jepta 2002 22 - European Pentecostal Theological Association

Vol XXIITHE JOURNAL OF THEEUROPEAN PENTECOSTALTHEOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION

The Journal of the European PentecostalTheological AssociationEditorial PolicyThe Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association is publishedannually by the European Pentecostal Theological Association. The viewsexpressed in the Journal are not necessarily those of the Association. Articles andbook reviews are welcomed. Contributions may be sent to the Editor, KeithWarrington B.A., M.Phil., Ph.D., Regents Theological College, London Road,Nantwich, Cheshire, CW5 6LW, England. Tel: 01270 615405. Fax: 012706 10013. E Mail: keith.warrington@regents-tc.ac.uk. Editorial CommitteeEditor, Keith Warrington B.A., M.Phil., Ph.D.; Consultant Editor, Neil Hudson,B.A., Ph.D., Regents Theological College, London Road, Nantwich, Cheshire,CW5 6LW, England; Hubert Jurgensen; Dr.Theo1.; Cornelis van der Laan, Ph.D.Jean-Daniel Pliiss, Ph.D..SubscriptionsThe Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association is sent free ofcharge to members of the Association. Other subscriptions are available at GB£12 1 US $20 individuals; £20 I US $30 institutions for ONE YEAR. Allsubscription enquiries should'be addressed to the Editor:MembershipFor more information about the European Pentecostal Theological Associationand details of membership please see the back cover.The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association articles areindexed in~elkon ~ndex:~de: ~edddicalsbook reviews are indexed inIndex to Book Reviews in Religionpublished by ATLA, 820 Church Street, Evaston, IL 60201, USA 'ISSN: 0774 6210Copyright 2002 European Pentecostal Theological Association

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. MUI, 2002CONTENTSARTICLESAllan AndersonChristian Missionaries and 'Heathen Natives':The Cultural Ethics of Early Pentecostal MissionariesDavid BundySocial Ethics in the Church of the Poor:The Cases of T. B. Barratt and Lewi PethrusHarold D. HunterSome Ethical Implications of Pentecostal EschatologyLawrence Nwankwo"You have received the Spirit of power ..." (2 Tim. 1:7)Reviewing the Prosperity Message in the light ofa Theology of EmpowermentPaul N. AlexanderSpirit Empowered Peacemaking:Toward A Pentecostal Peace FellowshipGlen H. StassenRecovering the Way of Jesus in the Sermon on the MountForewordThis edition of JEPTA includes a collection of papers relating to ethicalissues concerning Pentecostalism, all of which were offered at theConference of the European Pentecostal and Charismatic ResearchAssociation, held in the University of Leuven, Belgium in 2001. Withregard to written material, it would appear that ethical issues have not beenof major significance to Pentecostals for much of the past century. One ofmy Pentecostal friends, some years ago, aptly coined the phrase"Glossolalic ostrich" to describe the Pentecostal approach to things ethical.However, recent years, in particular, have seen something of adevelopment in this arena and this volume hopes to provide a springboardfor firther discussion.Ethical dimensions impacting mission, eschatology, prosperity,empowerment, peace issues as well other social dimensions are exploredby the authors concerned and reflect a wide variety of culturalbackgrounds, including North America, Europe and Africa. At the sametime, lessons from history are offered as well as the contemporary Church.The next Journal will be dedicated to issues of Spirituality inPentecostalism.BOOK REVIEWSKeith WarringtonEditor

Christian Missionaries and 'Heathen Natives':The Cultural Ethics of Early Pentecostal ~issionaries'. Allan Anderson'Creative Chaos'The first two decades of the Pentecostal movement were certainly giddyones, marked by feverish and often sacrificial mission activities. By 1910,only four yeari after the commencement of the Azusa Street revival,Pentecostal missionaries fiom Europe and North America were reported inover fifty nations of the world.2 From its beginning, Pentecostalism wascharacterized by an emphasis on evangelistic outreach, and all Pentecostalmissionary strategy placed evangelism at the top of its priorities.Evangelism meant to go out and reach the 'lost' for Christ in the power ofthe Holy Spirit. The Pentecostal revival resulted in a category of ordinarybut 'called' people called 'missionaries' fanning out to every comer of theglobe within a remarkably short space of time. Harvey Cox suggests thatthe rapid spread of the movement was because of its heady andspontaneous spirituality, 'like the spread of a salubrious contagion'.3 Ittouched people emotionally, and its emphasis on experience was spreadthrough testimony and personal contact. Faupel chronicles the fanning outof workers fiom Azusa Street, the role of h a Street as a magnet towhich Christian leaders were drawn, the creation of new Pentecostalcentres, and the spread to the nations of the world. In these variousactivities, a lack of central organization resulted in 'creative ~haos'.~McGee describes the first twenty years of Pentecostal missions as mostly'chaotic in operationy?'paper presented at the 10' EPCRA conference in Leuven, Belgium. Allan AndersonICentre for Missiology and World Christianity, University of Birmingham).Faupel, D. W., The Everlasting Gospel: The Signifcance of Eschatology in theDevelopment of Pentecostal Thought, (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1996) 212-6; Robeck, C. M..'Pentecostal Origins in Global Perspective', Hunter. H. D., &Hocken, P. D.. (eds.), All Together in One Place: Theological Papers porn theBrighton Confrence on World Evangelization, (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press,1993) 176-7.'COX, H., Fire from Heaven: The Rise of Pentecostal Spirituality and the Reshaping ofReligion in the Twenty-First Century, (London: Cassell, 1996) 71.4~aupel, 213-222.'~c~ee, G. B., 'Pentecostals and their Various Strategies for Global Mission: AHistorical Assessment', M. W. Dempster, B. D. Klaus & D. Petersen (eds.), Called andEmpowered: Global Mission in Pentecostal Perspective, (Peabody: 'Hendrickson,1991), 208.

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XXII, 2002these and many other Pentecostal missionaries, 'mission' was understoodas 'foreign mission' (mostly cross-cultural, from 'white' to 'other'peoples), and these missionaries were mostly untrained and inexperienced.Their only qualification was the baptism in the Spirit and a divine call,their motivation was to evangelise the world before the imminent comingof Christ, and so evangelism was more important than education or'civilization'.'Pentecostals probably did not exhibit the same enslavement to rationalistictheological correctness and cerebral Christianity that plagued many of theircontemporary Protestant missionaries. They were not as thoroughlyimmersed in western theology and ideology as their counterparts. ThePMU provided rudimentary training for missionary candidates, but statedthat their qualifications had simply to be 'a fair knowledge of every Bookin the Bible, and an accurate knowledge of the Doctrines of Salvation andSanctification', to which was added that candidates 'must be from thosewho have received the Baptism of the Holy Ghost themselves'. There wasno shortage of applications, and entrance requirements subsequentlybecame more difficult, including a required two-year training period.2 Inless than a year PMU chairman Cecil Polhill referred to problems hisorganization had with new missionaries. He said that 'some training wasan absolute necessity' as 'previous experience' had shown 'the mistakeand undesipbility of immature workers, however zealous and spiritual,going forth to a heathen land.'3 We can only speculate at the mistakes earlyPentecostal missionaries must have made. Reports filtering back to theWest to garnish newsletters and motivate financial support would be full ofoptimistic and triumphal accounts of how many souls were converted,healed and Spirit baptized, seldom mentioning any difficulties encounteredor the inevitable cultural blunders made.4Pentecostal Missionaries and 'Pagan' CulturesThe first difficulty to be noted was that these early missionaries were illprepared for the rigours of intercultural and inter-religious communication.Everything happened at great speed, for the early missionaries believedthat these were the last days before the imminent return of Christ, and therewas no time for proper preparation through such things as language'~ollenwe~er, W. J., 'The Black Roots of Pentecostalism', Allan Anderson & Walter JHollenweger (eds.), Pentecostals ajter a Century: Global Perspectives on a Movementin Transition, (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1999) 34.'confidence, 2:6 (June, 1909) 129.'~ecil Polhill, Confidence, 2:11 (November 1909), 253.4~nderson, A., 'Signs and Blunders: Pentecostal Miion Issues at "Home and Abroad"in the Twentieth Century', Journal ofAsian Mission, 2:2 (2000) 193-210.Allan Anderson: Christian Missionaries and 'Heathen Natives':The Cultural Ethics of Early Pentecostal Missionarieslearning and cultural and religious studies. Pentecostal workers from thewhite Anglo-Saxon Protestant world usually saw their mission in terms offrom a civilized, Christian 'home' to a Satanic and pagan 'foreign land',where sometimes their own personal difficulties, prejudices (and possiblefailures) in adapting to a radically different culture, living conditions andreligion were projected in their newsletters home. In 1911, one Britishmissionary in India expressed this fear as she wrote home from westernChina to Confidence: "Please pray for us and the people here, who areliving and dying in Satan's kingdom. His reign here is no uncertain one,but a terrible, fearful, crushing rule, driving the people to wickedness andsin such as is not dreamt of in England. It is a force which can be felteverywhere, an awfUl living presence!"They went out, like many other Christian missionaries before them, with afundamental conviction that the North Atlantic was a 'Christian' realm,that they were sent as 'light' to 'darkness' and that the ancient cultures andreligions of the nations to which they were sent were 'heathen', 'pagan'and 'demonic', to be 'conquered' for ~hrist? Western culture was'Christian' culture and all other cultures were dark problems to be solvedby the light of the gospel, replacing the old 'paganism' with the new'~hristianity'.~ Missionaries went out from the PMU Missionary TrainingHomes with the conviction that their 'future labours' would be among 'thepoor heathen in darkness':Religious intolerance and bigoted ignorancewas a common feature of some of these reports, illustrated by a lamentfrom a British PMU missionary in India in 1914, Grace Elkington: "Oh,what a dark, sad land this seems to be, and the longer one lives in it, themore one feels the darkness all around. ... "What has Hinduism contributedto Christianity?'was the subject under discussion [by other missionaries]one evening. ... it was a pity to see young missionaries occupying theirtime and thoughts with such things, instead of studying and pondering overthe Word of God ... Why, the best thiig any Hindu can do is to die to all hisHinduism and all its distinct lines of thought, and to be baptised into Jesus~hrist."~Almost four years later, she wrote of Hindu temples as 'the works of thedevil', and that 'Ram' (perhaps she meant Rama) was 'a favourite god ofthe Hindus', and 'supposed to be an incarnation of the second person of the'skarratt, C., "PMU, India", ConJidnce, 49 (September, 1911) 214.'~ok, A., Flames ofFire, 35 (February, 1916) 4.'~henk, W. R., 'Recasting Theology of Mission: Impulses h m the Non-WesternWorld', Inter~tional Bulletin of Msionary Research, 223 (July 2001) 100.'~i~~s, J., "SS Fushimi Maru", Flames of Fire, 49 (May, 1917) 40.5 Elkington, G., "Partabgarth", Confidence, 7: 12 (December, 1914) 238.

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XXII, 2002Hindu ~rinity'.' Another missionary discussed Hinduism, quoting Paul:'they sacrifice to devils, and not to God' and said that 'The Devil' was 'atthe bottom of all their worship'.2 At a missionary convention in London in1924, Walter Clifford, on hlough from India, described Hinduism as 'areligion of fear, not a religion of love' and that many of the Indian holymen were 'demon possessed', because 'you can see the devil shining outof their eyes. They have given themselves over to him'.' In north-westIndia, A.L. Slocum complained about the opposition of Muslims, usingpejorative terms: 'Satan seems so entrenched in these Mussulmans that myefforts seem only a drop in the b~cket'.~ Young PMU worker Frank Trevitt(who died in China in 1916) sent back this report h m 'dark China',obviously identifying a treasured Chinese national symbol with the devil:"This is heathendom truly, without light or love, not even as much as adumb beast would have. Well, we have seen much of this spirit, whichtruly is the 'Dragon's' spirit, which is as you know, China's ensi gn... Oh,how one's heart longs and sighs for the coming of Christ's gloriousEnsign, to be placed where the Dragon holds such sway!"Later on, Trevitt referred to Tibetan Lama priests as Satan's 'wickedmessengers', and that 'Satan through them hates Christ in us'." JohnBeruldsen reported on a visit to a Mongolian 'Lama Temple' in Beijingand describes a priest worshipping 'a large idol from 90 to 100 Englishfeet high'. Re comments, 'One could almost smell and feel the atmosphereof hell in these places. Poor benighted people! The power of God couldsave them from it all, if only they knew it." Fanny Jenner, observingreligious rituals in Yunnan, China wrote, 'the heathen spent one whole dayin worshipping the graves of relatives-burning incense and weeping andwailing. Oh the mockery of it all. How Satan blinds their minds!'*Elizabeth Biggs reports h m Likiang on a visit to a Tibetan Buddhistlamasery that 'the seat of Satan might be a good name for such a place',because 'the demonic power was keenly felt, and the wicked faces of theselamas haunted us for many days after'? Miss Agar tells of the 'tortures ofthe Buddhist Purgatory' and how she was 'anew impressed with the strongresemblance between Roman Catholicism and ~uddhism'.'~'~llcin~ton, G., "India", Confldnce, 1 1 :3 (July-September, 1918) 57.'1 Corinthians 10:20; H. Boyce, Confidence, 10:l (January-February, 1917) 11.3~edemption Tidings, 1 :2 (October, 1924) 17.4The Pentecostal Witness, 1 (July, 1924) 4.'~revitt, F., Confidence, 4:8 (August, 191 1) 191.'~revitt, F., Confidence, 5:9 (May, 1912) 215; 5:12 (December, 1912) 286.'~eruldsen, J. C., "North China", Confidence, 6:4 (April, 1913) 84.'~enner, F., "Yunnanfu", Confidence, 8:6 (June, 1915) 118.$iggs, E. M., "Likiang", Flames of Fire, 48 (April, 1917) 29.'%iss Agar, Confidence, 8: 6 (June, 1915) 119.Allan Anderson: Christian Missionaries and 'Heathen Natives':The CulturaI Ethics of Early Pentecostal MissionariesIn Africa, the situation was perhaps worse. British Pentecostal missionaryNorman Burley gives graphic illustrations of his confrontations with 'thepowers of darkness'. He wrote in 1921 of his encounter with 'three ofSwaziland's greatest witch doctors, dressed in the most fearsome costume(?) of their devilish trade'. He describes them 'chanting a weird lewd song'and that 'a word fiom.Heaven's Court assailed and broke down the arrayedpower and splendou (?) of Satan's assembly' so that they 'had todisband'.' Later, he describes a 'large heathen Kraal' with a familygathering for a traditional ritual killing, where 'all are called by the fatherto lay their hands on the sacrifice, while he calls upon Satan and hisdemons to behold their devotion, begging that sickness be kept from the~raal.~ In yet another report, he describes 'all their demon and ancestralworship' paraphernalia', which include a big drum, a 'demon designed anda demon-looking headgear', spears and axes, 'several bundles of "muti"(charm medicines), dishes on which food was wont to be offered todemons and to Satan himself, baskets and clothes that were used 'at noother time and for no other purpose than in such devil worship, and by noother than a fully initiated medium'. There followed a baptismal service inwhich nineteen converts 'stripped themselves of their heathen ornamentsand charms', and cast them into the river of baptism.3 The fact that somany inaccurate, confrontational and tendentious comments werepublished in leading British Pentecostal periodicals not only displays theignorance and prejudices of these missionaries, but also is in itself areflection of the prevailing cultural and religious ethos of earlyPentecostals. This is a far cry from the strategy of Paul, who used existingreligious concepts to proclaim his message and was even commended fornot blaspheming the goddess ~rtemis.~Early Pentecostal missionaries were mostly paternalistic, often creatingdependency, and sometimes were overtly raci~t.~ The attitudes of some ofthem left much to be desired, to put it mildly. In one shocking report, FredJohnstone, a missionary writing to Confidence from the Congo in 1915speaks of the 'practically nude natives' who were 'very raw andsuperstitious'. The missionaries had carriers, who not only bore their heavyluggage for many days on end, but also piggybacked the missionariesacross streams and swamps. Some of the carriers became drunk andviolent, and the missionaries' solution was to give them 'a thrashing with a'~urle~, N., Wbunzini, Swaziland': Things New and OM 1:4 (October, 1921) 32(question marks in original).2~urley, N., "~omati&rt< Things New and014 2:3 (August, 1922) 11.3 Burley, N., Things New and Old, 2:5 (December, 1922) 7.g~cts 19:37.'~cGee,"Pentecostals and their Various Strategies", 21 1.

