that it has not somehow remembered that the Church is not 

equivalent to the hierarchy. There are still large denominations, both 

5 Especially in his writings found in three different works by Martin Luther, An Open 

Letter to the Christian Nobility of the German Nation Concerning the Reform of the Christian 

Estate (1520); A Prelude on the Babylonia Captivity of the Church (1520) and A Treatise on 

Christian Liberty (1520) all in Works of Martin Luther with Introduction and Notes, (Grand 

Rapids, MI.; Baker Book House, The Philadelphia Edition Vol II, 1982), respectively: 

pp.61-164; pp. 170-293 and 312-348. These are by no means the only works of Luther 

which develop the subject but they are the most substantial. Another significant and 

interesting but later work is found in The Right and Power of a Christian Congregation or 

Community to Judge all Teaching and to Call, Appoint, and Dismiss Teachers, Established and 

Proved from Scripture (1523), found in the same series of The Works

David Garrard 

Pentecostal and others, which spend so much time looking at leadership that 

they almost ignore the Body of Christ as a whole. What has happened to the 

congregation? 8 

Whatever is said about the leadership the Church must not and cannot 

afford to forget the reason for which leaders have been set in place. Perhaps 

it is significant that the word leadership as such, is hardly used in Scripture 

(cf. 1 Chron.12:27;13:1; 2 Chron. 32:21; Mt. 15:14; Lk. 18:18). It is applied to 

Christ but in other contexts it is only used in terms of those who are worldly 

leaders and blind leaders of the blind where the term is condemnatory and 

deficient in its understanding of divine purpose. It is very likely that the 

absence of the word is due to the fact that leadership and the connotations it 

bears in a worldly context is always deficient because it is self reliant and 

mostly self serving. 

The gifts God gives to those in the Church who have responsibilities to 

steer his Church in the right direction are totally dependent upon the right 

relationship with Himself and the right motivation with regard to those who 

are to be given direction. They are gifts resulting from the correct 

relationship with the Spirit; the legitimate channel of the gifts depends upon 

continued humility and dependency upon the Lord where there is no room 

for superior attitudes on the part of the leaders (1 Pt. 5:3). The moment 

humility, servanthood and total reliance upon the Lord cease to exist the 

divine/human relationship degenerates into that of human self-reliance, selfimportance 

and the exercise of abuse and models based upon earthly power. 

The compulsion of the Spirit which is in evidence when the gifts are 

properly exercised become the compulsion of the base nature of mankind 

and the individual who has the gifts views himself in terms of having a 

divine right which exceeds that of all the others in the Christian community. 

At that point the concepts of worldly hierarchy predominate and force 

becomes worldly rather than spiritual persuasion or compulsion. 

8 Cf. Comments from a number of scholars on the lack of congruency due to the present 

theory and practice. M. Douglas Meeks in the introduction to Jürgen Moltmann’s, The 

Open Church (ET) (London, SCM, 1978), p.15 as well as Moltmann himself in the same 

work p. 115; Robert Banks, Paul’s Idea of Community (Rev), (Peabody, Mass, 

Hendrickson 1994), touches on this repeatedly pp.129, 130, 131 and shows how Paul 

avoids the use of ‘leadership language’ p. 132.;Tite Tiénou writes ‘sacerdotalism 

conditions man to trust the specialist (priest, pastor, spiritual leader) first before he 

trusts God and His Word.’ The Theological Task of the Church in Africa (ET), (Achimota, 

Ghana, Africa Christian Press, ed. 1982) p. 34. 



Ephesians 4:11 and the Ministry Gifts 

One problem with any systematic approach to the teaching of Christian 

doctrine is that it often ignores the context from which any passage is 

drawn. This is unfortunately true of the way in which those in leadership 

within the Pentecostal denominations and the Charismatic movements often 

present the words of Paul in Ephesians 4:11. The moment verse 11 becomes 

the immediate focus of any exhortation it underlines the centrality of Christ 

as the giver of the particular gifts, and the people who are given, or the 

apostles, prophets, evangelists, pastors and teachers. However, to do justice 

to the passage it is absolutely necessary to understand all that Paul has said 

up to this point. The least that can be expected is that a review of what Paul 

has stated regarding the Church in chapter 4 be undertaken. One of the most 

important things he underlines is the unity both within the Godhead and the 

purpose of the creation which we call the Church. The Apostle makes it clear 

in verse 7 that everyone has been given a gift of God according to the 

measure which Christ has willed. That means that there is no Christian who 

lacks the ability to be involved in the fulfilment of God’s overall plan. Verse 

11 demonstrates that Christ has given the Church a variety of people with 

different functions and activities. 

It is not the purpose of this discussion to examine the full nature of these 

individuals. There is much which has been written and said on that behalf, 

some of which has been helpful and some of which has been of questionable 

value. What is necessary to note here is that the emphasis in Paul’s thinking 

is not the fact that these people have been given to the Church but the reason 

for which they have been given. This reason is presented in verses twelve 

following. Most of the literature coming from Pentecostal leaders concerning 

this area has focused on the importance of the so called – fivefold ministry 9 . 

The authors of this literature have spent their energy debating whether or 

not these ministries are present in our churches today. The emphasis is often 

taken up with a description of the meaning of these names. This is probably 

9 The language may vary but is centred around the Ephesians 4:11 ministries. cf. the 

website of International Coalition of Apostles led by C.Peter Wagner and others: 

http://www.apotlesnet.net/ ; C. Peter Wagner (ed) The New Apostolic Churches, (Ventura 

CA., Regal, 1998); Paul C. Weaver the former General Superintendant of the AOG-GB 

made this subject the matter of numerous messages at churches, conferences and in 

articles but see his book: Breaking the Leadership Bottleneck, (Tonbridge, Sovereign 

World, 2005), pp.84f, pp.89f.; Bryn Jones, The Radical Church, (Shippenburg PA., 

Destiny Pub., 1999), pp. 117ff. 


David Garrard 

a perfectly legitimate activity but it is not the most important because Paul 

was more concerned with what these individuals were to do than he was 

with their importance as individuals in their own right. 

As has already been stated, Pentecostals have always been preoccupied 

with the individuals who have been perceived as the giants of their 

denominations. This means the giants of their brief past and those of the 

present. Any who have been regarded as charismatic preachers, healers, 

prophets, men and women of faith and those who have started large 

congregations, have been, and still are, held in high esteem. They are viewed 

as possessing an anointing which surpasses all others. 10 Again, the whole 

perception of what is understood by anointing in Pentecostal and 

Charismatic circles would be worth an in-depth study. This emphasis upon 

Spirit-filled, anointed leaders means that the mindset of most Pentecostals is 

so attuned that it automatically looks for and to the leaders before it looks at 

the purpose of God in the whole Church. It somehow assumes that provided 

that the leaders are recognised and given pre-eminence the Church will fall 

into the right place as it follows these anointed leaders. The reason for this is, 

as one scholar has suggested, that: ‘the leaders have become the chief 

mediators of God’s power, via the agency of, say, healing, prophecy, or 

renewal.’ 11 

This mindset fails to recognise that many of these so called anointed 

leaders, including some of the best known like George Jeffreys, 12 were 

responsible for such things as major denominational splits; some like 

William Branham 13 have been responsible for the denial of Trinitarian 

doctrine and more recently others have been guilty of moral turpitude. 14 All 

this means is that these people, like any others, are capable of failure. 