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XXII, 2002stick', after which there was 'perfect peace'. Arriving at their destination,Johnstone reports, 'The natives came to meet their new ''mukelenge" (orwhite chief) for fully a mile from the mission station'.' Two months later,Confidence published another report h m Johnstone fiom 'the wilds ofdarkest Africa', where he describes the Lulua as a 'very raw, superstitious,and indolent race' who were 'gradually becoming a little more accustomedto the white man and his ways and, praise God, His message of love'? Butfortunately, this missionary was still on a learning curve. Two years later,as he left his mission for firlough in England he wrote: 'It was very hardto say good-bye to the dear natives whom I had leamed to love so much,especially the young teachers in training.. .'.'But racism was too frequent in missionary reports. The conference addresspublished in Confidence an address by a missionary from Africa, MissDoeking, 'Leopard's Spots or God's masterpiece, which?', referring toAfrican people as follows: "The savage is God's opportunity, themasterpiece of our common creator, who delights in tacklingimpossibilities.. . unless the superior races are ready to humble themselves,we may yet witness such an awakening of the despised races as will put toshame the pride of their superiors."4The so-called 'superior races' of Europe were at that very time engaged insuch a homble and dehumanising war that the rest of the world could beforgiven for wondering who were actually the 'savages'. Theincriminations went on. In South Africa, the Apostolic Faith Mission hadby 1917 separated the 'white' churches fiom the others, and declared, 'wedo not teach or encourage social equality between Whites and ~atives'?An English worker in India described her visit to a 'low caste village' witha 'little organ' singing hymns, and commented, 'They are so dull andignorant and have to be taught lie children in the K.G. classes', but addedpatronizingly, 'They followed intelligently, as was shown by theirremark^'.^ Her companion missionary obviously felt the same way,speaking of 'these village women of India', and 'how dull they are, andhow slow to grasp anything new'.7'~ohnstone, F., "Kalamba Mukenya", Kasai", Confdence, 8:5 (May, 1915) 98-9.'~ohnstone, F., "Kalamba Mukenya", Kasai, Confidence, 8:7 (July, 1915) 139.'~ohnstone, F., "Djoka Punda", 'Flames of Fire, 53 (September, 1917) 72.4~oeking, A. E., Confdence, 8:8 (August, 1915) 154.'~nderson, A., Zion and Pentecost: The Spi,rituality and Experience of Pentecostal andZionist1 Apostolic Churches in South Africa (Pretoria: University of South AfricaPress, 2000) 86.6~lkington, G., Flames of Fire, 27 may, 1915) 3.ones, B., Flames of Fire, 33 (November-December, 1915) 9.Man Anderson: Christian Missionaries and 'Heathen Natives':The Cultural Ethics of Early Pentecostal MissionariesThe missionaries in China had better relationships with the people andwere generally not as disparaging in their comments. Whether this wasbecause of the influence and experience of Cecil Polhill or the fact thatChina, unlike India and Africa, was never colonised, is an interestingquestion. Nevertheless, by 191 6 the missionaries were leaving theorganising of a Christmas conference in Likiang to the Chinese, withwhom they shared meetings, meals and accommodation; and themissionaries declared that they were 'indeed a happy family'. However,these reports continued to carry innuendos, as a few sentences M er, thesame report quipped, 'The Chinese are not renowned for theirtruthfulness!" A particularly interesting account of missionaryidentification was provided for his home church in 1923 by Alfred Lewer,who domed Lisu garb and ate as a Lisu in the presence of the ChineseOfficial at New Year festivities. Lewer had obviously made culturaldecisions, forbidding the wearing of pigtails for Christians, and saying 'wehave taught our Christians that they must not bow down to anyone'-acontravention of Chinese custom, especially for the Lisu, a subjugatedpeople. His comments mix insight with innuendo:From a Chinese point of view it was awful for me, a foreigner, to eat withslaves, but through the grace of God we are all of one family,Hallelujah! ... One has to think Yellow out here, and I assure you it is aqueer way of thinking at times.. .. The above incident is one of the greatestvictories we could have had.. . . Do not think it meant any sacrifice to me, itwas all enjoyment. Yet I do thii love changes things, for a lover will doanything for the one he loves, and I believe we need a real love for ourwork at home and abroad?The Missionary Purpose of TonguesAnother cultural insensitivity emanating fiom the early Pentecostaldoctrine of Spirit baptism resulted in a failure to engage in seriouslanguage study. Charles Parham, William Seymour and many of the firstPentecostals believed that through Spirit baptism, actual foreign languageshad been given them to preach the gospel throughout the world. As GaryMcGee has recently shown, this was a wides read belief among 'radicalevangelicals' at the end of the 19' Century. P By 1906, the year of theAzusa Street revival, Pentecostals almost universally believed that when'confidence, 10:2, (March-April, 191 7) 15-1 7.2 Lewer, A. G., Things New and Old, 3:2 (June, 1923), 9; Redemption Tidings, 1:3pecember, 1924) 14.McGee, G. B., 'Shortcut to Language Preparation? Radical Evangelicals, Missions,and the Gift of Tongues', International Bulletin ofMissionory Research, 25:3 (July,2001) 118-125.

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XXII, 2002they spoke in tongues, they had spoken in known languages (xenolalia) bywhich they would preach the gospel to the ends of the earth in the lastdays. There would be no time for the indeterminable delays of languagelearning. Early Pentecostal publications were filled with these missionaryexpectations, and the gift of tongues was often referred to as the 'gift oflanguages'. In the first issue of Azusa Street's The Apostolic Faith(September 1906), the expectations of early North American Pentecostalswere clear: "The gift of languages is given with the commission, 'Go yeinto all the world and preach the gospel to every creature.'.The Lord hasgiven languages to the unlearned Greek, Latin, Hebrew, French, German,Italian, Chinese, Japanese, Zulu and languages of Africa, Hindu [sic] andBengali and dialects of India, Chippewa and other languages of theIndians, Esquimaux, the deaf mute language and, in fact the Holy Ghostspeaks all the languages of the world through His children".'In the earliest issues of The Apostolic Faith, such accounts abound onevery page. The first issue also reported that when Alfred and Lilian Garrreceived the Spirit, the first white pastors to do so at Azusa Street, they had'received the gift of tongues, especially the language of India and dialects',they had both been able to s eak in Bengali, and Lilian Garr had evenspoken Tibetan and Chinese!They were among the earliest Pentecostal'missionaries'. The Spirit had apparently not revealed at the time that therewere well over a thousand Indian languages, but the undauntedmissionaries went off to Calcutta in 1907 filly expecting to speak Bengalion their arrival. Although disillusioned about their language abilities oncethey got there, they persevered and were invited to conduct services in aBaptist church where a Pentecostal revival began. Unlike many others whoreturned home disheartened, the Garrs stayed for some time and later wentto Hong Kong to study ~hinese.'The next issue of Apostolic Faith continued the theme of tongues aslanguages to preach the gospel, or xenolalia, and reported that SisterHutchins had received the gifts of speaking 'Uganda' [sic] butsurprisingly, she went to Liberia. A young girl receives 'the language ofAfkica', a preacher's wife begins to speak French, a missionary toPalestine testifies to speaking 'eleven or twelve languages', and a youngwoman speaks a 'dialect in Africa' with a 'perfect accent' as well as 'twoChinese dialects'? The following issues of Apostolic Faith in 1906 and'Apostolic Faith, 1 (September, 1906) 1.Z~postolic Faith 1,4; 2 (October, 1906)2.3~c~ee, G. B., 'Gm, Alfied Goodrich, Sr.', Burgess, McGee & Alexander, 328.4~postolic Faith, 2, 1-3.Man Anderson: Christian Missionaries and 'Heathen Natives':The Cultural Ethics of Early Pentecostal Missionaries1907 still mention xenolalia,' the December 1906 issue again linking thebaptism in the Spirit with the ability to speak the languages of the nations.Spirit baptism not only 'makes you a witness unto the uttermost parts ofthe earth', it declared, but it also 'gives you power to speak in thelanguages of the nations'. Pentecostal apostle to Europe, T.B. Barratt,writes that he 'must have spoken seven or eight languages ... one foreigntongue after another' when he received Spirit baptism in New York. G.W.Batman, writing en route to Liberia, believes he can 'speak in six foreigntongues given me at God's command'.* The next issue of The ApostolicFaith carried a report from Liberia that one of the missionaries from LosAngeles 'had been able to speak to the people in the cru [sic] tongue'. Thepaper continues to give testimonies of people who spoke 'the languages ofthe nations', and there are reports of people speaking Syriac, Armenian,Chinese, Korean, English (in Norway), Italian, Hebrew, 'High German',Japanese, Spanish and Latin, among others?As the first reports from Pentecostal missionaries in the field begin to bepublished in The Apostolic Faith, xenolalia was noticeably less frequent.The April 1907 issue carried reports fiom Liberia, Calcutta and Hawaii. Aletter from Poona, India gives a firsthand account of the Mukti revival. Amissionary, Albert Norton, speaks of hearing about the revival 'about sixmonths ago' (about September 1906), and he describes 'illiterate Marathiwomen and girls' speaking idiomatic English. Significantly, this issue ofThe Apostolic Faith makes much more reference to 'unknown tongues'and tongues with interpretation than previous issues did?'There are five instances of xenolalia in the November 1906 issue of The ApostolicFaith (3). The first is 'a Swedish sister ... given the gift of the English language with theunderstanding of the words' @ 2), and the testimonies of Ardell Mead, who received'an African dialect' (p 3), Lucy Leatherman who spoke Arabic, Henry McLain whospoke 'the Mexican language', and a twelve year old girl who 'preaches and signs inthe Indian language' (p 4).'~postolic Fairh, 4 (December, 1906) 1, 3,4. This issue mentions a woman speaking'many languages, one of them King that of the Kalamath Indians' and another womanspeaking in 'Hindustani' @ I), a man who testifies that the languages at revival 'arereal languages', including languages of 'British India', another who speaks in Kru andItalian @ 3), a woman speaking Chinese and Japanese, and others speaking Africandialects @ 4). The January 1906 issue speaks of a mother given 'the Hawaiianlanguage' (p 1).3~postolic Faith, 6 (February-March, 1907) 1,3,4.4~postolic Faith, 7 (April, 1907) 12. There is one report h m Florence Crawford aboutpeople speaking in 'the Afii~tongue' and in Italian in meetings in Oakland @ 3), andone from Spokane where a businessman is reported to have spoken in 'Holland-Dutch,Chinese and other languages' @ 4). The eighth Apostolic Faith (May 1907, 1.3) carriesseveral testimonies of xenolalia and gives a report from Minneapolis of a woman whospoke successively in Polish, 'Bohemian', Chinese, Italian and Norwegian.

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XXII, 2002One wonders how the identification of these 'languages' was arrived at.Perhaps it was the sound that gave the particular clue. The 'ends of theearth' to which God's people were to be witnesses surely meant China toNorth Americans and Europeans, and an analysis might reveal thatChinese was the most hquent language 'spoken' in these reports. But aclosing paragraph in ~~ostolic' Faith, quoting from Banner of Truthsuggests that behind these evaluations was an implicit paternalism,ethnocentrism, and perhaps even racism: ''There are 50,000 languages inthe world. Some of them sound like jabber. The Eskimo [sic] can hardly bedistinguished from a dog bark. The Lord lets smart people talk in thesejabber-like languages. Then He has some child talk in the most beautifulLatin or Greek, just to confound professors and learned people."'Reports of xenolalia continue well into the twenties, and this phenomenonwas always regarded as the ultimate 'tongues'. A missionary in Chinawrites of a Bible woman who could not speak a tribal language but wasunderstood in that language as she preached in ~hinese? William Burtonwrites of Luba people in the Congo on whom 'the Spirit fell' resulting inthem praising God 'in beautiful ~n~lish'.' A Catholic priest in India isreported as having heard someone's tongues as 'perfect ~~riac'.~ Butdespite these sporadic and isolated instances, the 'languages' turned out forthe most part to be unknown tongues. Reports from the field abound withhits of the frustrations these missionaries felt because they could notcommunicate in the languages of the people to whom they were so sureGod had sent them. There are no accounts of what happened when theyspoke in tongues to their bemused or astonished listeners. Somemissionaries tumed their htrations against the very languages they weretrying to learn. After berating the Catholic opposition to the Pentecostalmission in the Congo ('we are praying God for victory against thiserroneous doctrine of the Devil'), Fred Johnstone said that it was 'sodifficult to express deep spiritual things in this language, as it is so verypoor'? Many Pentecostal missionaries subsequently resorted to spendingtime with other missionaries and bringing them to Spirit baptism.6'~~ostolic Faith, 7,4.2~uckwalter, A., "Yunnan", Confidence, 130 (July-September, 1922) 47.'Burton, W. F P., Things New and 014 2:6 (February, 1923) 12.4~ay, S., 'Tranancore State, S. India", Redemption Tidings, 2:l (January, 1926) 6.'~ohnstone, F., "Kalamba Mukenya, Kasai", Flames of Fire, 32 (October, 1915) 8.Bays, 'Protestant Missionary Establishment', 61. The Gam wrote: 'Reaching themissionaries is laying the axe at the root of the tree, for they know all the customs ofIndia and also the languages. The only way the nations can be reached is by getting themissionaries baptized with the Holy Ghost.' Apostolic Faith, 9 (June-September,1907) 1.Allan Andenon: Christian Missionaries and 'Heathen Natives':The Cultural Ethics of Early Pentecostal MissionariesThere was clearly a fundamental adjustment going on, and somemissionaries were quite clear on their opinion of xenolalia. By 1912,Dutch Pentecostal missionary Arie Kok could write from Shantungprovince in China: "So-called Pentecostal people begin to declare that they- alone have the Holy Spirit, and that all those who do not belong to themhave Him not. .. Then they reject study of the language as being human,and are spending years in the field without result. They are speaking andshouting in Tongues until after midnight, and disturb the night rest ofothers, and, being told so, they answer that they have to obey the Holyspirit."'Missionaries like Kok, however, turned this seeming setback to theiradvantage as they began to rely more on indigenous helpers for theprogress of the work. He later writes as follows: "One can imagine thedifficulty which confronts the missionary in the language problem .... I feelthat if the natives themselves do not carry the good news to their ownpeople, the task will be impossible for us foreigne rs... The Lord is teachingus more and more that the natives are the best evangelists to their ownpeople. So we are praying and believing for a band of native witnesses,filled with the love and the Spirit of God, who are to carry the glad tidingsto their own villagesw2Kok's fellow worker Nellie Tyler shared his enthusiasm for 'nativeworkers': "Perhaps the most encouraging work that the Lord is doing inour midst is the calling out of the native workers, and it rejoices our heartsas we realize and behold the way that He is working in them. This indeedis a great need, for one native worker filled with the Spirit of God and aburning desire for the salvation of his people is of greater value than manyforeign missionaries, for it takes a Chinese to llly understand a Chinesewith their many strange customs and creed^."^Another missionary reflected, "One realises that there is not only languagedifficulties to be got over, but the study of the ways and thoughts of thepeople have also to be mastered in order to become really useful to themand to the ~ord."~ The inability to speak the languages and understand theculture was bearing lasting hit after all. The missionaries were turningtheir attention to learning to be more sensitive to the cultures andlanguages of the people, and the churches were quickly turning indigenous.'Kok, A., "Shantung Prov., China", Confidence, 5:4 (April, 1912) 92 (underlining inoriginal).'Kok, A. & E., "Liang-W, Confidence, 6:10 (October. 1913) 206-7.'~~ler, Nellie, "YunnanfU", Flames of Fire, 39 (June, 1916) 9.4~oyce, H., Confidence, 10: 1 (January-February, 1917) 11.

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XXII, 2002The missionaries may not have foreseen or planned this result, but it wasone that was to be of vital importance for the future. Missions like theCongo Evangelistic Mission rejected the use of interpreters and thus forcedtheir workers to learn languages, for as James Salter rightly observed, 'Tolearn the language is the way to the hearts of the people'.' But Burton'spolicy was clearly stated in 1925: 'The great needs are Spirit-filled nativeevangelists, and a few white workers to superintend and help them'.'Forty-five years after Burton had begun this mission in 1915, it was stilldirected by an all white Field Executive Council and had sixty-fivemissionaries working in fourteen mission compounds?It seems that not all Pentecostal missionaries were convinced of the virtuesof an indigenous church. Cecil Polhill had encouraged his PMU workers inthis direction, and a woman in India replied that 'for India at least, it isquite a new thought that the churches should be in the hands of IndianPastors and Elders', and added wistfully, 'but I am sure it is the Lord'splan'.4 Polhill wrote a significant article in Flames ofFire in May 1917:The following quotations emphasize the supreme fact that the nativesthemselves must be the chief factor in evangelization:[E. Coles] AFRICA MUST BE EVANGELIZED BY THE AFRICANS!"These people are born missionaries, and with a little training andteaching, ,,would, I believe, be ready to go out far and wide asmissionaries .... Every missionary might be the means in God's hands ofsending out in a very short time numbers of well taught spiritual convertsas missionaries to their own countrymen. . . .[CMS Review, March 19171 "The larger advance will come when we havedischarged our function as foreign missionaries by establishing in theseveral non-Christian lands indigenous, self-propagating churches, andhave committed to them-either with or without subordinate assistancefrom us-the completion of the work of e~an~elization."~With astonishing insight for this period, nurtured by his many years ofassociation with the China Inland Mission, the English aristocrat PolhillAllan Anderson: Christian Missionaries and 'Heathen Natives':The Cultural Ethics of Early Pentecostal Missionarieswent on to assert: "Is not that day far nearer in not a few of our fields ofwork in Asia and Africa than we as yet commonly recognize? TheChristians are reckoned by their thousands and tens of thousands. In natureand temperament they are far better qualified than we to present themessage to their fellow countrymen. Intellectually they are often fully ourequals. Spiritually the power that works in us is also the power that worksin them.. ..These are things of high mission policy. Meanwhile the biggestservice that the individual missionary can offer will over and over again beknown and trusted as a true friend, quietly to live down antipathy andsuspicion where it exists, watchfully and generously to seek foropportunities of surrendering to the native brother or sister a task which theforeigner could more easily fulfil himself."'There are signs that PMU missionaries took his advice seriously.Indigenous leadership was to become one of the strongest features ofPentecostalism throughout the world, and not only in the PMU. Burton'sCongo Evangelistic Mission placed a high priority on the training of'native evangelists' from the start.2 Clearly, the failure of the belief in the'languages of the nations' given at Spirit baptism did not mean that all waslost. Frank Macchia points out: "Though the mistaken notion of tongues asdivinely given human languages as an evangelistic tool was abandoned,the vision of dynamic,empowerment for the global witness of the people ofGod ... remains fhdarnental to a Pentecostal understandig of tongue^."^It was for this reason that the Pentecostal mission activity continued at fullstrength. Alexander Boddy penned the prevalent optimism of Pentecostalleaders when he described the 'Hall-Marks' of Pentecostal baptism inAugust 1909. The fifth 'Hall-Mark' was what he called the 'MissionaryTest': "In spite of what seemed to be a disappointment when they foundthey could not preach in the language of the people, and in spite ofmistakes made chiefly through their zeal, God has blessed, and now morethan ever the Pentecostal Movement is truly a Missionary Movement. Withmore training now an increasing band of missionaries is in the field orgoing out ... to preach Christ and Him crucified to the heathen people, oftenin very hard places, amidst terrible diffi~ulties."~'salter, J., Address, Derby Hall, London, Things New and Old 3:3 (August, 1923) 1.'~urton, W. F. P., Redemption Tidings, 1:4 (January, 1925) 12.'TWO missionaries were killed in the Congolese war, and Burton and his missionarieswere evacuated in 1960. The result of this seeming setback was that ten years later thechurches left behind had more than doubled in number. Womersley, H., Wm. F. P.Burton: Congo Pioneer, (Eastbourne: Victory Press, 1973) 77, 1 13.4Thomas, M. A., "Arungabad District, India", Flames of Fire, 48 (April, 1917) 31.'~olhill, C., Flames ofFre, 49 (May, 1917) 36-37.'polhill, Flames of Fire, 49 (May, 1917) 38.'e.g Salter, J., Things New and Old, 1:6 (January, 1922) 45; 2:4 (October, 1922) 7.'~acchia, Frank D., "The Struggle for Global Witness: Shifting Paradigms inPentecostal Theology', M. W. Dempster, B. D. Klaus & D. Petexsen (eds.), TheGlobalization of Penle~ostaljsm: A Religion made to Travel, (Oxford: Regnum, 1999)58-29), 17; see also McGee, 'Shortcut', 122.Boddy, A. A., Confidence, 2:s (August, 1909) 181.

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. M(II, 2002However, although discarding the belief in xenolalia, Pentecostalmissionaries from the West in later years continued to promote thedominance of European languages (especially English), and few took thetrouble to learn to communicate in the languages of the heart, the mothertongues, preferring to use indigenous interpreters. This was a majordisadvantage, for although it facilitated the expansion of indigenouschurches over which the missionaries had little effective control, it createda banier to effective communication and may have amounted to a failurein love.Historical ImperialismOne of the greatest disservices done to the worldwide Pentecostalmovement is to assume that this was a 'made in the USA' product. This isreflected in the debate about Pentecostal origins,. Hollenweger and otherscorrectly point to the significance of the Azusa Street revival as a centre ofAfiican American (and oral) Pentecostalism that profoundly affected itsvery nature. But when Los Angeles is assumed to be the 'Jerusalem' fromwhich the 'full gospel' reaches out to the nations of earth, the truth isdistorted and smacks of cultural imperialism.' There were in fact many'Jerusalems': Pyongyang, Beijing, Poona, Wakkerstroom, Lagos,Valparaiso, Belem, Oslo and Sunderland, among other centres. As EverettWilson has observed, Pentecostalism has had many beginnings, and thereare many '~entecostalisms'? Azusa Street was certainly significant inreminding North American Pentecostals of their non-racial and ecumenicalorigins and ethos. A choice between Parham and Seymour is an importanttheological decision to make in defining the essence of Pentecostalism.The Azusa Street revival has given inspiration to many lie Black SouthAMcan Pentecostals, for many decades denied basic human dignities bytheir white counterparts in the same Pentecostal denominations, somefounded by Azusa Street missionaries?%is theme is repeated in a footnote to a recent article by L. Grant McClung, Jr., "Tryto Get People Saved': Revisiting the Paradigm of an Urgent Pentecostal Missiology',Dempster, Klaus & Petersen, Globalization of Pentecostalism, 49, nl 1 .'~ilson, E. A., 'They Crossed the Red Sea, Didn't They? Critical History andPentecostal Beginnings', Dempster, Klaus & Petersen, Globalization of Pentecostalism,107.3~nderson, A., 'Dangerous Memories for South Afiican Pentecostals', Allan Anderson& Walter J. Hollenweger (eds.), Pentecostals after a Centwy: Global Perspectives on aMovement in Transition, (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1999) 105; Anderson,Bazalwane, 23; Anderson, Zion and Pentecost, 58, 85. Emissaries from Azusa Streetand Zion City, Tom Hepnalhalch and John G. Lake, who reported back to Seymour,founded the first Pentecostal church in South Africa, the Apostolic Faith Mission, in1908. Henry M. Tumey, who went to South Africa in 1909 and was associated with theformation of the Assemblies of God there, was an Azusa Street product.Allan Anderson: Christian Missionaries and 'Heathen Natives':The Cultural Ethics of Early Pentecostal MissionariesBut there were places in the world where Pentecostal revival broke outquite independently of the Azusa Street revival and in some cases evenpredated it. The 'Korean Pentecost' began among missionaries inPyongyang in 1903. This revival seemed to have been unaffected by the19' Century 'Evangelical awakenings'; it predated the 1904 WelshRevival, and it quickly took on an indigenous character of its own. TheKorean revival affected other revivals like the Manchurian Revival of1908,' and irrevocably changed the face of East Asian Christianity. In thiscontext, it is important to note which movement preceded which. KoreanPentecostals are unanimous in acknowledging the contribution of theearlier revival to their own movement. The revival greatly influenced thepresent dominance of the Charismatic movement in the Presbyterian andMethodist churches there, many of whose characteristic practices havebeen absorbed by the 'classical' Pentecostal churches (like Yonggi Cho'sYoido Full Gospel Church) that came much later. Furthermore, in spite ofNorth American missionary participation, early Korean revival leaders inthe Presbyterian and Methodist churches were much more 'Pentecostal'than the missionaries would have wanted them to be?Daniel Bays has shown that the influence of Pentecostalism in China'accelerated the development of indigenous churches', particularly becausePentecostals were closer to the 'traditional folk religiosity' with its 'livelysense of the supernatural' than other churches were. Most of the Chineseindigenous churches today are Pentecostal 'in explicit identity or inorientation'. Bays says that Pentecostalism in China, 'especially itsegalitarian style and its provision of direct revelation to all', also facilitatedthe development of churches independent of foreign missions? This wasequally true of Pentecostalism in Afiica and Latin America-somethingthe early Pentecostal missionaries from the West could not haveanticipated and perhaps would not have encouraged.Similarly in India, the 1905-1907 revival at Pandita Ramabai's MuktiMission in Poona, in which young women baptized by the Spirit had seenvisions, fallen into trances and spoken in tongues, was understood byRarnabai herself to be the means by which the Holy Spirit was creating an--1Bays, D., 'Christian Revival in China, 1900-1937', E. L. Blumhofer & R. Balmer(eds.), Modern Christian Revivals, (Urbana & Chicago: University of Illinois Press,1993) 163.'~ae Bum Lee, 'Pentecostal Type Distinctives and Korean Protestant Church Growth',PhD thesis, Fuller Theological Seminary, 1986; Young Hoon Lee, 'The Holy SpiritMovement in Korea: Its Historical and Doctrinal Development', PhD thesis, TempleUniversity, 1996.3~ays, 'Protestant Missionary Establishment', 63.

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XXII, 2002indigenous form of Indian ~hristianity.' The Apostolic Faith greeted newsof the Indian revival in its November 1906 issue with 'Hallelujah! God issending the Pentecost to India. He is no respecter of persons'. There is nomention of missionaries or of Ramabai's mission, but it suggests that there,'natives... simply taught of God' were responsible for the outpouring of theSpirit, and that the gifts of the Spirit were given to 'simple, unlearnedmembers of the body of ~hrist'.~ Pentecostal missionaries worked with theMukti Mission for many years and Ramabai received support fiom thefledgling Pentecostal movement in ~ritain? However, as Satyavrata haspointed out, 'the original Pentecostal outpouring' in India took place muchearlier than Mukti, in Tamil Nadu in 1860 under the Tamil evangelist~roola~~en.'' Although the Mukti revival itself may not have resulteddirectly in the formation of Pentecostal denominations, it had other farreachingconsequences that penetrated parts of the world untouched byAzusa Street. By 1912, American Pentecostal missionary George Bergexulted about his 'native workers': 'God has given me a noble band ofworkers in South India, second to none other in any foreign field'?In 1907, North American revivalist Willis Hoover, Methodist Episcopalminister in Valparaiso, Chile, heard of the revival in Ramabai's orphanagethrough a pamphlet by his wife's former classmate Minnie Abrams. Laterhe enquired about the Pentecostal revivals in other places, especially thosein Venezuela, Norway and India among his fellow ~ethodists.~ Therevival in his church in 1909 resulted in Hoover's expulsion fiom theMethodist Church in 1910 and the formation of the Methodist PentecostalChurch, to become an indigenous church and the largest non-Catholicdenomination in chile.' Any connection with Azusa Street was incidentaland at most indirect. In 1909 Luis Francescon took the Pentecostalmessage to Italian communities in Brazil; and in 1911 two Swedish'~dhav, S. M., Pandita Ramabai, (Madras: Christian Literature Society, 1979) 216.2~postolic Faith, 3, 1. Another report on the revival in India is printed in The AposrtolicFaith the following month: Apostolic Faith 4, 4. A report in The Apostolic Faith inSeptember 1907 (10.4) fiom Ceylon suggests that the Mukti revival did not experiencetongues until December 1906, after receiving reports h m Los Angeles, but thisappears to be inaccurate.'confdence, I :6(September, 1908) 10.4~atyavrata, I. M., 'Contextual Perspectives on Pentecostalism as a Global Culhue: ASouth Asian View', Dempster, Klaus & Petersen, Globalization of Pentecostalism, 205.5 Berg, G.E., "Peradenuja Post, Ceylon", Confidence, 6:l (January, 1913) 20.6~oover, Willis C., (trans. Mario G. Hoover), History of the Pentecostal Revival inChile, (Santiago, Chile: Imprenta Eben-Ezer, 2000) 9,164.'waper, P., Look Out! The Pentecostals are Coming, (Carol Stream: Creation House,1973) 17; Sepuveda, J., 'Indigenous Pentecostalism and the Chilean Experience',Anderson & Hollenweger, 1 1 1-2.Allan Anderson: Christian Missionaries and 'Heathen Natives':The Cultural Ethics of Early Pentecostal Missionariesimmigrants to the United States, Gunnar Vingren and Daniel Berg, beganwhat became the Assemblies of God in Brazil (three years before it wasconstituted in the USA), now the largest Protestant denomination in LatinAmerica,' and the largest Assemblies of God in any nation. Thesemissionaries to Brazil were connected to William Durham's church inChicago, but kept independent from the North American movement.Douglas Petersen has shown that in Central America (the region closest forNorth American missionaries), strong Pentecostal churches emerged 'withlittle external assistance or foreign ~ontrol'.~ There were untold thousandsof indigenous revivalists all over the world unconnected with NorthAmerican Pentecostalism. In the Ivory Coast and the Gold Coast (nowGhana), the Liberian Kru, William Wade Harris spearheaded a revival in1914 quite distinct from the western Pentecostal movement, but with manyPentecostal phenomena including healing and speaking in tongues, thelargest ingathering of Africans to Christianity the continent had ever seen.Chinese evangelists crisscrossed that vast nation with a Pentecostalmessage similar to but distinct fiom its western counterpart. Daniel Baysshows how a Chinese preacher, Mok Lai Chi, was responsible for the earlyspread of Pentecostalism in Hong Kong and started a Pentecostalnewspaper in 1908.~ This was not primarily a movement from the Westernworld to 'foreign lands', but also, and perhaps more significantly, from'foreign lands' to 'foreign lands'.This may be one of the most important reconstructions necessary inPentecostal historiography. An obscure history of Pentecostalism has beentaken for granted for so long that the multitudes of nameless onesresponsible for the grassroots expansion of the movement have passed intohistory unremembered, and their memory is now very difficult to retrieve.Everett Wilson's essay on Pentecostal historiography warns us of thefutility of expecting either 'to find a homogeneous Pentecostal type at thebeginning' or 'to assume that the experience of the first set of Pentecostalsprovides a model for the future'. He says that it is the ordinary people,those 'who were not at all certain where they were going' who carried themovement through its various stages to make an impact. He points out thatthe fbture of Pentecostalism lies not with the North Americans but with theautonomous churches in Africa, Asia and Latin America, whose originsofien predate those of the 'classical Pentecostals' in the Klaus andTriplett remind us that Pentecostals in the West 'have a tendency toward- -' wagner, 23-5.'petersen, D., 'The Formation of Popular, National, Autonomous Pentecostal churchesin Central America'. Pneuma, 16: 1, (1994) 23.3~ays, 'Protestant Missionary Establishment', 54.4~ilson. 103-4,106, 109.