These same followers could not comprehend the fact that their leaders 

were just as human as themselves and just as likely to go adrift if they did 

not have the checks and balances that are required of all whether they be in 

10 Anointing is used here metaphorically to indicate divine choice and any resultant 

ministry ability which is mostly attributed to the work of the Holy Spirit. 

11 Martyn Percy, Words, Wonders and Power: Understanding Contemporary Christian 

Fundamentalism and Revivalism, (London, SPCK, 1996), p. 26; it should be noted that 

Percy does not appear to be sympathetic toward much that takes place in Spirit-filled 

circles but this does not mean that we should reject all of his observations. 

12 D.W. Cartwright, ‘Jeffreys, George’ in NIDPCM, pp. 807f. 

13 D.J. Wilson, ‘Branham, William Marrion’ in NIDPCM, pp.440f. 

14 D. Hedges, ‘Swaggart, Jimmy Lee’, in NIDPC, p.1111 



leadership or not. This means that those in leadership are in need of greater 

help, sympathy, prayer and fellowship, than those who are not because they 

are more likely to become targets of satanic attack. This knowledge should 

prevent them from having views of their importance which go beyond what 

is their God given function or as Paul says to the Corinthian Christians, that 

they should not think of their leaders, ‘above that which is written’ (1 Cor. 

4:6). Again Paul underlines the need for all to make sure that they do not to 

have over exalted views of themselves but that they should be realistic 

regarding their abilities and place in the church (Romans 12:3). Exaggerated 

expectations of people, even of those in leadership, will always result in 

disappointment because they demand too much of them and in so doing 

cater to their carnal nature. 

Another matter which needs redressing in Pentecostal circles is the fact 

that authority in leadership needs to be recognised as being dependent upon 

function and not upon position or delegated status. The names given to the 

people gifts in Ephesians 4:11 signify their function and not their position or 

station. This means that they were apostles because of the apostolic gifts 

which they possessed and not because they had been chosen to be apostles 

and to fill an apostolic office. The same can be said of all the functions which 

are given in this text. 

It is amazing how many so-called pastors view the flock for which they 

are responsible with a condescending spirit. 15 They preach to them on 

Sundays but would hardly go out of their way to minister to them on a 

personal level. They do not function as pastors. The people named by Paul 

in Ephesians 4:11 are Christ’s gift to the Church. They are divinely 

appointed and gifted. They may have had their gifts sharpened at a Bible 

College but they certainly did not receive them there. They may have been 

recognised and prayed for by the members of a General Conference, but 

they did not have the gifts conveyed by men but by God. 

Pentecost, anointing or unction. 

The whole area of anointing or unction has to be examined primarily in the 

Old Testament before it can be understood in the New. It has already been 

15 In eastern and southern Congo the expression ‘membre bule’ (French-Swahili for 

‘valueless member ‘or ‘just an ordinary member’) is the descriptor used by pastors of 

church members. Due to the litigious day in which we live I am not able to be more 

specific about these attitudes in the UK. 


David Garrard 

mentioned that one thing of which all need to be careful is that we do not 

read the New Testament purely in the light of what transpired in the Old. 

One of the basic rules of hermeneutics is getting the chronology of any 

passage right. Anointing is used in the Old Testament in a number of ways: 

to pour oil upon an individual who is to be chosen especially for divine 

service such as: a king, a prophet, or a priest. However, it is also used of 

someone chosen to be a captain of the army. In a natural sense it is used of 

rubbing oil on oneself to make ones’ self beautiful and of a good appearance. 

When Pentecostals use the term to describe someone’s preaching or work it 

is usually in the sense that the individual is clearly blessed of God and that 

their speaking, their prayer or their work is clearly powerful and efficacious. 

Yet, often it is used in somewhat of a mystical manner to describe the entire 

character, life and ministry of an individual who is perceived as being 

especially used of God in a general as well as in a specific manner. An 

anointed person is viewed as someone who has received special authority 

and power from the Holy Spirit to a degree which surpasses that observed 

among the majority of believers. 

Most Pentecostals and Charismatics believe that those who are gifted in 

the area of the gifts of the Holy Spirit are anointed to a level which singles 

them out as God’s anointed in a tangible way. If an attempt were to be made 

as to the exact meaning of this anointing and its practical effects, most would 

believe that this gave them authority that surpassed that of the ordinary 

believer. However, when this happens, categorisation automatically results 

which is contrary to the teaching of the New Testament regarding the place 

of members within the Body. This concept is very important because in real 

terms it means that although most Pentecostals are taught that they do not 

believe in the Theology of a clergy/laity split, in real terms they do. The 

gifted individuals are viewed as automatically having superior authority, 

superior power, and superior insight into the will of God. 16 Consequently, 

whatever they say is immediately held as being more important and as 

conveying more of the purpose and will of God than the word of other 

16 Alexandre Vinet, the Swiss theologian, complained about the implications of this kind 

of thinking when he said that if there was any single act which only those who call 

themselves pastors could perform and that no other member of the flock of God could 

carry out then in practical terms we would be able to say that sacerdotal service had 

been reinstated at the heart of Protestantism. In Histoire Général du Protestantisme (E.G. 

Léonard) Vol. III, (Paris, PUF), p. 203 



members. This whole area needs to be closely re-evaluated in the light of the 

teaching of Paul on the Body in 1 Corinthians 12:14-31 and Romans 12:3-8. 

The first passage is particularly significant in that it flows from the text 

which is the focus of the same individuals who perceive themselves as 

especially gifted; they hold to the teaching of an anointed and supernatural 

ministry (I Cor. 12:1-11). Paul introduces the various gifts but immediately 

says that the Body is one even though it has many members (1 Cor.12: 12). 

What is he saying? If one continues to examine the text it is observed that 

Paul is against greater importance being accorded to the more obvious 

members – the anointed spokesmen and leaders. To the Corinthians, he 

emphasises the fact that the less visible members are just as important 

because they make up the entire Body, which is known as the Church. There 

is no room for a ‘Church within the Church’ because each and every 

member plays a vital role. The well-being of the whole Church is the focus 

and not the prominence of the individual, no matter how gifted he or she 

may be. This means that when a hierarchy usurps the place of all members 

within the Body, it minimises the status of the less visible believers and 

consciously or otherwise limits the function that they are to fulfil in the 

whole divine plan because in the NT all the believers make up the new 

priesthood under Christ the Unique High Priest. 17 

The importance of the New Covenant itself, if one is to grasp the 

significance of the difference between Old and New in terms that 

incorporate more than the Person and work of Christ, is the role of the Spirit 

in the entire body of believers or the new community of God – the Church. It 

is the Spirit Himself who has come to make the Church his residing place. 