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XXII, 2002triurnphalist affirmation of missionary effectiveness'.' This is oftenbolstered by statistics proclaiming that 'Pentecostals/ Charismatics' arenow second only to Catholics as the world's largest Christian grouping.2When this is assumed implicitly to be largely the work of 'white' missions,the scenario becomes even more incredulous. Despite the undeniablycourageous work of the early Pentecostal missionaries h m the West, themore important contribution of indigenous evangelists and pastors must beproperly recognized. A hankering after a 'conquest of the heathen' that hastended to dominate Pentecostal missions from the West creates moreproblems than it attempts to solve, particularly in those parts of the worldwhere Christianity has been linked with colonial e~~ansionism.~ Most ofPentecostalism's rapid expansion in the 20& Century was not mainly theresult of the labours of Assionaries fiom North America and westernEurope to Africa, Asia and Latin America. It was rather the result of thespontaneous indigenisation of the Pentecostal message by thousands ofpreachers who traversed the continents with a new message of the powerof the Spirit, healing the sick, and casting out demons.Cultural InsensitivitiesThere can be little doubt that many of the secessions that took place earlyon in western Pentecostal mission efforts in Afiica and elsewhere were atleast partly the result of cultural and social insensitivities on the part of themissionaries, many of which have been already illustrated. EarlyPentecostal missionaries frequently referred in their newsletters to the'objects' of mission as 'the heathen': and were slow to recognizeindigenous leadership. Missionary paternalism, even if it was 'benevolent'paternalism, was widely practised. Polhill in the first issue of Flames ofFire referred approvingly to China's planned annexation of Tibet, becausethis would open up access to this country for missionaries? In Africa, incountry after country white Pentecostals followed the example of otherexpatriate missionaries and kept control of churches and their indigenousfounders, and especially of the finances they raised in Western Europe andNorth America. Most wrote home as if they were mainly (if not solely)responsible for the progress of the Pentecostal work there. The truth wasoften that the churches grew in spite of (and not because of) theselaus us, B. D., and Triplett, L. O., 'National Leadership in Pentecostal Missions',Dempster, Klaus & Petersen, Called and Empowered, 232.2McGee, G., 1994, 'Pentecostal Missiology: Moving beyond Triumphalism to Face theIssues', (Pneuma, 16:2) 276.3~atyavrata, 212.4~etter from 'West Africa', Confidence, 1:2 (May, 1908), 19; Miller, K., "Orissa,India", Confidence, 25 (May, 1909) 1 10.l lames of Fire, 1 (October, 191 1) 1.AUan Anderson: Christian Missionaries and 'Heathen Natives':The Cultural Ethics of Early Pentecostal Missionariesmissionaries. As Gary McGee has remarked, "Historically, mostPentecostal missionaries paternally guided their converts and missionchurches until after World War I1 (for some to the present). Ironically, intheir zeal to encourage converts to seek spiritual gi fts... they actuallydenied them the gifts of administration and leadership."'Early in the formation of the Apostolic Faith Mission of South Africa,African pastors were given only nominal and local leadershipopportunities, the races were almost immediately separated in baptismsand church gatherings, and apartheid had became the accepted practice ofthe church. Although African pastors and evangelists were largelyresponsible for the growth of the movement in South Afiica, they havebeen written out of history-with the exception of Nicholas Bhengu,whose enormous contribution to the development of the South AfricanAssemblies of God was impossible to ignore. It cannot be wondered thatthe schisms that occurred within the Apostolic Faith movement from 1910onwards resulted in hundreds of other denominations and the creation ofthe largest church in South Afiica today, the Zion Christian church? TheseAfrican Pentecostal churches, although perhaps not 'classical Pentecostals'in the usual sense of the word, now represent almost half of the Africanpopulation.3There are also examples from later Pentecostal mission history. In Africa'smost populous nation Nigeria, the Christ Apostolic Church was founded in194 1 by Pentecostal evangelist Joseph Babalola, after British Pentecostalmissionaries objected to Africans using the 'water of life' (water that hadbeen prayed for) in healing rituals. African Pentecostal churches in Nigeriatoday far outnumber those founded by European missionaries. The Africanleaders in turn found the missionaries' use of quinine to prevent malariainconsistent with their proclamation of healing. We can only wonderwhether water or quinine had the upper hand in the exercise of faith in thisinstance. It was not a light decision for the missionaries to take, however.The biggest killers of Pentecostal missionaries who preached divinehealing were malaria and other tropical diseases. William Burton struggledhard with this issue and finally decided that the facts were against him. Heneeded to stay alive to do what God had called him to do in the Congo andfor him, this meant taking quinine. At about the same time in Ghana,British Apostolic missionaries found a large African church wanting towork with them, but the Europeans insisted that they substitute theircalabash rattles used in worship @art of a well established Afiican-- -'~c~ee, 'Pentecostal Missiology', 279.2~nderson, Zion and Pentecost, 60-70.3~nderson, Zion and Pentecost, 13,41.

The Journal of the Empean Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XXTI, 2002Christian tradition) for tambourines. The Afiicans apparently thought thatthe missionaries wanted to deprive them of their power to ward off evilspirits. The same missionaries later fell out with the ficans over the useof quinine. Many of these and similar struggles were evidence of culturalmisunderstandings and insensitivity that could have been avoided.Sometimes Pentecostal missionaries found conditions in the 'field' quiteintolerable, including the people they were meeting. A missionary writingfrom Berbera, Somaliland to his British supporters in 1908, probablyexpressed the pent-up feelings of many: "The great majority of the peoplehere are Mahommedans [sic], and very ignorant and superstitious, andpoverty reigns supreme among thousands of them. Lying, stealing, andbegging are the principal occupations of the poor class, and they do notthink it any disgrace to have it known."'It seems that this particular missionary didn't send any further letters afterthis picture of hopelessness; perhaps he gave up. Other missionaries werepatronizing and impolite. One woman, writing fiom Mbabane, Swazilandin 1911, spoke of the work among 'the native boys', quickly explainingthat 'all [African males] are called "boys"--ii-om infancy to grey hairs'.Another Pentecostal missionary in Johannesburg Mites of the 'Holy Spiritcoming down on these black boys [mine workers] in such power'.2 The useof 'boys' to refer to grown African men was a common practice amongPentecostal missionaries?Accommodation was also found to be intolerable, as missionaries soughtto recreate the comforts of 'home'. Two British missionary women in Indiawrote home in 1912 to complain about the fact that no Europeans lived inthat district and that 'there are only native mud houses here, and these aremost unhealthy for Europeans to live in', although conceding, 'We couldperhaps (with God's grace) manage for a short time in one'? But not allhad this attitude, for twelve years later a Scottish Pentecostal missionary inWest A£rica, Matthew Sinclair, did 'manage' for much longer to live in asmall room of an African house without windows and filled with smoke.He was looking forward to getting 'my little mud hut put up before theAllan Anderson: Christian Missionaries and 'Heathen Natives':The Cultural Ethics of Early Pentecostal Missionariesrainy season comes on'.' A PMU missionary in Tibet, Amos Williams,described Tibetan food, of which 'only those who know an ing aboutTibetan life will fully understand how unpleasant it really is.'%s partnerFrank Trevitt reported that they had 'only wild Tibetans about uscontinually': and spoke of Tibet as 'this dark, priest-ridden country'.'Because Melvin Hodges in his The Indigenous Church was writingprimarily for North American 'missionaries', he often struggles with thelimits of identification with the culture of the receiving people.5 McGeequotes an Assemblies of God missionary in Burkina Faso who said thatalthough the Mossi people were 'mentally inferior to other tribes', theycould 'be trained to a very satisfactory degree'.6 Although not allmissionaries could be credited with such blatant racism, up until the lastdecade of the 20' Century, 'Missionary Field Fellowships' and otherclosed clubs of expatriate Pentecostal missionaries have so controlledfinancial resources, buildings and educational institutions that they haveestranged themselves from and created untold resentment among thepeople they are seeking to serve.The Pentecostal experience of the power of the Spirit should constitute aunifying factor in a deeply divided church and world, the motivation forsocial and political engagement, and the catalyst for change in theemergence of a new and better world. The divine Paraclete is also a gentledove who comes alongside to help, and brings peace and sensitivity tothose who are filled with the Spirit. Such an infwion of the Spirit hasethical consequences. The coming of the Spirit was also the reason for anunprecedented flexibility on the part of its emissaries to the variouscultures into which the Pentecostal message was taken. But the remainingtask of the.church to be done in the 21" Century must be defined, not bymission strategists and policy makers in the powerful and wealthy nationsof the world, but by the people living in the world's most marginalizedparts. Only by 'listening to the margins9: by allowing the hithertovoiceless to speak, and by recognizing the contribution of those unsungPentecostal labourers of the past who have been overlooked in ourhistories and hagiographies, will we together come to a honest appraisal oflingerl land, S. S., "Berbera, British Somaliland", Confidnce, 1 3 (June, 1908) 23.'Taylor, F., "Mbabane, Swaziland", Confidence, 4:l (January, 1911) 16; Eleazar &Liz& Ann Jenkins, Johanuesbwg, Confidence, 4:l (January 1911) 18.3e.g. Richardson, A. W., "Kalembe Lembe, Congo", Confidence, 127 (October-December, 1921) 61; Salter, J., "Mwanza, Congo", Things New and Old 3:l (April,1923) 7.'Clark, M., & Skarratt, C., Savda, E., "Khaudesh, India", Flames of Fire, 5 (April,1912) 4; Confidence, 5:2 (February, 1912) 47.'~inclair, M., "W. Africa", The Pentecostal Witness, 1 (July, 1924) 3.'Williams, A., Confidence, 5:5 (May, 1912) 167.vrevitt, F., "Taocheo", Flames of Fire, 9 (January, 1913) 5.'ibid, 62.'Hodges, 121-2.6McGee, 'Pentecostals and their Various Strategies', 21 1.'~ueno, R N., 'Listening to the Margins: Re-historicizing Pentecostal Experiences andIdentities', Dempster, Klaus & Petersen, Globalization of Pentecostalism, 268.

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XMT, 2002our world's needs and be able to suggest solutions in the power of theSpirit and in the humility of the Cross.BIBLIOGRAPHYAdhav, Shamsundm M. Pandita Ramabai. Madras: Christian LiteratureSociety, 1979.Anderson, Allan, Bazahuane: AfLican Pentecostals in South Afiica,Pretoria: University of South Africa Press, 1992.Anderson, Allan, 'Dangerous Memories for South African Pentecostals',Allan Anderson & Walter J Hollenweger (eds.), Pentecostals after aCentury: Global Perspectives on a Movement in Transition. Sheffield:Sheffield Academic Press, 1999 (89- 107).Anderson, Allan, 'Signs and Blunders: Pentecostal Mission Issues at"Home and Abroad" in the Twentieth Century', Journal of Asian Mission2~2,2000 (193-210)Anderson, Allan, Zion and Pentecost: The Spirituality and Experience ofPentecostal and Zionist. Apostolic Churches in South Africa. Pretoria:University of South AMca Press, 2000.The Apostolic Faith, Nos. 1-12, Los Angeles, September 1906-January1908 (ed. William J. Seymour).Bays, Daniel H. 'Christian Revival in China, 1900-1937', E. L. Blurnhofer& R. Balmer (eds.), Modern Christian Revivals. Urbana & Chicago:University of Illinois Press, 1993 (161-79).Bays, Daniel, 'The Protestant Missionary Establishment and thePentecostal Movement', E. L Blurnhofer, RP. Spittler & G. A. Wacker(eds.), Pentecostal Currents in American Protestantism. Urbana &Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1999 (50-67).Bueno, Ronald N., 'Listening to the Margins: Re-historicizing PentecostalExperiences and Identities', Dempster, M. W., Klaus, B. D., & Petersen,D., (eds.), The Globalization of Pentecostalism: A Religion made toTravel. Oxford: Regnum, 1999 (268-88).Burgess, S. M., McGee, G. M.,. & Alexander, P. H., (eds.). Dictionary ofPentecostal and Charismatic Movements. Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1988.Confidence: A Pentecostal Paper for Great Britain. Vols 1-19. Sunderland& Durham, 1908-1926 (ed. Alex. A. Boddy), Donald Gee Centre,Mattersey, England.Cox, Harvey, Fire from Heaven: The Rise of Pentecostal Spirituality andthe Reshaping of Religion in the Ikenry-Frst Century. London: Cassell,1996.Dempster, Murray; Klaus, Byron D; & Petersen, Douglas (eds.), Calledand Empowered: Global Mission in Pentecostal Perspective. Peabody:Hendrickson, 1991.Dempster, Murray W, Klaus, Byron D & Petersen, Douglas (eds.), TheAllan Anderson: Christian Missionaries and 'Heathen Natives':The Cultural Ethics of Early Pentecostal MissionariesGlobalization of Pentecostalism: A Religion made to Travel. Oxford:Regnum, 1999.Faupel, D William. The Everlasting Gospel: The SigniJicance ofEschatology in the Development of Pentecostal Thought. Sheffield:Sheffield Academic Press, 1996.Flames of Fire (with which is incorporated Tidings from Tibet and OtherLandr) Nos. 1-56. London, 191 1-1917 (ed. Cecil Polhill), Donald GeeCentre, Mattersey, England.Hodges, Melvin L. The Indigenous Church. Springfield, Missouri: GospelPublishing House, 1953.Hollenweger, Walter J., 'The Black Roots of Pentecostalism', Anderson,Allan H., & Hollenweger, Walter J., (eds.), Pentecostals afier a Century:Global Perspectives on a Movement in Transition. Sheffield: SheffieldAcademic Press, 1999 (33-44).Hoover, Willis C. (trans. Mario G. Hoover), History of the PentecostalRevival in Chile. Santiago, Chile: Imprenta Eben-Ezer, 2000.Klaus, Byron D., and Triplett, Loren O., 'National Leadership inPentecostal Missions', Dempster, M. W., Klaus, B. D., & Petersen, D.,(eds.), Called and Empowered: Global Mission in Pentecostal Perspective.Peabody: Hendrickson, 1991 (225-41).Lee, Jae Bum, 'Pentecostal Type Distinctives and Korean ProtestantChurch Growth', PhD thesis, Fuller Theological Seminary, 1986.Lee, Young Hoon, 'The Holy Spirit Movement in Korea: Its Historical andDoctrinal Development', PhD thesis, Temple University, 1996.Macchia, Frank D., 'The Struggle for Global Witness: Shifting Paradigmsin Pentecostal Theology', Dempster, M. W., Klaus, B. D., & Petersen, D.,(eds.), The Globalization of Pentecostalism: A Religion made to Travel.Oxford: Regnum, 1999 (8-29).McClung, L Grant. "Try to Get People Saved': Revisiting the Paradigm ofan Urgent Pentecostal Missiology', Dempster, M. W., Klaus, B. D., &Petersen, D. (eds.), The Globalization of Pentecostalism: A Religion madeto Travel. Oxford: Regnum, 1999 (30-5 1).McGee, Gary B., 'Baker, H. A.;, Burgess, S. M., McGee, G. B., &Alexander, P. H., (eds.). Dictionary of Pentecostal and CharismaticMovements. Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1988 (37-8).McGee, Gary B., 'Garr, Alfied Goodrich, Sr.', Burgess, S. M., McGee, G.M., & Alexander, P. H., (eds.). Dictionary of Pentecostal and CharismaticMovements. Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1988 (328-9).McGee, Gary B. 'Simpson, William Wallace', Burgess SM, McGee GM &Alexander PH (eds). Dictionary of Pentecostal and CharismaticMovements. Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1988 (787).McGee, Gary B. 'Pentecostals and their Various Strategies for GlobalMission: A Historical Assessment', Dempster, MW, Klaus, BD &