Not only does he reside in the leadership and the exceptionally gifted 

individuals but within each and every individual who has surrendered to 

God by their placing faith in the Person of Christ as Lord. This is the central 

truth of what makes the Church to be the Church of Christ and the Temple 

of the Holy Spirit (1 Cor. 6:19). Much more time and effort needs to be taken 

to fully grasp the significance of this fact because for the most part, 

Christianity has spent little time looking at the role of the whole Body; 

scholars have been so taken up with the leaders that they are guilty of 

ignoring the major place of the congregation. What M. Douglas Meeks 

17 Hans Küng, The Church (ET), (Tunbridge Wells, Burns & Oates, 1968), pp383-387 has a 

good section on how the doctrine of separation between clergy and laity has developed 

and how it is opposed to NT teaching on the subject of the Church. 


David Garrard 

complains of as representative of most Protestant congregations in the 

Western World is no less true of what faces most Pentecostal and 

Charismatic groups today: 

What we in Europe and North America glibly call ‘congregation’ often 

have no resemblance to what the Reformation originally envisioned as 

the congregated people of God. During the last 450 years the 

Protestant church has nearly destroyed one of the principal realities at 

which the Reformation was aiming, namely, the congregation. There is 

nothing in principle wrong with structures, organisation, authority, 

and offices in the church. They are all necessary. What is wrong is the 

way in which all of these have come to be understood and practiced in 

an overly clericalised, authoritarian, and statically structured church. 

The problem with such a church is that the life of the congregation 

gets squeezed out. 18 

For the majority of Pentecostals and Charismatics the importance of the 

teaching on the Body has never been fully grasped. Most view the relevant 

passages as teaching the significance of the various parts of the body in the 

whole but then immediately go on to describe the pastoral ministry as 

superior. Perhaps it is because those who have most interest in expounding 

these passages in a practical or ecclesiastical context are those who are 

pastors themselves. Since it has often been assumed that pastors have a 

superior ministry to all others it is likely that there is a sense here in which 

pastors are not really the best ones to be called upon to explain the 

significance of the texts. 

This means that rather than merely look at the passages in a detached 

way which assumes that there is going to be no real relationship between 

what we already do in Church and the government of the Church, we 

should be open to asking ourselves the hard questions which require that we 

not only be willing to review what the passages really mean but that we be 

ready to change our views where necessary. 

There is no doubt but that pastoral responsibility has its own authority as 

a God given gift which facilitates the exercise of the task at hand. 19 However, 

18 In Jürgen Moltmann, The Open church: Invitation to a Messianic Life-style, (London, SCM, 

1978), pp.14f. 

19 Even Philip Jacob Spener, the German Pietist who recognise the specific place and gifting 

of leadership, complained as early as 1675, in Pia Desideria (Translated and Edited by 



this is not the only task which is present within the equipping ministries and 

functions and this responsibility, rather than limit the responsibility of the 

individual Christian upon his Lord and the Spirit of Christ, should rather 

bring greater awareness of that responsibility in both deed and word. Any 

practice or pretence which detracts from the individual believer’s 

relationship with the Lord Himself and from his dependency upon the Holy 

Spirit is short sighted and spiritually debilitating. 

If the congregation can see itself functioning as a unit or as a Body then 

the priesthood of the whole, or the prophethood of the whole, 20 should 

automatically issue from the community. However, as long as the 

Pentecostal/Charismatic promotion and reverence of superstars is the norm, 

the Body will remain dysfunctional. The result is not just undesirable it is 

debilitating. 

To return to the theme of Ephesians 4:11ff., it is necessary to understand 

that Paul desired that the Ephesians grasp the importance and function of 

the unity of the Body of Christ. The purpose of the gifts which each received 

(4:7 heni de hekastô hèmôn edothè hè charis

David Garrard 

uses is a technical one which means the person who is to restore something 

or someone to the place for which it was originally intended or to discipline 

and prepare them for the same. 21 In other words, God had intended his 

people be part of his divine team. The plan did not work properly because of 

Adam’s sin, but now that Christ has come and the Holy Spirit has been 

given so that all believers have received the anointing of God, there is work 

to do which excludes none of the redeemed. 

The five-fold ministry must make sure that the entire body of believers, 

which we can call the saints, or the congregation of God, get involved in 

doing God’s work or ministry. Failure to do so is actually a failure in part to 

carry out the intended function which is intricately linked to their very raison 

d’être. Much of the Church has believed that only those who are in 

leadership are in ministry. It can be stated without fear of contradicting what 

the New Testament teaches, even if it contradicts our ecclesiastical 

traditions, that ministry is what Christ has given to the Church – the Whole 

Church - not just what has been given to those who have Ephesian 4:11 gifts. 

Ministry is a fancy word for work. Work is what all called to do and to 

engage in. If the people who name themselves part of the gift ministry do not 

indeed equip the congregation as a whole for the ‘work of ministry for the 

purpose of building up the Body of Christ’ (my translation; Eph. 4: 12) then it 

is legitimate to ask the question: Are they really equippers or are they 

pretenders? If the gift they have is concerned with training, preparing, 

equipping and discipling for the purpose of the overall plan of the work of 

the Church as Christ perceives it, (this is the sense of the verse when it 

comes to understanding ‘work of ministry’ or to put it crudely ‘work of 

work’) and all their followers do is become passive participants in the plans 

of the named gifted individuals, then it could be suggested that something 

has gone horribly wrong or that their gift is not what it is made out to be. 

It could be suggested that the gift ministries have been misunderstood 

because they have focused so much attention upon themselves and their 

importance that they have failed to underline the importance of their 

function. In other words: Why are they there? This is the part that has been 

neglected. In any case, apart from a few exceptions Pentecostals and 

21 cf. katartismon in Eph. 4: 12 where according to W. Baur A Greek-English Lexicon of the New 

Testament and Other Early Christian Literature (ET), (Cambridge, OUP, 4 th Ed. 1952), pp. 

418f. the main thought in the root is that of equipping for a specific purpose, or 

creating with a fixed task in mind. 



Charismatics have been so busy building up the ego of the ‘gift men/women’ 

and giving them rights beyond the intention of Scripture that they have 

done the Body of Christ a disservice. Rather than integrate the congregation 

in the plan of God they have extended the rights and authority of the 

hierarchy and in some cases they have installed a hierarchy with rights 

which surpass those of the Papal system which was present prior to the 

Reformation. All this has happened in the name of spiritual anointing and 

has resulted in a failure on the part of believers to understand their intended 

role as the congregation. 

There is no New Testament Church other than the congregation but it 

would appear that apart from a limited number of congregations during the 

course of the post-Reformation period, the majority of Protestants, including 

the majority of Pentecostals and Charismatics have not understood this and 

have not practiced the priority of the People of God. 22 The majority of 

believers have not functioned in terms of the congregation of the redeemed 

or as a whole people involved in the entire purpose of God engaging a lost 

world with word and works. Because of the emphasis upon the ‘gift men 

and women’ - a very small and highly visible, vocal and gifted minority of 

the Church - has by its teaching and its emphasis been happy to carry all the 

load, have all the heart attacks and nervous breakdowns on behalf of the 

silent and supposedly ‘incapable’ majority. How long will it be before we 

wake up and realise that this was never the intention of Christ or of the 

Spirit for the Church of Jesus Christ? We have made a rod for our own 

backs. It is time to refocus and to realise that rather than the present 

emphasis on the Leadership and their role versus that the of congregation it 

is time to see how it is rather their role together with and as part of the 

congregation to accomplish the plan of Christ for his whole Church in 

today’s impoverished world. 

22 This is indeed the trust of the book written by R. Paul Stevens, The Abolition of the Laity, 

(Carlisle, Paternoster, 1999). 



Review Article 

Visions of Apostolic Mission: Scandinavian Pentecostal Mission to 1935 

David Bundy, 2009 

Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis. Studia Historico-Ecclesiastica 

Upsaliensia, 45. Uppsala, Sweden: Uppsala University Library, (ISBN 978- 

91-554-7413-3, pp. 562), paperback 1 

William K Kay 

This new book by David Bundy is a wonderful piece of scholarship. It is 

essentially a doctoral dissertation on a large-scale covering Scandinavian 

Pentecostal mission from its origins up until 1935. The book begins with an 

introduction to global Pentecostalism, Scandinavian mission, historiography 

and sources. Bundy’s expertise in the Swedish, Norwegian and German 

languages allows him to delve into magazines, letters, articles and other 

documents normally closed to English-speaking scholars. As result we gain 

access to a marvellously rich literature and a set of inter-related events and 

missions that have been invisible to many of us for many years. The book 

outlines Pietist, Methodist, Baptist and holiness sources and shows how 

these different streams within Christianity created various missionary 

models, the most important of these being that of William Taylor (1821- 

1902), the mould-breaking Methodist preacher, organiser, pastor, theorist, 

evangelist and world traveller who championed independent selfsupporting 

missionaries. These missionaries did not need the imprimatur of 

an accrediting agency or board but were able to follow their call wherever it 

led with the result, of course, that such missionaries clashed with a cautious 

ecclesiastical establishment even as they set an example of what could be 

done by bold and persevering faith. 

The 19th-century holiness revival in Norway and Sweden prepared the 

ground for Pentecostalism, a preparation that was supplemented by contact 

with the International Holiness and Healing Conference in London in 1885 

and the Welsh revival of 1904. British and American writings and ideas 

made their way to Scandinavia. John Wesley was known and admired; the 

1 To order, contact the publisher: Acta@ub.uu.se 


Review Article: on Visions of Apostolic Mission by D Bundy. 

work of Hudson Taylor was appreciated; William Booth was partially 

emulated; William Boardman, A J Gordon and Charles Finney were studied. 

Thomas Ball Barratt (1862-1940) grew up in the Methodist Church and 

Bundy is to be congratulated on giving us what is effectively one of the best 

biographies of Barratt in existence, particularly in accounting for his work as 

a missionary in Kristiania (now Oslo) and his attempts to raise money for it 

in the United States in 1905-1906. Barratt learned through the frustrating and 

humiliating experiences of his trip how ecclesiastical politics could impede 

missionary success. The Norwegian Church continued to beg for money 

from its American bishops but its American bishops were reluctant to 

release finance. When Barratt arrived in United States he found himself 

unable to access the congregations that might have supported him while 

being prevented by the Norwegian hierarchy from returning home. He was 

stuck in New York in a no man’s land created by an episcopal power 

struggle and neither able to go forward nor back. In this financially 

desperate and psychologically fraught situation he heard of the Azusa Street 

revival and, after prolonged prayer, experienced baptism in the Spirit and 

speaking in other tongues. 

He reported his experiences in the periodical, Byposten, that he had 

launched and then returned to Norway where his preaching brought 

refreshing and revival which, predictably, was resisted by the Methodist 

bishops and criticised by the popular press. There was no stopping Barratt, 

though. He travelled to Germany, Great Britain and other parts of 

Scandinavia. He became a well-known public figure and attempted to 

organise a spiritual alliance to support mission and to shape emerging 

European Pentecostalism through the European Pentecostal Leaders 

Meetings and the International Pentecostal Council. His intention was to 

create a loose network of supporting churches from different countries 

which would collaborate to send out missionaries and finance. When the 

Pentecostal Missionary Union was formed in 1909 in Britain, Bundy believes 

that Barratt’s larger vision was betrayed by the nationalistic narrowness of 

Alexander Boddy and Cecil Polhill. 

Meanwhile Pentecostalism grew in Sweden, partly as result of roving 

preachers like Andrew Johnson-Ek, who had been a participant in the Los 

Angeles revival and was able to bring first-hand accounts of those events. 

There were long-standing mission organisations in Sweden, and some of 

these, as in Örebro, became Pentecostal in outlook and were able, through 


William K Kay 

their publications, to solicit funding. Equally, O L Björk (1873-1950) the 

Baptist Pentecostal pastor and teacher, promoted Pentecostal mission 

through his publications. The relationship between missionaries and 

bureaucratic mission boards who controlled and directed overseas mission 

was at first accepted by Barratt and the man who became increasingly 

influential in Sweden, Lewi Pethrus (1884-1974). The system generated a 

measure of interdenominational cooperation even as different organisations 

were competing for money from roughly the same group of churches. 

Even without a re-thinking of missionary philosophy, changes on the 

ground in the status and configuration of a Pentecostal churches in Norway 

and Sweden had a knock-on effect upon missionary structures. In the late 

1920s there was worry that missionary organisation in Denmark was 

becoming impacted by an exaggerated belief in the importance of apostolic 

and prophetic ministry as taught by the Welsh Apostolic Church of D P 

Williams. After Barratt had visited North America and England in 1927- 

1928 and seen the result of Pentecostal organisation, he returned determined 

to seek a different direction. He was unimpressed by the spirituality of 

American Assemblies of God and believed that the original revival had 

degenerated into dead denominationalism. After discussion with Pethrus, 

Barratt changed his entire missionary strategy: rather than supporting 

mission boards that controlled the flow of funding and activity on the field, 

he switched back to the notion of missionaries being supported by 

individual congregations that were only loosely connected with each other. 

This was radical congregational mission where each pastor and each 

congregation might have one or more missionaries that they supported and 

cared for. Such a model inevitably brought him into conflict with existing 

missionary boards and, in some cases, with missionaries themselves who 

were presumably worried that their financial sustenance would be cut off. 

After a year of conflict Scandinavian mission was re-conceptualised in 1929. 

Parachurch activities were deemed unacceptable and missionaries overseas 

were expected to found churches that were not accountable to their funders. 

This was a model that gave power to pastors of large Scandinavian 

congregations among whom, of course, Barratt and Pethrus were leading 

examples. By 1939 the Filadelphia Church of Stockholm had 41 missionaries 

so that, after the model had transitioned, missionary work continued 

unabated. 


Review Article: on Visions of Apostolic Mission by D Bundy. 