The Joumal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XXII, 2002Petersen, D (eds), Called and Empowered: Global Mission in PentecostalPerspective. Peabody: Hendrickson, 1991 (203-24).McGee, Gary B. 'Pentecostal Missiology: Moving beyond Triumphalismto Face the Issues'. Pneuma 16:2, 1994 (275-282).McGee, Gary B. 'Shortcut to Language Preparation? Radical Evangelicals,Missions, and the Gift of Tongues', International Bulletin of MksionaryResearch 25:3, July 2001 (1 18-125).Pentecostal Witness 1-2 (July & October 1924)' Edinburgh (ed. DonaldGee), (Donald Gee Centre, Mattersey, England).Petersen, Douglas, 'The Formation of Popular, National, AutonomousPentecostal Churches in Central America'. Pneuma 16: 1, 1994 (23-48).Redemption Tidings 1-2 (1924-1926), Stockport (ed. J. Nelson Part),Donald Gee Centre, Mattersey, England.Robeck, Cecil M. 'Pentecostal Origins in Global Perspective'. Hunter, H'D& Hocken, P D (eds), All Together in One Place: Theological Papersfiomthe Brighton Confeence on World Evangelization. Sheffield: SheffieldAcademic Press, 1993 (1 66-91).Saayman, Willem A. 'Some reflections on the develop'ment of thePentecostal mission model in South Africa', Missionalia 2 1 : 1, 1993 (40-56)Sepfilveda, Juan, 'Indigenous Pentecostalism and the Chilean Experience',in Anderson, Allan H & Hollenweger, Walter J (eds), Pentecostals Ajier aCentury: Global Perspectives on a Movement in Transition. Sheffield:Sheffield Academic Press, 1999 (1 11-34).Shenk, Wilbert R 'Recasting Theology of Mission: Impulses from theNon-Western World', International Bulletin of Missionary Research 25:3,July 2001 (98-107).Things New and Old 1-4 (1921-1925), London (ed. A.E. Saxby), DonaldGee Centre, Mattersey, England.Wagner, Peter, Look Out! The Pentecostals are Coming. Carol stream:Creation House, 1973.Wilson, Everett A. 'They Crossed the Red Sea, Didn't They? CriticalHistory and Pentecostal Beginnings', Dempster, MW, Klaus, BD &Petersen, D (eds), The Globalizition of Pentecostalism: A Religion madeto Travel. Oxford: Regnum, 1999 (85-1 15).Womersley, Harold. Wm F.P. Burton: Congo Pioneer. Eastboume:Victory Press, 1973.Social Ethics in the Church of the Poor:The Cases of T. B. Barratt and Lewi PethrusDavid BundySeveral experiences made me think. On a visit to South India, I was takento visit a rest home for the elderly of an Indian denomination who had nofamily to care for them. The houses were simple. It was, for me, a veryhot day. It was 40 degrees Celsius and the humidity hovered at 100%.The Bishop had accompanied us on the trip and the people took advantageof my presence to importune the bishop for a blanket for each person. Heagreed. Then a truck arrived with about 1000 kilo of manioc rootscontributed by a farmer who could not sell them and everyone who wasable sat around the pile of roots peeling them so that they could be driedfor the winter.A few months later I sat in a church in Guadalajara and listened as peopleprayed that one of the body might receive a job, even for only one day. Afew weeks later, in a slum in Sao Paolo, I sat with a family while theirson's a m was repaired. He had been roughly robbed of his newly givenNew Testament that he had been given after learning to read at a shantyschool sponsored by the congregation.Then I returned to the USA and at my institution there was a conference on"Christian Social Ethics." I listened to well known theologians discussingthe various developments in thinking about social ethics and toimpassioned pleas for the churches to take seriously their responsibilitiesto the world about them. There were snide remarks about theeschatological escapism of the Holiness and Pentecostal churches. I satwondering how my friends in India, Mexico and Brazil would understandthese statements. After all, about nineteen million Pentecostals in theworld are part of congregations and also live barely at a subsistence level.How does the church of the poor develop a social ethic?Not being a member of such a congregation, I would not presume to tellthem how or why they might develop such. Afier all, it is my observationthat they have already done so and I will return to the stories of my friendsin Kottayam, Sao Paolo and Guadalajara a little later.So, instead of beginning with the theological or programmatic questions, Iwill begin with historical concerns. How did two Pentecostal churchleaders in Scandinavia, Thomas Ball Barratt and Lewi Pethrus, approachsocial ethics during a time when the Norwegian and Pentecostal churcheswere not comparatively wealthy.

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. nII, 2002The Case of Thomas Ball BarrattThomas Ball Barratt (22 July 1862-21 January 1940), the founder ofPentecostalism in Europe, began his career as a Methodist Episcopalpastor. The talented son of an expatriate British mining engineer, who hadstudied music with Edvard Grieg and art with 0. Dahl, he experienced"sanctification" in a Methodist Episcopal Church in Bergen and enteredthe Methodist ministry. He quickly moved up the ecclesiastical ladder. Heserved as a local pastor (1886-1889), was ordained deacon (1889),pastored Third Methodist Church, Christiania [Oslo] (1 889- 1892), and wasordained elder (1 891). From 1898-1902, he served as presiding elder of theChristiania [Oslo] district which made him even more essential to theAmericans.Each stage of his ministry was characterized by fienetic activity. Drivenby his holiness theology to transform his world, he established a nationalyouth program for the church and in his congregations. He was activenationally in the temperance movement. He created (with his sister Mary)an orphanage and a home for unwed mothers. He worked for civil rightsfor religious dissenters, fought for national independence fiom Sweden,and was elected a number of times to the city council in ~ristianid~slo.'The debt ridden congregation in Oslo to which he was assigned in August1889 had marginal chance for survival unless it became self-supportingand had little hope of becoming self supporting because of the structures ofthe %Methodist Episcopal Church and its mission program. It was acongregation of the poor that was being forced by the structures imposedby the Methodist Episcopal system to function like a congregation withmoney.It is clear that already by 1890, Barratt was troubled by the ministryparadigm established in Norway on the American model and administeredby the Bishop and the Missionary Society. He wrote extensively for theNorwegian Methodist periodical, Kristelig tidende on two subjects:ministry models and "Christian perfection." The essays on William Taylorand James Hudson Taylor were more than historical essays!2 Theyreflected both the central themes of personal and social holiness, but alsohis appreciation for the radical ministerial styles of the two Taylors. Itwas also about this time that he discovered that if every church in Oslo was"he chronology and documentation are established in Bundy, D., "Thomas BallBmtt: From Methodist to Pentecostal," EPTA Bulletin, 13 (1994) 19-49.2~anatt, T. B., "Pintselofiet," Kristelig tidende 18, 23 (7 Juni, 1889) 177-178 [aboutWilliam Taylor and self-supporting missions]; idem, "Biskop William Taylor,"Kristelig tidende, 18, 23 (7 Juni, 1889), 179; idem, "Uddrag af Hudson TaylorsForedrag," Kristelig tidende, 18,49 (6 December, 1889), 390.David Bundy: Social Ethics in the Church of the Poor:The Cases of T. B. Barratt and Lewi Pethrusfilled to capacity, only a small percentage of the population could beaccommodated in a worship service. In a period that saw significantmigration to the cities of those who were unable to survive in the ruralareas, none of these churches were either welcoming or had significantsuccess with the urban poor and working classes who had the most to loseby cutting the nominal membership in the state church. Engaging thelarger non-church population in ways that they could hear the Gospelbecame a primary desideratum for Barratt's ministry, and made theapproaches of William Taylor and James Hudson Taylor all the moreinteresting to the struggling pastor.Barratt began to examine other paradigms of ministry. He quickly realizedthat the established church of Norway and the mission churches thattransported ecclesial and theological traditions of establishment fiom othernations (whether the USA, Germany or England) were not going toestablish connections with people of Oslo. The onus of membership inthese groups was too heavy to overcome. Therefore, the dream became theestablishment of a form of the church that could allow for fiee voluntaryassociation without the social problems posed by membership and thatcould minister among the poor. One successful ministry in Norway wasthe Salvation Army which eschewed the traditional trappings of church,and which was determinedly holiness in theology and praxis. He began tocooperate with the Salvation Army and to organize inter-denominationalmeetings.' However, the Salvation Army had the drawback of being toorigid in ecclesiology and membership expectations.During a visit to England (September 1890-May 1891), at the request ofBishop John Hurst, to raise money for the struggling Third Methodist. Church of Christiania (Oslo), Barratt visited Methodist Central Hall inLondon. It matched precisely what Barratt had been attempting toaccomplish in his ministry at Third Church. It offered a structure for aWesleyadHoliness ministry to the poor and the exploited working~1asse.s.~ On returning to Christiania (Oslo), he began to explore thepossibility of a "Central Mission." The concept was presented to BishopM. Walden who ordained him elder in 1891 and Barratt reported in hisjournal: "it met to a certain extent with his approval. In fact he wouldendorse the scheme provided the means were f~rthcomin~."~ Bamatt was'Barratt, T. B., When the Fire Fell and An Outline of A@ Life (Oslo: Alfons Hansen &Sonner) reprinted in The Work of T. B. Barratt, (ed.) Dayton, D. W., (New York:Garland, 1985). See also, idem, Erindringer, (ed.) Barratt Lange, S., (Oslo:Filadelfiaforlaget, 1941).'Barratt, When the Fire Fell, 67.'Barratt, When the Fire Fell, 65.

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XXII, 2002not one to avoid a challenge and immediately reorganized his network ofsocial and evangelistic ministries in Christiania (Oslo) into the MethodistCentral Mission under the aegis of Central Methodist Church. Of course,being a Methodist he was soon assigned to another congregation, butrefused to give up working with the mission project, and certainly no oneelse wanted the responsibility.In 1902, Barratt was given one of his wishes. He was asked by BishopMcCabe to resign from First Methodist Episcopal Church in Christiania(Oslo) and become full time director of the Bymission (City Mission). Thiswas accepted by the Conference only after an emotional appeal from theBishop and a supportive address by his mentor Ole Olsen. However, theConference did refuse to give him a furniture or salary! Barratt began hisnew ministry with neither furniture nor money to care for his family.Bishop McCabe personally took up an offering to which he himselfcontributed significantly in order to get Barratt started in the project.' Thenew endeavor began with Barratt renting Tivoli Theatre in centralKristiania (Oslo) where he conducted a series of meetings. These attractedconsiderable attention in both the religious and secular press with somewriters commenting on the "American" aspects of the Bymission.Through that first year, Barratt, his family and a few volunteers used socialservices, classical concerts and lectures as well as more traditionalevangelistic means to reach the city. It was a ministry that offered bothsophisticated classical culture at a reasonable price and that offered food,clothing, legal counsel, and shelter to those who needed it. He organizedand did prison ministry, organized evangelistic work among the youngwomen who poured from the villages into the Kristiania factories. Hepublished religious literature that offered heroes as well as advice on selfhelpand holiness. By the end of the !%st year, the Methodist Conferencewas ready to give more willing approval, albeit not hding, to theBymission. They accepted Barratt's analysis: "Some were afraid that theMission would weaken the other churches, but this has not been the case.It has strengthened them."2After a year of Bymission work, Barratt was still without furniture ordecent housing. At the suggestion of the Bishop he wrote to theMissionary Society requesting assistance. The response from the Society'On the Bymission (City Mission) see Bundy, D., T. B. Barratt's Christiania (Oslo)City Mission: A Study in the Intercultural Adaptation of American and BritishVoluntary Association Structures," Crossing Borders (ed.) PIUss, J. D., (Zurich: n.p.,199 I), 1-1 5. See also Barratt, When the Fire Feu, 78-80; and Bundy, "Thomas BallBmtt: From Methodist to Pentecostal," 33.'Bmtt, When the Fire'Fell, 87.David Bundy: Social Ethics in the Church of the Poor:The Cases of T. B. Barratt and Lewi Pethruswas: "You know that it is expected on the Protestant mission field that thepeople will provide whatever is necessary in the way of property,parsonages and f~miture".' At this same time, he was reading a biographyof William Taylor written by the Swedish WesleyanIHoliness Movementleader G. A. ~ustafson.~ This biographical and missiological treatisebrought the problems faced by Barratt into a larger hework.In Byposten, the range of sources cited and the perspectives offeredquickly moved beyond the range of traditional Methodist sources toinclude Scandinavian pietism, Reformation figures and Americanindependent WesleyanMoliness Movement writers. The central foci of thearticles were personal holiness, radical social ministry and self-supportingministry. He was convinced that "baptism in the Holy Spirit" and thecontinued pursuit of holiness would transform the individual and thenmotivate and empower them to transform society. The periodical achieveda circulation of about 6,000 with about 1300 regularly paid subscriptions.Barratt was able to attract advertisements for the paper from Kristianiabusinesses and therefore able to support the paper on a self-supportingbasis. Through the contributions provoked by the paper and the reputationof the ministry, he was able, barely, .to keep the entire enterprisefinancially solvent.At the instruction of the Methodist Episcopal Bishops who saw thepotential for this ministry Barratt continued to request funding for theBymission. Eventually he was asked by the Bishops to raise funding in theUSA: but the Mission Board made it impossible for him to do so. In thiscrisis over ministry and money, Barratt, in an Afirican AmericanlC~ll, H. K., to Barratt, T. B., 20 March 1903, General Commission on Archivesand History, The United Methodist Church, Drew University, 73-74, 1263-1-2:09Letterbook 193 #483.'Gustafson, G. A., En Apostlagestalt pA missionsf2Ut ... eller Biskop William Taylors lifoch vtirksamhet (Falun: F6rfattarens firlag, 1898).'~uch of the information about this period is to be found in Byposten, a periodicaldesigned to inform his wnstituency and to raise money. There were also articles innumerous Oslo newspapers. The Methodist press was silent! On Byposten, see Bundy,D.. "'Thomas B. Barratt and Byposten: An Early European Pentecostal Leader and HisPeriodical," in Pentecost, Mission and Ecumenism: &says on Intercultural Theology.Festschrift in Honor of Professor Walter J. Hollemveger (Studies in the InterculturalHistory of Christianity, 75; Frankfort am Main, et al.: Peter Lang, 1992) 115-121.4~arratt, When the Fire Fell, 98-99. The letters from the Bishops are presewed in theT. B. Barratt Collection, Universitetsbiblioteket, Oslo, Etterlatte Papirer Ms. 40 3341, I:Dagboker 9,37. See the analysis of this struggle in Bundy, 'Thomas Ball Barratt:From Methodist to Pentecostal!''~und~, 'Thomas Ball Barratt: From Methodist to Pentecostal," 36-37.

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XXII, 2002congregation in New York, through the prayers of women, found a newreligious experience of "baptism in the Holy spiritm.'When Barratt returned to Kristiania, he was without money orecclesiastical support. The newspapers of the city mocked this citycouncilman who spoke in tongues; the cartoonists developed classicimages of anti-Pentecostal polemics. The Methodist Episcopal Church,embarrassed, withdrew from Barratt. He was urged not to participate inMethodist events and was eventually "read out" of the MethodistEpiscopal Church although in reality the rupture happened in January1907.~ The Bymission was given over to his assistant and was dismantledby the Methodists. The advertisements from Kristiania businessesdisappeared. Barratt was left with his mailing list, the financially strappedperiodical, Byposten and his penniless ministry to the poor.Barratt was starting over. He could not afford the rent on the theatre butwas given inexpensive room in a struggling Holiness church that alsobecame Pentecostal. The laity of that congregation remained loyal to theirown pastor, as Barratt would appear to have desired. Barratt brought asignificant number of his congregants from the Bymission and others wereconverted. He conducted revival services every day, often at noon, and thebuilding was consistently packed. The congregation moved to and from anumber of sites. He was then provided space in a labor union hall wherehe ministered for several years. There, just down the street fiom his oldCentral Methodist Church, he developed a congregation and offeredhospitality to hundreds of people fiom around the world who travelled toKristiania to see how a Pentecostal personal spirituality, corporateworship, evangelism, and congregational care worked. By June 1907, hehad named his congregation the "Filadelfia church".'Byposten reflects the financial difficulties of starting over in ministry aswell as his new conviction about the centrality of the need for spiritualtransformation as a prerequisite for the transformation for the rest of life.The periodical continued as a revival news bulletin. It focused on news ofthe Pentecostal revival in ~urope and Kristiania became only one of thecities from which reports were provided. The focus was on spirituality-asbefore. Funds were not solicited, although donations to missions werereported.b bid, 37.2Bmtt, T. B., "Min stilling ti1 methodistkirkens aarskonference," Byposten, 4. 16 (27iuli. 190n 11761.David Bundy: Social Ethics in the Church of the Poor:The Cases of T. B. Barratt and Lewi PethrusBy 1910, Barratt was moving fiom leadership of a quite unstructured,albeit carefidly guided revival movement toward a more organizedcongregation and denomination. He moved into his own building in theMallergatan, and instituted Sunday schools in 1910.' Byposten becameKorsets Seier, and during the next few years developed into Finnish,Swedish, and Russian editions. A Spanish version was at least considered.That year he published a theological manifesto entitled "FundamentalPrinciples that are Proclaimed in the ~evival".~ This was developed incooperation with Jonathan Paul, the German Pentecostal leader whoinsisted upon the interdenominational character of the revival. It is atheological statement from a Pentecostal perspective (it does not insist ontongues at the sign, but as a "precious token7') in which the only ethicalstatement is the necessity of love.However, Barratt could not move very far fiom his Holiness Methodistactivist roots. In May 1912, he published a pamphlet entitled TheEvangelical Mission in 28 ~oller~atan? This text had two parts. The firstdealt with the content of the Pentecostal message (much like the 1910document). The second section set forth principles for the development ofthe Pentecostal movement. Here he insisted that a Pentecostalcongregation must be involved in both mission (at home and abroad) andin social work that takes seriously human need. Jesus is coming soon, heinsisted, and it is the duty of the Pentecostal Christians to reach out withGod's love to those in need. Social ministry is a form of evangelism, butordained of God for its own sake. His own congregation became involvedin ministry in ways not unlike the Bymission of earlier days. Missiongiving was significant, both for support of the missionaries and for thealleviation of suffering among the people being evangelized. An importantdesideratum for research is to see how this concern has been transmitted inthe churches in a nation that has a sophisticated social services program.Lewi Pethrus and the Filadelfia Church, StockholmWhen the Evangelii Harold began publication in 1915, the FiladelfiaChurch in Stockholm already had a series of ministries that related indiverse ways to the congregation with varying degrees of control. Socialministry by the churches in Swedish society was not new, although most ofit had been done by people like Elsa Borg, the Holiness woman who morethan anyone else was responsible for starting the Holiness revival in'Barratt, T. B., "De regelmessige mder i Kristiania," Korsets Seier, (5 Juni, 1910) 96.'Bmtt, T. B., "Grundkggende sanheder, som forkyndes i denne vakkelse," KorsetsSeier, 8. I (1 jan, 191 1) 5.3~mtt, T. B., Den evangeliske mission i Mdlergatan (Kristiania: n.p., 1912). Thiswas also printed in the May fascicle of Korsets Seier.

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XXII, 2002Sweden that went firom 1878 to 1906. Pethrus knew of her ministry andowned a copy of her periodical, Trons Hvila. EnQidskelsningfi6n HvitaBergen. The ministries that Pethrus developed at the Filadelfia Churchwere quite like those fostered by Barratt in the context of 'the Bymission,and administered exactly like Barratt administered his projects. Thedocumentation for the beginning of these ministries appears not to exist,but one can get a sense of them from the pages of Evangelii Harold. Therewas an Orphanage (~arnhem),' a Rescue Mission (Riiddningsmission), aswell as ministries to women and other exploited persons in the Stockholmarea These were written about in Evangelii Harold and the lists ofdonations from 1916 onward indicate a steady flow of contributions ofmonies and goods in kind?One contribution from Lewi Pethrus to the early Pentecostal BaptistHoliness periodical Brudgummons Rost provides a sense of the scope ofthe activity of the Rescue Mission. Pethrus laments the economicconditions that plague the country, because of which multitudes are leftdestitute. The situation was complicated by the hard winter of 1915.Writing in October, Pethrus notes that the Filadelfia ChurchRiiddningsmission had already served 3,669 persons a warm breakfast ofwarm milk and bread. For others they provided meals of sandwiches andcoffee. Hot meals had been served, including 5,441 liters of potatoes and"untold tons of other food stuffs." The article is pleading with the readersto contribute money or food. The Evangelii Harold faithllly reports theamval of individual loaves of bread and single kilos of meat as well aslarger donations of food and funds. Donations are primarily frommembers of the congregation, and sometimes from workplaces in which'~ethrus, L., "Oskarsbergs bamhem, Rtinninge," Julens Hdrold nlusnerad Kalender,red.) Lewi Pethrus and A IM Oustafsson, 1 (1916) 84-90.'For exarnpk, these are the =levant articles from Evangelii Hdrold for the year 1916:"Stockholm Wdningsmission ," Evangelif Hdrokd, 5 (3 feb, 1916) 20; Barnhemmetvid Rtlnninge," Evangelii Hdlrold, 8 (24 feb, 1916) 36; Long lists of gifts for theBarnhem and Raddningsmission recorded in Evangelii Hdrold, 18 (4 maj, 1916) 76 ;Ada Johannesson, "Oskarsbergs barhhem vid Rbnninge," Evangelii Hdrold, 22 (31maj, 1916) 91 [photo]; "Redovisning ftir ghvor, inkomma till Barnhemmet OskarsbergRtlnninge," Evangelii HUrold, 39 (28 sept. 1916) 160; "Barnhemmet vid Rtlnninge~iladelfi&rsamlingens Barnhem]," Evangelii Hdlrold, 41 (19 sept. 19 16) 172 [nomoney indicated, but the relationship of the orphanage is clarified in the title of thesmall news note]; "Redovisning fir inkonma medel till Oskarbergs barnhemRtinninge," Evangelii Hdrold, 43 (26 oct, 191 6) 176; "Ftlr ri4ddningsmissinen influtnamedel," EvangeNi Hdrold, 43 (26 oct, 1916) 176; "Redovisning Mr influtna medel tillmissionen i Brasilien," Evangelii Hdirold, 44 (2 nov, 1916) 180; "Ghvor tillFilade1fiaR)rsamlingens i Stockholm ritddningsmission," Evangelii Hdrold, 47 (23 nov,1916) 192; and, "Influtna medel till fria missionen i Brasilien," Evangelii Hdrold, 52(28 dec, 1916) 212.David Bundy: Social Ethics in the Church of the Poor:The Cases of T. B. Banan and Lewi Pethrusthe members work. It was argued that this was not only a serviceopportunity given by God, but also an evangelistic tool for reaching thepeople of ~tockholm.' An effort to replicate this experience in Stockholmin Vienna during the dark days following World War I is worthy ofattention.The Swedish Pentecostal Mission to AustriaBy late 1919, news of the temble social conditions in Vienna hadpermeated Europe. These were due to a convergence of factors: (I) theimmigrants and refugees from the East who came to Vienna because of thepartitioning of the Austrian Empire aAn World War 1; (2) a flood of theDanube which had destroyed crops and farms in some of the most fertileareas of the country; and, (3) the general social disintegration thatdeveloped as the old Hapsburg establishment was swept away after theWar. Into this situation came three Swedish Pentecostals who surveyedthe situation with a combination of horror and hope: Andrew Ek, EdvinTallbacka and Alwin christenson?These visitors had interesting histories with the Swedish Pentecostalmovement. Andrew Ek had visited the Azusa Street Mission in 1906,experienced Pentecostal baptism with the Holy Spirit, and returned toSkovde, Sweden, where he became involved with a small Pentecostalgroup.3 He was then called by Lewi Pethrus to the Filadelfia Church inStockholm to head up the mission program of the Stockholm FiladelfiaSwedish Pentecostal church (and by extension that of the other fledglingPentecostal congregations) during the 'open years of 19 14- 19 15."' EdvinTallbacka was an important assistant to Lewi Petheus. He was the businessmanager for the Swedish Pentecostal periodical Evangelii Harold, and itappears, for most of the enterprises of the Filadelfia Church. AlwinChristenson was the son of a German mother and a Swedish father. Hisfamily was well connected in the early Swedish Pentecostal movement.Ek, Tallbacka and Christenson went to Vienna via Berlin where theyconsulted with German and Swiss Pentecostal leaders as to the physicaland spiritual needs of the Austrians. Nothing however prepared them forwhat they encountered. As they walked through the crowded desperatecity, they were horrified at the scene of human suffering, deprivation andamma mar, A., "F6rsamlingens och riiddningsmissionens betydelse ftir varandra," JulensHdrold nlustrerad Kalender, Lewi Pethrus and Alfled Gustafsson, 1 (1 9 16) 1 13- 127.here is some confusion about the spelling of Christensson's name in the sources.'~undstedt, A., Pingstvdickeken (Stockholm: Normans Ftirllrlag, 1969) I, 197-199. Thehistory of the early developments of Pentecostalism in Sk6vde are quite complex and itseems a bit uncertain as to the role of Ek.4~iladelfiaMrsamlingens TioBrsbertittelse, 63, cited in Pingstv6ckL.lsen, (1971) III,84.

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XXII, 2002degradation. Here they reckoned were a people in need of both the savingGospel of God, but also of the basics of human existence.'In addition, there was the encounter with the pervasive influence of theCatholic Church in Austrian government and society. No doubt thisperception was reinforced by a visit to a Lutheran Church in Vienna. Theyspoke to the Sunday School and gave their testimonies in the service.Without doubt, there must have been culture shock on all sides! In asecond missive to Stockholm published in Evangelii Hc?rold they told ofthis visit with the Lutherans, the repression by the Catholic church, thepoverty, the low state of public morals, and the lack of care for the~hildren.~ There were no resources, they reported, to care for the invalids,the homeless and the children?The Swedish Pentecostal team observed that the Red Cross wasundertaking relief efforts, but had no doubt that the crisis was greater thancould be solved by that organization. Help fiom the USA, Switzerland andthe Netherlands was useful, but there were still groups of people in direneed. On the return trip to Stockholm, Tallbacka and Ek decided toattempt to provide relief for 1,000 families. This social service, it wasargued, would be a way to reach people with the Gospel. It was the logicthat energized the Stockholm rescue mi~sion.~ Acceptance of the idea wasslow in Sweden. Most of the converts to Pentecostalism in Sweden camefiom backgrounds that did not understand social ministry as mission. Thefunds were slow to come in, however, for support of the people of Vienna.Tallbacka argued in an article in Evangelii Hdrold that this was indeed"the Lord's work". 'me Lord," he averred, "has laid the needy of Viennaon the heart of Andrew Ek ....". He explained that even a modestcontribution could make a significant difference in the desperate situationsin ~ ie~a.'Back in Vienna, Ek saw the situation in Sweden clearly. He appears tohave understood the hesitancy of the Swedish Pentecostals to support reliefwork as missionary work in Vienna. Therefore, he weighed in with anarticle that did not mention Vienna, but kked for prayer for unsaved andneedy people. Everything in the essay was supported by arguments of'Tallbacka, E., "PA resor till Wien," Evangelii Hdrold, 5.7 (19 febr, 1920) 26.2~al~backa, "En s(lndag i Wien," Evangelii Hdrold, 5.9 (4 mars, 1920) 4-5.'~allbacka,"En arbetsdag bland de nadlidande i Wien," Evangelii Hdhold. 5. 10 (11mars, 1920) 38-39.'?allbacka, "Filadelfi&rsamlingens nWjjtilpsarbete i Wien," Evangelii Hdhold, 5. 1118 mars, 1920) 42.'Tallbacka, "Hemns vedc i Wien,** Evangdii Hhl4 5. 19 (13 maj, 1920) 74-75[quote p. 741.David Bundy: Social Ethics in the Church of the Poor:The Cases of T. B. Barn and Lewi Pethruseschatological urgency. We are working, he argued, in end times and mustuse whatever means possible to communicate the Gospel to those who dono know Christ. He sought to motivate people to action by the assertionthat "Jesus is coming soon".'It is clear that support for the project grew over the summer, although it isunclear how many resources were available. The new crops and warmerweather in Vienna were not enough to solve the vast human need, howeverand more support was needed. Ek worked to provide Bibles and Bibleportions for distribution in Vienna and received some funds in Sweden insupport of that effort. In a contribution to Evangelii Hiirold he lamentedthat the price of a regular meal was now prohibitively expensive due to theprices caused by shortages in Vienna and that this human need madeevangelistic work difficult. He asked for prayer.2 In another letterpublished in Evangelii Hiirold, Ek noted that meeting rooms were hard tofind and expensive. They had been able to rent rooms in which to live andfiom which to operate the ministry. What was required was a place to hostBible studies and to organized worship. While there is no evidence thathospitality for Pentecostal worship services was extended to them byLutherans, he suggested that it was important to find such places forworship because the Lutheran services did not have "freedom in theSpirit". They needed their own space. He repeated the observation thatfood was exorbitantly priced, and observed that even obtaining scripturesfor distribution were very expensive in Vienna as compared with what wasavailable in wede en?For seven months, there had been no public statement on the mission inVienna fiom either the mission leaders of the Pentecostal churches,including Tallbacka, or fiom Lewi Pethrus. From extant sources it isimpossible to ascertain the discussions of mission theory and praxis duringthis period. There is no doubt that the situation in Vienna was differentfrom that encountered by Swedish Pentecostal missionaries in othercountries. Finally in December 1920, came a firm endorsement by LewiPethrus of the initiative of Ek and Tallbacka. After discussing the biblicalmodel of care for the poor and downtrodden, he exclaimed, "Let us ... sendstrong and powerful assistance to the hungry in Vienna!". There was nodoubt where the undisputed leader of the Swedish Pentecostal churches'~ndrew Ek, "Bedjen utan Atervhdo!" Evangelii Hdhold 5.25 (24 juni 1920), 97.'~ndrew Ek, "Wien," Evangelii Hdrold, 5.36 (9 sept. 1920), 143.'~k, A., "FrSn Wien," Evangelii HUrold, 5.39 (30 sept, 1920) 154-155.

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XXII, 2002stood on the matter! He had bought into the vision of social ministry,providing an entrde for evangelism within a mission context.'Ek confirmed the argument in an article published in the following fascicleof Evangelii Harold. After citing Matthew 2540, "What ever you do to theleast of these, you do it unto me," Ek again pointed out the pressing humanneed in Vienna. He reported the prices of basic commodities and told thereaders that fuel for cooking and heating was as prohibitively expensive asfood. He and Christenson, with the help of converts, were doing what theycould to assist those in need. However, this need for basic goods andservices was not the only need of the residents of Vienna. He allowed thatthere was also a pressing spiritual need that was related to the physicalneeds: "Only God can save them". He recognized that the problems ofdaily survival were not unrelated to human sinfulness. He made it clearthat the primary goal of the team was to minister to the spiritual needs ofthe Viennese and that any social services provided were merely a meanstoward an end, not an end in themsel~es.~ Tallbacka followed this up witha long article in the Christmas annual of the Filadelfia Church relatedPentecostal Churches. This article was complete with graphic photographsof starving children and other horrifying images of the traumas ofeveryday,life in post-war ~ienna?Thus began the first mission project in Europe officially supported by theFiladelfia Church in Stockholm. It is important to remember that only ayear earlier, the first missionaries actually sent from the Filadelfia Church,the Samuel Nystrom family, had gone to Brazil. The Pentecostals hadbeen supporting foreign mission for most of the previous decade,beginning with the work of Daniel ~ er~.in Brazil. However these earliermission projects had been quite different, but still combining social andevangelistic ministry as they understood it. They had also been quitesuccessfid in soliciting nominally Catholic converts and in establishing aPentecostal culture among the converts. The situation in Vienna wasdifferent. It was after all not the capital of an exploited colonial power. Itwas arguably a city'that had been arguably the most cultured city ofEurope. They were not seeking to evangelize their cultural inferiors, buttheir cultural equals or superiors. The fact of food and fuel shortages inVienna did not detract fiom this fact. Many countries in Europe, includingSweden, had within recent memory suffered famine.'~ethnrs, L., "Till de niidlidande i Wien," Evangelii Hdrold, 5.50 (16 dec, 1920) 208emphasis in original].'Ek, A, "Wien,"Evangelii XUrold, 5.51 (23 dec, 1920) 214-215.3~allbacka, E., "Det hungrande Wien," Julens Hdrold Illustrerad Kalender, Pethrus,L., Gustafsson, A., Tallbacka, E., 5 (1920) 43-70.David Bundy: Social Ethics in the Church of the Poor:The Cases of T. B. Barratt and Lewi PethrusWhat was new was the combining of relief mission with evangelisticmission with the expectation that the people who came for assistancewould hear the Gospel, might be converted and then discipled within aPentecostal fiamework, and that fiom that basis, a new religious traditionin Austria could be born. To appreciate the significance of this approachon a more global scale, one has by to look at the narrative provided byWilliam Hutchinson about North American mission theory during thissame period. There the tendency was to separate the relief work fiomevangelistic work. The "conservatives" generally avoided the relief work;the "liberals" generally embraced relief work and educational mission.'The Swedish Pentecostals embraced the relief work both as a biblicallyfounded imperative and as a tool for evangelism. It was an entrepreneurialdecision, which sought to make the most of a difficult situation.Support for the mission in Vienna began to pour into the Filadelfia Churchin Stockholm. Lewi Pethrus expressed his gratitude for the generosity ofthe Swedish Pentecostal churches. Their response to the solicitationpromoted in the Evangelii Hdrold was clearly gratifying to him. He wascertain, he said, that the efforts of the American relief agencies and theRed Cross would not be sufficient to get people through the hard winter.2Without doubt his personal approbation of the effort was instrumental inthe response of the churches. Once he went on record as being in favour ofthe project, it received the support of the Pentecostal churches.As the first officially supported Swedish Pentecostal mission effort inEurope, a lot was riding on the outcome of this project. It would either addto or seriously detract from the stature of its instigators and supporters.Leaving nothing to chance, Pethrus decided to visit Vienna to examine thesituation for himself. After the Pentecostal Leader's conference inAmsterdam, Pethrus crossed Germany to visit Austria. In an importantcontribution to Evangelii Harold, Pethrus reported back on both theeconomic and missional issues. He commented that the prices in Viennafor the basic necessities of life made it impossible to feed a family and thattherefore even Ek needed more help than he was currently receiving. Heargued that relief work was good in and of itself. The New Testamentcommanded Christians to minister to the poor and downtrodden. Heexpressed hope that a 'New Testament" style assistance that might begiven to the needy, especially the families, of Vienna. He maintained theconviction that with such assistance they might more easily consider'Hutchinson, W., Errand to the World (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987).'Pethrus, L., ''Insamlingen till de n6dlidande i Wien," Evangelii Hdirod, 6. 1 (6 jan,1921) 6.