As a consequence of this study of Scandinavian mission, the extent of its 

reach is revealed. By 1925 there were Scandinavians in India, Brazil, Congo, 

China, Russia, Siberia, Estonia, Austria and Argentina. The contribution of 

Swedish, Norwegian (and to a lesser extent Finnish) churches to global 

Pentecostalism is extensive and under celebrated in the English-speaking 

world. Moreover a valuable account of the spiritual journey taken by the 

young Lewi Pethrus is also included in this book. All this is exceedingly well 

referenced with the result that future scholars will be able to turn to Bundy’s 

footnotes as a starting point for their own quests. It is not an exaggeration to 

say that, despite working within the unifying parameters of his 

Scandinavian focus, Bundy has made a substantial contribution to our 

understanding of Pentecostalism as it unfolded across the world in the 20th 

century. 

Having said this, the book is not beyond criticism. The survey of 

previous scholars of Pentecostalism can be questioned. It is surely untrue to 

suggest that David Martin sees Pentecostals as fundamentalists (p. 7). On 

the contrary he sees them as successors to the great tradition of Methodism. 

Equally, the discussion of North American Pentecostal scholars as having 

provided an unbalanced account of Pentecostalism (pp. 133f) is somewhat 

contradicted by the care that Bundy has taken to show how the movement 

and preachers operating within the English-speaking world made an impact 

upon Scandinavian Pentecostals or proto-Pentecostals. Perhaps most 

questionable is his characterisation of Alexander Boddy and Cecil Polhill as 

nationalists who hijacked Barratt’s idealistic notion of a spiritual alliance 

supporting generalised mission. While it is true that Boddy and Polhill 

supported British entry to the 1914-18 war and that neither was a pacifist, it 

is also the case that Boddy published in Confidence articles showing that his 

support was based upon the notion that Britain should keep its treaty 

obligations to Belgium (Nov 1914, p. 204). This was not a war that Boddy 

wanted. He saw the German invasion of Belgium like that of the village 

bully beating a small boy and, over all this, was laid an eschatological 

expectation of the coming of Armageddon (Feb 1915, p. 26). I might also 

question the notion that Polhill and Boddy set up the Pentecostal Missionary 

Union with nationalistic motives (p. 231): some of these arrangements were 

entirely practical and intended to reflect the languages which missionaries 

were capable of speaking. A missionary organisation composed of polyglot 

missionaries would have been a nightmare to organise. 


William K Kay 

In conclusion, David Bundy is to be congratulated on a major work of 

scholarship and his book deserves to be read all over the world by those 

interested in mission and in Pentecostalism. 



Dialogue and the Mission of the 

Church in Central and Eastern Europe 


CEEAMS-Conference at Kishinev, Moldova 

June 3-6, 2009 

The Central and Eastern European Association for Mission Studies 

(CEEAMS) meets biennially, and this year had 30 in attendance. The theme 

chosen was 'Dialogue and the Mission of the Church in Central and Eastern 

Europe'. The conference took place in Kishinev (Moldova) at the College of 

Theology and Education, whose main academic focus is mission to the 

countries of Central Asia (Uzbekistan, Kirgizstan, Kazakhstan, 

Turkmenistan, Afghanistan and others). 

The conference started with the opening address and a paper from the 

chair (Dr. Peter Penner, Prague) on the Importance of Reconciliation with 

the Past for the region. The discussion was followed by reports given by the 

participants from different regions. 

The issue of a Dialogue between the majority and minority religions, 

Islam and Christianity, was raised and discussed by parallel groups 

composed of representatives from the Romanian Orthodox Church, 

Lutheran Church, Baptists, Mennonites, Pentecostals and Charismatics. To 

our regret, this time no-one from the Catholic Church (not even the members 

of the CEEAMS' steering committee) was present. 

The second day was dedicated entirely to the issue of Christian Mission 

in a Muslim context. Presentations from Dr. David Shenk (USA) and Dr. 

Michai Malancea (Moldova) drew a lot of interest and were followed by 

enriching discussions. The College of Theology and Education in whose 

ministry both speakers are actively involved is very successful in training 

ministers and missionaries for Central Asia. Reports from those who, despite 

persecution, are ministering in Uzbekistan touched all our hearts. 

The third day comprised presentations by Johann Matties (Germany) and 

his team, entitled ‘Coming back’ and by Feodor Mokan (Moldova). First 



speaker talked about the Mennonite ministry in the Ukraine, where several 

Mennonite communities were destroyed during the Soviet time. ‘Coming 

back’ is a beautiful example of the sincere desire of the descendants of those 

who earlier emigrated to the West to minister to those now in need in the 

Ukraine a true example of forgiveness and peacemaking. The second 

speaker gave a thoughtful analysis of the ways in which the church planting 

projects have been initiated in the former CIS since 1991 and the results of 

this activity. 

After the closure of the conference the tour was offered to those whose 

travel schedules allowed to the archaeological excavations (these comprised 

the ruins of Roman settlements, the former Nestorian monastery, and the 

ruins of a Tatar fortress) and the Orthodox church that still exists in the area 

of Kishinev. Those who stayed for Sunday had an opportunity to minister 

together with the local church on the day of Pentecost (according to the 

Eastern Church calendar). 

Unfortunately, despite the large number of countries represented, 

including Moldova, Uzbekistan, Ukraine, Russia, Latvia, Czech Republic, 

Austria, Germany, Netherlands and USA, there was a very poor 

representation of CEEAMS members. 

The conference provided a good opportunity for participants to share 

information about the latest academic research in the area of Dialogue and 

Mission. The Russian speaking participants had the opportunity to purchase 

David Shenk’s book, ‘Journeys of the Muslim Nation and the Christian 

Church’ printed in 2009 in Russian, plus others by the same author and also 

books by Peter Penner. Among other publications was the journal ‘Religion 

in Eastern Europe’ edited by Walter Sawatsky and Paul Mojzes. One of the 

youngest scholar in the area of contextual theology and migration studies, 

Dorottya Nagy from the Netherlands, presented her newly published book 

‘Migration and Theology - The Case of Chinese Christian Communities in 

Hungary and Romania in the Globalisation-Context’. 

Information was given about the coming IAMS-2010 meeting in Iach 

(Romania). If you are interested please contact Olga or look through the 

website for IAMS- International Association for Mission Studies - 

http://missionstudies.org/ 


Book Reviews 

African Pentecostalism: An 

introduction 

Ogbu Kalu 

(New York, NY., Oxford 

University Press, 2008), ISBN 978- 

0-19-5333999-4, pp 359, $99.00 

The late Ogbu Kalu has 

presented a work on 

Pentecostalism in Africa that must 

be one of the best ever produced. 

Here one finds a multifaceted 

approach that recognises the 

significant diversities in African 

ethos and culture while at the 

same time reflecting the many 

congruences that enable us to 

identify a genuinely African form 

of Pentecostalism. The author 

reveals consummate skill and 

attention to detail in engaging the 

interests and methods of theology, 

history, sociology, cultural 

anthropology and political studies 

in compiling an analysis and 

description with which Africans 

of any tribe or colour might easily 

identify. He reveals impressive 

personal skills in articulating his 

research in the sophisticated 

(rather dry) language of Western 

human sciences without in any 

way detracting from his obvious 

passion for, and involvement in, 

his field of study. All of this while 

avoiding the traps of stereotyping 

and simplistic evaluation that 

disfigure so many other works on 

Africa and African religion. 

A single criticism that could be 

made is that Kalu at times paints 

with slightly too broad a brush 

when identifying pan-African 

trends in Pentecostalism. This 

movement, like Christianity in 

general, is located primarily in 

three major regions of Africa: 

Western, Eastern, and Southern. 

There are places where facts and 

trends that accurately reflect the 

West African situation (Kalu’s 

home region) are not so readily 

recognisable to a Southern African 

reader such as myself. The 

different political situation in 

Western and Southern Africa and 

the Pentecostal response to it 

would be a case in point. 

However, In most places the 

shortcoming is linked to insights 

derived from local historical detail 

rather than from sociological 

evaluation. 

The subtitle ‘An introduction’ 

is something of a misnomer. This 

is a comprehensive work. It does 

not purport to offer a detailed 

history of the African Pentecostal 

movement, but in sourcing, 

describing, analysing and 

integrating historical and 

theological data it presents a 

detailed insight into the heart of 

the Pentecostal ethos in Africa. 

Pentecostal origins in Africa, 

developments from 1970-2000, the 

phenomenology of present-day 

Pentecostalism in its social, 

cultural, spiritual and 

philosophical context – Kalu 

utilises an understanding of both 

narrative and analytical 

approaches to these elements to 

draw his conclusions for a 


Book Reviews 

contemporary understanding of 

the movement. 

Being Pentecostal in Africa is 

shown to be both more and less 

challenging than in the North 

Atlantic context. More difficult 

because of the complexities of 

African history in modern times, 

the challenging social, economic 

and political contexts that have 

arisen in post-colonial Africa, and 

the widely divergent origins of 

Pentecostalism on the continent: 

less difficult because of the almost 

natural resonance between the 

Pentecostal ethos and selfunderstanding 

and that of many 

African cultures. The African 

faces of Pentecostalism reflect 

much that is cloned from the 

Western movement – including 

many of the grosser absurdities – 

but even more that has been 

forged in the fire of genuinely 

African experience. The author 

deals with issues such as 

Pentecostal use of the media and 

its relationship to popular culture, 

the role of women in the 

movement, the African use of the 

‘public space’, the articulation of 

its own theology(ies) and practice, 

and the significance of 

Pentecostalism in the African 

migration to the North. From all 

of these discussions, flow data 

and insights that are relevant and 

valuable, not only to the African 

form of the movement but to the 

global movement as well. 

African Pentecostals dare not 

miss this book. Pentecostals from 

other regions of the globe might 

fruitfully acquire it. This African 

reader finds it impressive and 

convincing. 

Mathew Clark, Director of 

Postgraduate Studies, Regents 

Theological College, Nantwich 

UK 

Pentecostal Theology: A 

Theology of Encounter, Keith 

Warrington 

(London: T. & T. Clark, 2008). Xii 

+ 336 pp., pbk, ISBN 0-567-04452- 

1 

This author is, at the time of 

writing, Vice-Principal and 

Director of Doctoral Studies at one 

of the United Kingdom’s longest 

established Pentecostal training 

institutions. More than two 

decades of teaching and scholarly 

engagement, complemented by 

preaching and pastoral activity 

have rendered him an ideal 

candidate for the publications he 

has recently presented. This 

volume attempts, not so much to 

systematise but in so far as is 

possible, to itemise, expound, and 

reflect upon central aspects of 

what has been until relatively 

recently an elusive life-form in the 

‘Republic of Letters,’ that of 

Pentecostal theology. 

In his first two chapters ‘In 

Pursuit of Pentecostalism’ and 

‘The Quest for a Pentecostal 

Theology,’ 

Warrington 

familiarizes the reader with the 


Book Reviews 

fluid and multifarious nature of 

international ‘Pentecostalisms.’ 

He also goes some way toward 

teasing out the essential nature of 

Pentecostal religion, its 

relationship to a growing body of 

theology, and in particular its 

distinctive predilection for 

encounter, experience and divine 

immediacy. 

While urging readers not to 

approach the work like a 

systematic or historical theology, 

this volume clearly owes much to 

those genres of writing. 

Following time-honoured 

tradition, it begins by exploring 

Pentecostal views, teachings and 

doctrines of God and then 

‘descends’ from these heights to 

consider the nature of the Church; 

the Bible (including hermeneutics 

and preaching); Pentecostal 

practice (patterns of worship as 

well as personal ethics and 

priorities); their outward focus as 

demonstrated in the pursuit of 

mission and evangelism; their 

distinctive emphasis on 

miraculous healing and the 

related issues of suffering and 

exorcism (personal preoccupations 

of Warrington’s); 

finally culminating in the 

Pentecostal perspective on the 

return of Christ and the end of all 

things. This structure represents 

an amalgamation of the 

traditional 

Pentecostal 

Foursquare/Fourfold Gospel (to 

the uninitiated this depicted 

Christ as Saviour, Baptiser, Healer 

and Coming King) with received 

systematic methodologies. Such 

an approach enables Warrington 

to outline and analyse Pentecostal 

views and doctrines within 

recognized frameworks, while 

allowing for and accommodating 

nuances and distinctives, features 

which the Pentecostal impulse 

seems to engender. 

As an informed, deliberative, 

and articulate ‘insider,’ 

Warrington offers persuasive and 

discerning commentary at every 

stage of his work. Some 

highlights include the sensitive 

handling of Oneness 

Pentecostalism, a faction expelled 

from the Assemblies of God for 

their avowal that Jesus should not 

be viewed ‘as one of the Godhead’ 

but rather as ‘the Godhead in one’ 

(p. 32). Warrington, evidently 

mindful of sensitive dialogue, 

exchange, and rapprochement 

that has occurred in recent years, 

deftly outlines Oneness views as 

well as related controversies and 

contradictions. His dexterous 

approach is apparent from an 

initial reference to this grouping, 

delicately and accurately 

described as being ‘particularly 

Christocentric’ (p. 31). Another 

enlightening section is that which 

addresses issues surrounding 

Pentecostal education and 

training. The received disposition 

has seen Pentecostals 

purposefully adopt a stance which 

is ‘more activist than reflective, 

more actualized than analyzed.’ 


Book Reviews 

The preference to ‘live in contexts 

dominated by exclamation marks 

rather than question marks’ (p. 

153-154) is acknowledged and 

assessed sympathetically while 

altered agendas, both real and 

aspirational, are presented in a 

way that can only enlighten those 

with a vested interest in the 

Pentecostal future. Here, as 

throughout, Warrington offers 

‘Some Ways Forward,’ not 

dogmatic prescriptions but 

reflective suggestions based on 

thoroughgoing commitment to, 

and awareness of, Pentecostal 

Christianity and its own unique 

practices and orthodoxies. 