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XXII, 2002conversion. Relief ministry was good and biblical, but it was not the onlygoal of missionary work.' Help poured forth fiom the Swedish Pentecostalchurches. Ek wrote to Evangelii Harold thanking the churches for the 2000packets containing "wheat-flour, oil, grain, and other things weredistributed." He and the other missionaries gave their testimonies beforethe waiting crowds. In the same letter, he pleaded for more assistance,"Help US.. .. Jesus comes soon." He affirmed: %ere is only one who canhelp people out of this need which is both spiritual and material, and that isthe Lord a10ne."~After the harvests in 1922, the people stopped coming to the Pentecostalmission in Vienna. Most of the converts that had filled Sunday Schoolclasses were forced to leave Austria for Argentina, Uruguay, Canada,Australia and the USA because of persecution by the Catholic Church.The Pentecostal church in Austria remained small; the one in Brazil grewto be comprised of millions of believers. The mission to Austria is neverdiscussed in Swedish Pentecostal sources, probably because of theambiguities about mission and the desire not to allow a failure at churchbuilding detract from the efforts of the church to do relief work. Certainthere was no second-guessing of the decision or blaming of the missionersas f y as can be ascertained from the extant sources.ConclusionFrom these case studies, it is clear that these Scandinavian EuropeanPentecostal leaders were concerned to develop a social ethic. For bothBarratt and Pethrus, this was one aspect of Christian responsibility thatcontinued from their Holiness pasts. For each theologian, the missionalargument had to do with a combining of the Gospel imperatives to ministerto the poor, and the eschatological drive to proclaim salvation to the worldbefore the return of Christ. These case studies would suggest that thechurches of the poor were willing to follow the advice of their leaden,pool resources and aid the poor. They would also suggest that theireschatology did not provide an escape fiom social responsibility, but rathergave it more energy. The disciplined generosity of the myriad SwedishPentecostals bringing packets of food and clothing and then collectingfunds to transport the contributions across Europe would be impressivetoday, especially given that the Rescue Mission effort in Stockholmcontinued unabated. Certainly there is enough evidence to questionIDavid Bundy: Social Ethics in the Church of the Poor:/' The Cases of T. B. Barratt and Lewi Pethrus/'theories of eschatological escaplsm and to warrant a thorough study of thephilanthropy of Scandinavian Pentecostalism.And, to return to the experiences narrated at the beginning of this paper.My impression is that these churches in Kottayam, Guadalajara and SaoPaolo are doing what Barran and Pethrus did. They are combining socialservices and evangelism, giving often of their own poverty, but poolingresources to make a significant difference in the suffering of people. And,yes, they are doing it because the Bible tells them to, and because they areconvinced that Jesus is coming soon.-'~ethrus, L., "Det svitltande och tiysande Wien," Evangelii Hdrold, 6.6 (19 Feb, 1921)21 -22.. In this article, he again praised the work of the Red Cross.'~k, A., "Wien," Evangelii Hdrold 6.12 (24 mars, 1921) 56.

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XXII, 2002Harold D. Hunter: Some Ethical Implications of Pentecostal EschatologySome Ethical Implications of Pentecostal EschatologyHarold D. HunterThe Place of EschatologyChristian Theology: An Eschatological Approach by Thomas N. ~in~er'proposed eschatology as an integrative motif. A defense for opening a newgate had come by a challenge from Jikgen Moltmann. This openingvolume draws attention to eschatology, but then he directs his attention torevelation and closes with the work of Christ. The eschatologicalorientation of the NT message motivates Finger to begin his theology withlast things. But with only a partial reversal, most find the order adisadvantage. A more substantive complaint is that he may not useeschatology as the integrative motif of his theology. Contrast this toclassical Protestant theology that follows a trinitarian outline that beginsand ends with God. Traditionally, God's work through Christ and the HolySpirit is illuminated by the nature of God and the predicament ofhumanity.When it comes to those matters that have been central to North Americanmember churches of the Pentecostal World Fellowship (PWF), I wish tosay that the appropriation of dispensational schemes has been ill-advised.Berkouwer's Return of Chrisr essentially characterizes my position onmatters of a millennium, the role of Israel, and the antichrist. Berkouwerargues, rightly in my estimation, that there are no biblical signs that allowus to work out some kind of historical chronology, but there is theperpetual battle of good and evil and we should always be watchful andremember that Christ is victor. Pentecostal creeds, periodicals, books andtracts that differ with this approach have spawned denominations that,nevertheless, echo my views in practice.Post-Mortem MaturationThe Roman Catholic teaching on purgatory is a direct contradiction to thetypical Protestant idea of passive existence in an intermediate state. It isalso related to the conviction of most Protestants that one's eternal destinyis irrevocably decided at the moment of death-in obvious contrast tosomething like reincarnation. Whereas the Roman Catholic church affirmsthat upon death those, lie the saints, who are ready for the beatific visionenter into the rest of the blessed and the incorrigibly wicked, the reprobates--'~inger, T. N., Christian Theology: An Eschatological Approach (Nashville:Nelson,1985). Reviews by Stanley J. Grenz in Christianity Today (Sept 5, 1986) 31 andDonald Bloesch in TSF Bulletin (May-June 1987) 16f.into the torments of hell, it also teaches the doctripe of Purgatory. Thesuffering of Purgatory is not penal but purgative. All those dying in a stateof grace, yet tainted with the stain of sin, must undergo this catharsis.Origen is the first to speak of the "salutary troubles" which the souls "inprison" endure, not as a retribution, but as a benefaction. Cyprian, Bishopof Carthage, was unambiguous about the heavenly destiny of heroicmartyrs. He was equally clear on the definitive character of hell. Hisproblem had to do with the fate of the well-intended Christians who hadweakened under persecution. His pastoral problem was whether suchbasically good people were to be consigned to hell forever. The idea of aprocess of purification not only in this life but in the next as well seemedwelcome to Cyprian. So the central plank of what eventually became thedoctrine of purgktory was formulated by the middle of the third century.Augustine extends the purifying trials of death beyond this life andGregory the Great interprets being saved "yet so as by fire" (1 Cor. 3:15)as a description of the pains of purgatory.A more developed doctrine blossomed during the Middle Ages,particularly starting in the 12" century.' The official teaching of theRoman Catholic Church is contained in the Decree of the Council ofFlorence (AD 1429) that souls in the intermediate state "are purged afterdeath by purgatorial or cathartic pains."Clark Pinnock when reacting to an article on purgatory by a RomanCatholic scholar says, "I cannot deny that most believers end their earthlylives imperfectly sanctified and far from complete. I cannot deny thewisdom in possibly given them an opportunity to close that gap and growto maturity after death. After all, most Evangelicals accept the positionthat babies dying in infancy end up in heaven. If so, do they live in heavenas babies or as grown persons? If we think they will be grown persons,where do we suppose that they grow to maturity?".2 Evangelicals wouldnot think of purgatory as a place of punishment or atonement because ofour view of the work of Christ, but we can think of it as an opportunity formaturation and powth?Isaiah 5:14 which says that She01 is a place of interaction and recognitionand the story of Lazarus cautions one against being too dogmatic regarding'~a~es, 2. H., "The Purgatorial View," Four Views ofHell, (4.) William CrockettDowner's Grove: lntervarsity Press, 1992) 97-99.binnock's response to "The matorial View" by Zachq Hayes in Four Views ofHell, 129.3ibid, 130.

The Journal of the European Pentecostal TheoIogical Association, Vol. m, 2002Harold D. Hunter. Some Ethical Implications of Pentecostal Eschatologythe nature of the intermediate state. Other sympathiirs with purgatoryinclude George MacDonald, J.B. Phillips, William Barclay, and C.S.Lewis. Bavinck says, "Gradation of punishment will be in accordance tothe knowledge of God's will and law."' At the August 23-27, 2000ICCOWE conference in Prague, Fr. Hilarion AIfeyev, fiom theDepartment for External Church Relations at the Moscow Patriarchate,defended the Orthodox Church's position that the fate of a person afterdeath can be changed through the prayers of the ~hurch.~ During thediscussion that followed, Fr. Alfeyev was surprised to learn that J.H. King,pioneer leader for the International Pentecostal Holiness Church (IPHC),had advocated post-mortem spiritual growth.'Eternal Punishment?Hell is a common translation of the Greek "Gehenna," fiom the Hebrew,ge-hinnom, the valley of Hinnom, near Jerusalem where children weresacrificed in the fire to Molech (2 Chron 28:3, 33:6) and later served as agarbage dump. There are various problems such as reconciling thedescription as this being a place of darkness (Mt 25:30, 2 Pt 2:17) withstatements that it is a place of fire (Mt 5:22; 13:30-50). This is a problemonly for literalists. Some have thought that the wicked are annihilated.Su~h punishment is "eternal" in that those who are annihilated never getover it. Such proponents have to make sense of "eternal" fire (Matt. 18:8,25:41), "eternal" punishment (Matt. 25:46), "eternal" destruction (2 Thess.1 :9), "eternal" judgment (Mark 3:29).The lead article for the October 23,2000 edition of Christianity Today wasan open discussion on hell between annihilationists, conditionalists andtraditionalists. Given the influence of the National Association ofEvangelicals and this magazine in particular on North AmericanPentecostal ecclesiarchs, a subterranean shift may be underway? The samemight be true of the impact of a related discussion at the Evangelical'~avinck, H., Our Reasonable Faith (Grand Rapids: Baker, 1977 [1956]) 565-66.'~lfe~ev, H., "Christ the Conqueror of Hell," International Charismatic Consultationon World Evangelization. August 23-27, 2002 in Prague. Although the paper held outthe possibility of salvation for those of other religions, less clear was the fate ofPentecostals in Russia. On the other hand, Roman Catholics how been roundedcriticized about teaching purgatory by the Orthodox in formal dialogues.3~ee chapter titled 'me Pentecostal-Holiness Theology of Joseph Hillery King" inforthcoming volume about Pentecostal theology by Douglas Jacobsen where he quotesChrist-God's Love Giff: Selected Writings of J.H. King, (ed.) B.E. UnderwoodFranklin Springs: Advocate Press, 1969) 61,69.In the personal materials of Bishop T. A. Melton at the IPHC Archives and ResearchCenter is the booklet by W. B. Godbey titled Annihilation (Greensboro, NC: ApostolicMessenger Publishing Co.).Group of the American Academy of Religion on professors at Pentecostalseminaries in the USA. When Piiock published his position on thissubject in Christianity Today in 1987, Adrian Rogers, then president of theSouthern Baptist Convention, used this as proof that Pinnock was gettingliberal. The same reception awaited John Stott after publically endorsingthis teaching.Pinnock's 1992 contribution to the familiar format of Intervarsity Press inFour Views of ~el1'-which covers literal, metaphorical, purgatorial, andconditional-starts with his unabashed commitment to hell as an"unquestioned reality." Reminding Evangelicals that most of them haveabandoned ancient doctrines like double predestination, infant baptism,and only one view of the millennium, he says there should be room todebate the nature of hell. Especially so since the eternal punishment ofhell has often been portrayed as bringing delight to those in heaven whoobserve the miseries. Pimock says that it is not a denial of the reality ofhell to interpret its nature as destruction rather than endless torture. Hesays this view avoids portraying God as being a vindictive and sadisticpunisher. Hell becomes the possibility that human beings may choose intheir freedom. As he says, "How can God predestine the free response oflove?" So again the question of how to understand election enters the fiay.It shows that Pinnock is not a universalist.Also spurning universalism, Finger puts it this way, "Those outside Christwill not be suddenly condemned by an alien, hitherto absent God ...Instead the true character of Reality will be lit up ... Even within thosewho have never heard of Christ, their conscience will 'bear witness ... '(Rom 2:15-16)": Finger certainly finds this more satisfying than the ideaof universal salvation which he thinks Evangelicals are taking up de facto.He finds everlasting torment in Tertullian, annihilation in the Didache, anduniversalism in Origen. We are reminded that some of the most graphicpictures of the anguish of hell come from the Apocrypha. Then there areridiculous stories like how are those without teeth going to gnash theirteeth to which a recension of a Gospel text quotes Jesus as saying "teethwill be provided." (Passages looking towards annihilation include: Psalm37; Malachi 4:lf; Matt 10:28; Matt 3:10, 12; Matt 530; 2 Thess 1:9; Gal6:8; 1 Cor 3:17; Phil 1:28; Rom 1:32; Rom 6:23; Phil 3:19; 2 Peter 3:7; 2Peter 2: l,3,6; Heb 10:39; Jude 7; Rev 20: 14E)'~innock, C., "The Conditional view," Four Views of Hell, ed. by William Crockett$Downer's Grove: InterVersity Press, 1992) 135ff.Finger, T. N., Christian Theology: An Eschatological Approach (Scottsdale: HeraldPress, 1985) 1:159.

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XXII, 2002Pinnock is clearly impatient with the idea that this position challenges theauthority of scripture since scripture is his recourse. He turns the tablessaying that tradition-especially the hellenized immortal soul-hasdetermined the mainstream view of everlasting conscious torment.'Pinnock does not flatly rule out that God could give immortality to thewicked for everlasting torment, but asks why God would do so. He findsthe idea of sin against an infinite God as insufficient grounds to warrantinfinite punishment.Now to a review by Pimock of passages used by traditionalists. Mark9:48 when interpreted in light of Isaiah 66:24 where fire and worms aredestroying dead bodies does not require etemal torment of consciouspersons. Pinnock finds Matthew 25:46 wanting because of the lack ofdefinition regarding conscious punishment that is eternal. Annihilation hasetemal consequences, but the person is not eternally conscious. Theparable in Luke 16:23f refers to Hades-the intermediate state betweendeath and resurrection-not to Gehenna-the final end of the wicked.Pinnock sees Revelation 14:9-11 as the most compelling text. He goes onto say that while the smoke goes up forever, the text does not say thewicked are tormented forever. Finger stresses that eternal torment is aimedat the devil, the beast, and the false prophet.2 The text says the wicked haveno klief fiom their suffering as long as the suffering lasts. Before oblivion,there may be a period of suffering, but not unendingly according to bothPinnock and Finger. Pinnock reacts to the idea of annihilationists softeningthe gospel messagdy taking away a terror stick used by Dante, JonathanEdwards, et. al.-by saying that although this makes hell less of a torturechamber, it does not lessen its extreme seriousness. To pass into oblivionand nonbeing while others enter into bliss is a terrifying possibility ofmisusing our freedom by losing God and destroying ourselves. It doesmean they do not go to heaven.For his part, J. Rodman ~illiams' distances himself fiom the idea ofannihilation. Williams finds support in the lexicon by Thayer and the claimthat this position has never had "creedal or confessional status" in thechurch. Charles Hodge and B. B. Warfield lower the population of hell bymeans of a postmillennial eschatology and the automatic salvation ofbabies who die in infancy. Classical Pentecostals have an oral tradition thatinfants, apparently regardless of water baptism or 'dedication', end up in'The same is true for Finger, Chriktian Theology 1 :IS&] 61.ibid., 1 :160.3~illiams, J. R, Renewal Theology: The Church, the Kingdom and Last Things (GrandRapids: Zondervan, 1992) 3:472.Harold D. Huntec Some Ethical Impli&ons of Pentecostal Eschatologyheaven.' Naturally this idea has been extended to foetuses, especiallythose who were aborted. Now are they going to say that the foetus orinfants must be from Christian parents or at least a Christian mother? Ifnot, does this say something about proxy faith among Pentecostals? It atleast illustrates the Pentecostal preoccupation with actual sins rather than'original sin.' Although no major Roman Catholic theologian known to meadvocates annihilation-nor 0rthodox2 I would imagine-Charles Parhamtaught annihilation. This teaching is more often associated with theSeventh Day Adventists and Jehovah's Witnesses. All of this puts Pinnockin the heretical category for many North American Evangelicals especial1Ywhen coupled with his probing of the concept of post-mortem conversion.Pinnock also makes a great deal of this idea that no one goes to hell exceptthose who choose it. Like Finger, this does not mean only those who haveheard the name of Jesus. How different ultimately is Oden's position whenOden says that 'common grace will save the lies of Abraham, Isaac andJacob? In fact "pious Jews of every generation who remain faithful to thecovenant (Rom. 11). Gentiles who have not heard of God coming will bejudged equitably according to the light given them (Rom. 125-16)."'There is insufficient scriptural-ecumenical authority for the debatableassertion that those who have not had a fair chance to hear the gospel areconsigned peremptorily and immediately to etemal punishment, for allwho miss the joy of heaven will have had plausible oppohty to havechosen a better life, yet wilfully refused it.' The posturing of PentecostalZionists makes this kind of thing an ongoing debate in Pentecostal ranks.Along with biblical passages that promote the wideness of God's mercy,one has to consider the eschatological implications of Amos 9:7 brought to'~unter, H. D., "Reflections by a Pentecostalist on Aspects of BEM," Journal ofEcumenical Studies, 29:3/4 (Summer/Fall 1992). Wojciech Gajewski and KnysztofWasneniuk, "A Historical and Theological Analysis of the Pentecostal Church ofPoland," JEPTA XX (2000) 42, report the rejection of paedobaptism while affirminginfant salvation2~here are, it would seem, Orthodox scholars who follow the Origenistic position andthus hold out for the ultimate redemption of the whole universe. This was evident in thepaper by Hilarion Alfeyev titled "Christ the Conqueror of Hell" delivered at theInternational Charismatic Consultation on World Evangelization conference heldAugust 23-27,2002 in Prague. Fr. Alfeyev also equated Hades with Hell.' ~ the t 1992 edition of American Academy of Religion in San Francisco, Pinnockprobed the ppssibility of post-mortem conversion thus shifting from the position in theabove quotation. Parham came to embrace annihilation after being persuaded by arelative of his wife to study these Biblical texts without reading commentaries.40den, Life in the Spirit, 452.'ibid, 454.