The chapter which covers 

views, perceptions and uses of the 

Bible is similarly honest and 

illuminating. The Pentecostal 

approach, it is recognized, has 

traditionally been characterised 

by a pre-critical engagement with 

the text. Furthermore for many 

who have inhabited this sector of 

the Christian world, there has 

been little or no consciousness of a 

gap to be bridged between them 

and the Bible. Warrington 

observes that ‘God’s warnings of 

punishment to the Israelites are 

taken seriously by Pentecostals 

while the songs and poetry of the 

OT echo the fluid dynamism of 

Pentecostal worship and 

spirituality’ (p. 190-191). A 

distinct leaning toward biblical as 

opposed to systematic theologies 

reflects their priorities which are 

praxis-driven and marked by a 

pronounced ‘Jesus-centrism.’ 

Once again, exhibiting the 

strengths of involvement and 

participation in both spheres, 

Warrington adroitly explores the 

relatedness (as well as the 

distinctions) between views and 

practices commonplace among the 

wider Pentecostal constituency, 

and the analytical engagement 

and endeavour that has been 

undertaken by its scholarly 

community. 

It is more than a decade and a 

half since Walter Hollenweger 

extolled the calibre of much of 

what was being produced in this 

field by the early 1990s. 

Warrington’s Pentecostal 

Theology is a substantial 

testament to the wealth of riches 

currently available to those 

seeking to learn more about this 

tradition, whether from the inside 

or from beyond its boundaries. 

As the sprawling phenomenon of 

Pentecostal Christianity continues 

to grow and make its presence 

felt, this volume is both timely 

and necessary. Far more than a 

compendium of beliefs and 

practices - although viewed as 

such it would fulfil its aims 

admirably - this study draws the 

scholarly and the popular, the 

theoretical and the practical, 

together with finesse, sympathy, 

and insight. Few have attempted 

this to date, certainly not on this 

scale, and none have attained the 

synthesis achieved in this 

undertaking. 


Book Reviews 

Pentecostal Theology is a 

volume for which many, not least 

Walter Hollenweger, will have 

cause to be grateful. 

Tim Walsh, Independent Scholar, 

recently of Regents Theological 

College UK. 

Eric Patterson and Edmund 

Rybarczyk eds. 

The Future of Pentecostalism in 

the United States, Lexington 

Books, Rowman & Littlefield 

Publishing Group, Lanham, MD, 

2007, 226 pages. 

Recently, much has been written 

about the origins of 

Pentecostalism and its astonishing 

growth as a worldwide movement 

within the last 100 years. The 

impact of Pentecostal, Charismatic 

and Neo-Pentecostal churches has 

been so strong that a 

‘Pentecostalization’ 

of 

Christendom has taken place. In 

the ‘majority world’ many 

Christian groups, that do not call 

themselves Pentecostal, have 

nevertheless integrated many 

convictions, practices and 

expressions that have been 

popularized by the Pentecostal 

movement. However, many 

Pentecostal churches in the United 

States of America have noticed a 

considerable slowdown of their 

numeric growth. One may ask 

therefore, how do leaders in 

classical 


denominations understand the 

task of their churches for the 

immediate future? How would, in 

their opinion, their church look 

like in 50 years? 

The book that was edited by 

Eric Patterson and Edmund 

Rybarczyk addresses these 

questions by engaging leading 

scholars of the major Pentecostal 

denominations in the United 

States of America. The result is 

enlightening. Parts of the answers 

are given in form of essays about 

the nature and purpose of 

Pentecostal faith and practice. 

Another section of the book 

provides a survey by leaders of 

various 


denominations in the United 

States. 

Frank D. Macchia starts with a 

reflection on the nature and 

purpose of Spirit Baptism, the 

‘crown jewel’ of Pentecostalism as 

he calls it. He pleads for a review 

of theology as a whole under the 

metaphor of Sprit Baptism. Earl 

Creps then studies an emerging 

subculture among young 

Pentecostal leaders that are 

influenced by postmodern 

thought. Is it possible to affirm 

core commitments and leave other 

expressions of Pentecostalism on 

the side? In a similar vein Calvin 

M. Johansson sheds light on music 

in the Pentecostal movement. 

Have many North American 

Pentecostal churches fallen victim 

to a pragmatism that focuses on 

taste and entertainment rather 

than on communal worship and a 


Book Reviews 

spiritual focus? The sociologist 

Margaret M. Poloma investigates 

the ritual aspects of Pentecostal 

practice and points to a 

fundamental tension existing 

between charismatic experience 

and institutional forces. What 

outlook is there if the gifts of the 

Holy Spirit are losing their 

prominence in Pentecostal 

worship? 

Somewhat between the essay 

section and the surveys Jeff 

Hittenberger reflects on the future 

of Pentecostal higher education in 

the United States. Will those 

institutions follow the seductive 

path of secularization? Will they 

recoil from the various challenges 

and withdraw to that which is 

comfortable and familiar? Or will 

Pentecostal higher education have 

the courage to become a 

redemptive force in the complex 

world of academia and in the 

larger society? 

The surveys shed light on the 

denominational 

developments as well as on the 

role of migration, race and 

gender. Arlene M. Sanchez Walsh 

and Eric Dean Patterson focus on 

the important influence of Latino 

Pentecostalism in the United 

States. Do immigrants bring new 

life in otherwise stagnant 

churches? David D. Daniels III 

gives compelling reasons why he 

believes that the mostly Afro- 

American Church of God in 

Christ is uniquely situated to 

impact global Christianity. 

Kimberly Ervin Alexander reflects 

on the importance of holiness and 

how this emphasis is central to the 

future of the Church of God. 

David K. Bernard explains the 

distinctives of Oneness 

Pentecostalism and reflects on the 

future of that movement. David 

Cole speaks about the derivation 

and destiny of Open Bible 

Churches. What future can a 

denomination have that values 

the local church and is forced to 

further decentralize. How can it 

value ecumenical activity and at 

the same time cope with its 

territorial issues? 

Finally, Eric Patterson 

concludes the book with a 

reflection called ‘Back to the 

Future: U.S. Pentecostalism in the 

21 st Century’ on beliefs and 

practices that are at the heart of 

American Pentecostalism. How 

valuable are the doctrines of 

salvation, healing, the second 

coming of Christ and Baptism of 

the Holy Spirit to the individual 

Pentecostal denomination? 

Will Pentecostalism survive if 

biblical authority is not explicitly 

upheld and lived by? What is its 

philosophy of evangelism? Have 

Pentecostals in North America 

given in to some sort of seeker 

sensitive pragmatism? Then, 

writing on Pentecostal practices 

Patterson asks whether experience 

is often mistaken with 

emotionalism? Are the use of 

charismatic gifts an 

embarrassment to many 


Book Reviews 

contemporary churches or are 

they part of a vibrant life in the 

community of Christians? 

Pentecostalism has its roots in the 

Holiness movement. Can it 

reassert an identity and significant 

voice of conscience on social and 

moral issues? Looking into the 21 st 

century, Patterson ends his 

reflection with a focus on charity, 

race and gender. Issues to which 

Pentecostals can speak. Issues that 

are at the core of their original 

identity. 

As the situation in classical 

Pentecostal churches in 

postmodern Europe is in many 

ways similar to that in the United 

States of America, the book by 

Patterson and Rybarczyk raises 

important questions, some of 

them uncomfortable. As Harvey 

Cox points out in his foreword, 

answers are not always given to 

the issues raised. The matter, 

though, is too important not to be 

reflected upon. 

Jean-Daniel Plüss, Chair of 

EPCRA 

Philip’s Daughters: Women in 

Pentecostal-Charismatic 

Leadership 

Estrelda Alexander and Amos 

Yong, (Eds.), 2009, Eugene, 

Oregon: Princeton Theological 

Monograph Series 104, ISBN 13: 

978-1-55635-832-6, pp 260, 

Philip’s daughters are New 

Testament prophets, but 

nameless, faceless, and female. 

This collection of essays is a 

tribute to the legacy of Pentecostal 

and Charismatic female prophets 

who helped to form and shape 

these movements, but whose 

names and faces have remained 

obscured by a gender bias that 

leaves their praises largely 

unsung. 

‘We do not know what they 

said,’ Estrelda Alexander writes of 

Philip’s daughters, ‘but what they 

said made enough of an 

impression on the writer that he 

noted that they were 

prophetesses—individuals set 

apart by divine impartation and 

recognition of the church to speak 

on God’s behalf. The identification 

of their ministry as prophetesses 

begins a legacy of ministry of 

Spirit-empowered women and, at 

the same time, a history of 

suppression of that ministry by 

the church.’ 

Editors Alexander and Amos 

Yong compile essays presented by 

twelve scholars at the ‘Women in 

Pentecostal-Charismatic 

Leadership’ colloquium 2006- 

2007. They represent disparate 

voices and perspectives ranging 

from a history and progression of 

female leadership perspectives in 

classical Pentecostalism, African 

American women and gender 

issues within the African 

American Pentecostal tradition, 

Asian women, Hispanic 


Book Reviews 

Pentecostal women, Canadian 

women, traditions rooted in the 

Holiness movement, single 

women, and more. 

From this wide spectrum of 

perspectives, ‘Philip’s daughters’ 

are viewed with respect to their 

contributions, 

barriers, 

achievements, and reflections. 

Although many mainline 

denominations have worked to 

address gender disparities and 

have involved women in 

increasing levels of ecclesial 

authority, the classical American 

Pentecostal movement has been 

resistant to any genuine elevation 

of the status of women within its 

ranks. The irony is the greater 

proportion of women than men 

historically who have participated 

in shaping and supporting it. 

Contributors reconstruct the 

theological underpinnings that 

gave rise to the involvement of 

females in leadership and 

eventually impeded their 

progress. These include 

Pentecostalism’s 

early 

eschatology, which pragmatically 

called for all hands working 

together to bring in the coming 

return of Christ, and a doctrinal 

foundation set in Joel 2:28, ‘Your 

sons and daughters will 

prophesy.’ Early denominational 

prescriptions based upon Pauline 

statements thought to subordinate 

women to men were simply laid 

aside and not dealt with. 

Contributor Cheryl Bridges 

Johns considers this omission 

regretful, and one that has led to 

women being consigned to the 

religious ‘ghetto’ of prophesy, 

rather than being received into 

full service. ‘Pentecostals have 

failed to clearly enunciate the 

ontological and soteriological 

implications of the liberating 

power of the full gospel. As a 

result, they have created an 

environment characterized by 

ambiguity and confusion.’ She 

contends that ‘the emphasis on 

the prophetic gifting and calling 

of women has done little to 

change the all pervasive belief in 

the inherent inferiority of women. 

Pentecostals have not questioned 

the subordinate role of women; 

they have merely overlaid this 

assumption with an ideology of 

empowerment.’ 

Johns agrees with other 

contributors in calling for the 

development of Pentecostalism’s 

theology of women. 

Pentecostalism must reach for a 

deeper understanding of identity 

and authority based upon the 

Trinitarian reflection of the imago 

Dei. Challenged from this 

perspective, however, modern 

Pentecostals have found 

themselves navigating in 

dangerous theological waters. 

According to Kevin Giles, in ‘an 

all-consuming concern to 

maintain the ‘headship’ of men’ 

their passion has led ‘to the most 

dangerous of all errors—the 


Book Reviews 

corruption of the primary doctrine 

of Christianity, the doctrine of 

God.’ 

Philip’s Daughters provides 

Pentecostalism with an insightful 

and unique historical overview 

from the ‘bottom-up’ perspective 

of one of its history’s unsung 

songs. This vantage point 

provides clarity and illumination 

respecting the movement that 

otherwise might be impossible to 

achieve. 

Research Opportunity! 

The European Pentecostal 

Theological Association (EPTA) is 

looking for a researcher to explore 

the state of European Pentecostal 

Education. The candidate of 

choice will be sponsored with 

3000 Euros over a 2 year period. 

Admission 

Anyone interested, and doing 

a theology masters is welcome. 

Candidates apply through 

submitting the following 

documents: 

1. a proposal for a research 

project; 

2. a letter of application. 

3. a letter of recommendation by 

an recognised specialist on 

Pentecostalism. 

The closing date for 

applications is 14th December 

2009. 

Further information about this 

grant as well as instructions are 

available on 

www.eptaonline.com 

Informal enquiries may be made 

to: 

The EPTA Secretary: Anne Dyer. 

Tel 44 +(0)1777 817663 (office at 

Mattersey) or direct 815005. 

Email:adyer@matterseyhall.com 


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journal, you will be contacted by 

email. Refereeing is anonymous 

unless a referee chooses 

otherwise. Papers are reviewed 

blind and it is the author’s 

responsibility to disguise 

authorship by appropriate means. 

Copies of referees’ reports will 

normally be sent to contributors 

to enable them to see reasons for 

acceptance or rejection. 

References: Two styles are 

acceptable. Either, they may be 

footnoted in this Turabian model 

(no ibids etc.) or in Harvard: 

A version of the Turabian 

model: 

For books: 

Bartleman, F., Azusa Street: the 

roots of modern day Pentecost, 

(Logos International, Plainfield, 

1980). 

T. F. Torrance, Space, Time, and 

Incarnation (London: Oxford 

University Press, 1969). 

For articles: 

A. Yong, ‘To See or Not to See: 

A Review Essay of Michael 

Palmer’s Elements of a Christian 

Worldview,’ Pnuema: The Journal of 

the Society for Pentecostal Studies 

21, 2 (1999), pp.305-27. 

For separately authored 

chapters within books 

D. Lyle Dabney, ‘Otherwise 

Engaged in the Spirit: a first 

theology for the twenty-first 

century,’ in Miroslav Volf, 

Carmen Krieg, and Thomas 

Kucharz (eds) The Future of 

Theology: Essays in Honor of Jürgen 

Moltmann (Grand Rapids, Mich.: 

Eerdmans, 1996), pp.154-63. 

For the web 

http://www.metanexus.net/di 

gest/2004_10_27.htm (accessed 

05.05.2003). Authors to webbased 

text, should be treated like 

the authors of articles. 

Note that the author’s surname 

and initials are not reversed in 

this system for footnotes but are 

for bibliographies.

JEPTA 2009 2 all - European Pentecostal Theological Association

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