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XXII, 2002my attention by an article on Asian theology.' Amos challenges theconventional wisdom of the privileged class that had monopolized Godand drastically reinterprets the Exodus tradition. Here the Ethiopians, thePhilistines and Arameans have each in their own history experienced God'ssaving act. This is the flipside where earlier Amos so clearly utilizesgeography in the two opening chapters to put a noose around his audience:1:3 Damascus, 1 :6 Gaza, 1:9 Tyre, 1:11 Edom, 1:13 Ammonites, 2:lMoab, 2:4 Judah, 2:6 Israel. If Israel is unique--"You alone have I known"(Amos 3:2)"-she will not be spared judgment.Universalists, by contrast, suppose that finally all people will be restored toGod's fellowship, for God's very nature is love. But retributive justice isby no means incompatible with love. There are some striking statementsin the NT on the universal scope and efficacy of Christ's atoning work.The context, however, seems to place faith and obedience to Christ asrequisite for saving benefits of his work. There is no warrant forunderstanding such universal statements of scripture as promising thesalvation of those who wilfully rejected the claims of Christ and die inunbelief. To be sure, the redeemed host will number people from allnations. But this is not to say every individual. But, it is commonlyobjected, granted that God is not only loving but holy, it would be anintolerable miscarriage of justice that a person, who has sinned threescoreyears and ten, should suffer the consequences everlastingly.Oden supporting eternal consequences quotes Augustine and others sayingthat rape and murder may take minutes, but the consequences go wellbeyond that. Does this imply that God's purpose has failed? No, but itshows the difference between God's antecedent will to save all and theconsequence will of God to deal justly with the ramifications of freehuman choice^.^It must be remembered that hell is not a place of passive suffering (as insome of Dante's visions), but rather a state of active rebellion. "Better toreign in hell than serve in heaven," said Milton's Satan. And by the livesthey have lived, the wicked have said, "Better to serve Satan than God"even if it be in hell. Eternal punishment means that the character which onechooses in this life is irrevocably confirmed in the life to come. Can theythen justly complain of hell which is just that-life without God forever?'~ee, A. C. C., "Prophetic and Sapientid Hermeneutics in Asian Ways of DoingTheology," Doing Christian Theology in Asian Ways, (ed.) Alan J. Torrance, SalvadorT. Martinez, and Yeow Choo Lak, ATESEA Occasional Papers (ATESEA: Singapore,1993) 4.20den, Life in the Spirit, 456.Harold D. Huntec Some Ethical Implications of Pentecostal EschatologyThis is not to imply that those in hell will be happy with their lot. Theyneither will be happy in hell nor aspire to heaven. Hell, in other words, isfrustration, the reality beyond the myth of Prometheus and the rollingstone.Leading thinkers of the western world, fiom Plato to Kant, have regardedpenal retribution as a necessary part of a moral universe. In the West fromthe time of Jeremy Benthem, people have increasingly stressed theremedial function of punishment. But if correction is the only function ofpunishment, then hell is impossible; for hell, in its essence, is not remedial.The doctrine is that those who sin against God without repentance, shallexperience God's wrath without remedy. Eternal consequences which ofitself does not demand continuous punishment to infinity.Cosmic TransformationIn a 1990 issue of rans sf on nation,' an account is given of a conferencewhere Peter Kuzmic said that Moltmann and others deserve attention fortheir work on the relation of eschatology to ethics. Jiirgen Moltmann'sTheology of Hope gave eschatology a centrality in christology. He alsowanted to emphasize that the promises of God to humanity do not refer tosome ethereal realm into which the soul may now blissfully escape atdeath, but to the historical future of humankind. God intends that promisesfor the fiture bear fruit in world-transforming activity in the present. Thisdoes not mean that Moltmann is a rosy optimistic. A few have tried toargue that the future state will be that of disembodiment, but thatwholeness now in the present kingdom can bring wholeness to mind, body,society and environment. But this has not been a common position.Something like this is argued by Rodman ~illiams? Peter Kuzmic hasargued that affvming continuity "implies that all of our present work for abetter world is of eternal significance." .Similar arguments have comefiom Miroslav Volf and Murray Dempster. Then we are reminded of thearguments against cremation since it was said to affect the resunection ofthe mind. Now one asks can the new earth come from the ashes of a planetdestroyed by nuclear cremation?So part of the debate concerns sorting out any differences betweenpassages that refer to futuristic renewal or complete renovation. RodmanWilliams sides with renovation. Miroslav Volf postures for eschatological'~illiams, S., "The Partition of Love and Hope: Eschatology and SocialResponsibility," Transformation. (JulyISept, 1990) 24.2~illiams, Renewal Theology, 3:400f

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XXII, 2002Harold D. Hunter: Some Ethical Implications of Pentecostal Eschatologytransformation instead of annihilation of humans or creation.' The biblicaltestimony to the earthly locale of the kingdom of God speaks indirectly infavor of the belief in the eschatological transformation of the world ratherthan its annihilation. Gundry argues that Revelation promises eternal lifeon the new earth, not ethereal life in the new heaven.This corresponds not only to the earthly hopes of the Hebrew prophets, butmost significantly to the Christian teaching of the resurrection of the body.Theologically it makes little sense to postulate a non-earthly eschatologicalexistence while believing in the resurrection of the body.Moltmann seems willing to concede that one can have a "this worldly"hope and expect that it will come about through the act of new creation exnihilio. But more typical is the position of conservatiyes attached to theadministration of the American President Ronald Reagan who reasonedthat we should hurry and use up our natural resources for the benefit ofwealthy Republicans before such things are burnt up in a decade or so by acosmic cataclysm. One can postulate a logical connection betweeneschatological annihilation and social improvement, but are theytheologically compatible? Miroslav Volf says no. Theologically therewould be a tension between affirming the goodness of creation and at thesame time expect its eschatological destruction. And there are NTstatements explicitly supporting the idea of an eschatologicaltransformation of the creation, as Moltmann goes on to prove and F.F.Bruce concurs. To Volf, the important issue is that humans not only have abody but are a body.The traditional picture changes2 radically with the assumption that theworld will end not in apocalyptic destruction but in eschatologicaltransfonnation. Then the results of the cumulative work of human beingshave intrinsic value and gain ultimate significance, for they are related tothe eschatological new creation, not only indirectly through the faith andservice they enable or sanctification they further, but also directly: thenoble products of human ingenuity, "whatever is beautiful, true and goodin human cultures," will be cleansed fiom impurity, perfected, andtransfigured to become part of God's new creation. They will form the"building materials" h m which (after they are transfigured) "the glorifiedworld" will be made. Consider the human body. When I look on picturesof me as a child, I say I am that person. That is not, however, literally true.My cells have died and reproduced and so in a molecular sense there has'volf, M., "On Loving with Hope: Eschatology and Social Responsibility,"Tramfo~ion, (JulyISept, 1990) 28.'volf, M., Work in the Spirit (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991) 91.been a transformation. To whatever extent this is true, might it not besomething of a parallel to the planet? Volf s position over against a hugeatomic bomb that explodes the planet is a form of continuity that does notplay down the transformation of the Almighty God.A brief review of the 1991 SPS presidential address by Murray Dempsterwill prove helpful.' Dempster starts with the sect/church/mysticismtypology found in Ernst Troeltsch's The Social Teaching of the ChristianChurches. Here, sect-type expressions of the church have such an intenseeschatological expectation that the church mission focuses virtuallysingularly on evangelizing unbelievers. The resulting social quietismreinforced a conviction within the corporate mentality of sectarianbelievers that they were faithfully loving with eternal-not temporal-valuesin view.Notice part of the final statement produced by members of the dialoguebetween the World Alliance of Reformed Churches (WARC) and somePentecostals, "Pentecostals focus more on individuals than on structures,viewing persons as individuals. When a person is in need, Pentecostals willoften attend to the immediate need without always analyzing the systemicissues that might give rise to the situation. As they probe more deeply, theyuncover systemic issues that produce or aggravate the pastoral issue beingaddressed. Some Pentecostals, then, confiont systemic issues out of strongpastoral concerns about an individual or a group of people. WhilePentecostals have frequently been stereotypically portrayed as passive and'other worldly', programs of personal renewal at grassroots levels havehad far-reaching implications for social tran~fonnation".~D u ~ the g didogue with WARC, I argued that when recounting the recordof social activity by Pentecostals one should not forget social location andthat Pentecostals did not realize observers would look on them differently'~em~ster, M., "Christian Social Ethics in Pentecostal Perspective," Decades offipectancy: 1891-1900, 1991-2000, (ed.) D. William Faupel (Lakeland, FL: SPS,1991). 'See also Murray W. Dempster, "Social concern in the context of Jesus'kingdom, mission and ministry," Transformation, 16:2 (1999) 43-53.''word and Spirit, Church and World," The F i Report of the International Dialoguebetween Representatives of the World Alliance of Reformed Churches and SomeClassical Pentecostal Churches and Leaders: 1996-2000, Cyberjournal for PentecostalCharismatic Research 1-1 #8 (September 2000)paragraph #62. See also the section titled "Spirit, Kingdom, Eschatology" which runsfrom paragraph #78 to #87.

The Journal of the Ewpean Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XXII, 2002had they publicized their social awareness.' As director of the IPHCArchives, I have found records of social care that have not been cited inany work on this subject. By contrast, when those in power take any noteof the poor it is well publicized. Also, Pentecostals are often judged by thebehavior of their masses whereas historic churches wish to be identifiedwith a particular creed, council or famous theologian.Yet among Classical Pentecostals, however, it is still hardly rare to hearthat the church not worry about being an agent of social change because ofthe imminent return. The Kingdom of God is portrayed as an idealizedstate of future ahistorical bliss. Add to this the despair of working withstructural change and preoccupation for individual rehabilitation. The latterwhich should not be dismissed by any account. Dempster goes on to arguethat the eschatological continuity between the "already" and "not yet"kingdom implies that the apocalyptic act at the end of this age will not beone of total annihilation of the world but one of total transformation of theworld. Dempster then affirms the notion of Miroslav Volf thateschatological continuity "guarantees that noble human efforts will not bewasted." Many join Dempster when he concludes, "... the second comingof Jesus Christ as an apocalyptic act at the end of this agewheninterpreted within a Pentecostalkingdom framework-can inspire hope intoday's, church that God's redemptive reign will find consummation in anew creation. Such a hope places God's stamp of significance on themassive human effort and sacrificial expenditures of resources that go intosupporting programs of Christian social service and action. Such a hope isbuoyed up by the conviction that God will preserve, transform andincorporate the church's kingdom-signifying deeds into the new creationwhen Jesus returns to bring the reign of God to its promised fulfillment.'Maranatha,' the Lord cometh, therefore, should fuel the fires of thechurch's social concern with the same intensity that this hopefblexpectation has historically brought to the task of evangelism".2'writing from Oakland, California in 1946, Max A.X. Clark, 'The PentecostalMovement: Forty Years of Power, Probation and Progress," The Pentecostal Journal,17, counts the second cause for the success of the Pentecostal Movement "is that it alsoministers to the physical and temporary needs, such as feeding the hungry and clothingthe poor, visiting the shut-ins and those in prison ..."'Dernpster, "Christian Social Ethics," 38; see "Word and Spirit, Church and World,"Paragraph #SO."You have received the Spirit of power ..." (2 Tim. 1:7)Reviewing the Prosperity Message in the Light of aTheology of EmpowermentLawrence NwankwoThe theme of this conference was a pleasant surprise to me. From myexperience in Nigeria, "born-again" Christians, as members of thePentecostal-Charismatic groups are often called, are regarded as standingfor moral standards higher than those prevalent in the society. Even thechoice of a regenerative metaphor - born again - is indicative of thecentrality of the theme of personal and social rebii in their vision anddiscourse. This vision (re)commends new identity and new practice whoselegitimacy and condition of possibility is the 'Power fiom on highy.'However, the focus is more on personal rebii to the neglect of socialrebirth. In the light of this, I understand this conference as interested inexamining the reasons for the one-sided focus on personal morality and thenear exclusion of social concerns understood in terms of commitment tothe realization of a life-enhancing socio-economic and political andcultural field of action for all. I have to add immediately that the same canbe said of most mainline Catholic and Protestant spiritualities. However, Iam of the opinion that the Pentecostal-Charismatic spirituality resonateswith the Afiican contemporary life-world and that it has resources toreflect on and to more directly engage in social transformation. But, beforethis aspect of the spirituality can be liberated, some of its emphases, andhere I focus on the emergent emphases due to its reception into the Afiicancontext, have to be reflected upon. That is what I want to do here with thehelp of the metaphor of empowerment.This paper has two main parts. The first part is diagnostic. Here I examinethe Prosperity message. The aim is to find out why, despite its convictionthat it is God's will that, at least, believers should enjoy abundance of life,health, wealth, material comfort here on earth, this message does not seeand confront the socio-economic and political mechanisms that thwartGod's plan of wholeness for humanity. The second part addresses theresults f?om the first part in the light of a theology of empowerment. Thistheology calls aaention to the fact that as children of God, we havereceived the Spirit from on High, a Spirit of power that strengthens and'~uth Marshall presents this very well in her article, "'Power in the Name of Jesus':Social Transformation and Pentecostalism in Western Nigeria 'Revisited"' Legitimacyond the State in Twentieth-Centuyy Aflca, (ed.) Terence Ranger & Olufemi Vaughan(London: Macmillan Press, 1993) 21 3-246.

._ . - _JwrcuThe Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XXII, 2002enables us contribute to the advent of God's Kingdom here on earth. Thisis a theology that draws h m the Trinity and has both Pneurnatological andChristological concentration. God associates humanity in God's work ofcreation and redemption. The incarnation is the high and unique point ofthis divine-human synergism. Through the Holy Spirit, God is still activein history, 'trans-substantiating3' individuals and communities into theBody of Christ and the Bread of Life to be broken and shared for the life ofthe world. The final part shows that empowerment and the vision behind itare applicable beyond the Ajiican context.Let me characterise the voice speaking by indicating the tradition withinwhich I stand and the commitments that shape my reflection. I am anAfrican (Nigerian), a Catholic of the' Roman rite and a SystematicTheologian interested in Pentecostalism, liberation and inculturation issuesfrom the African context. I hope that these would help you to understandsome of my emphasis, my mode of theological reasoning and the choice ofmy dialogue partners.Finally, let me remark that I use the hyphenated term 'Pentecostal-Charismatic spirituality to embrace the different waves in Pentecostalism.Also, I speak about 'Pentecostal-Charismatic spirituality' in order toindicate the family resemblance on the level of spirituality between thePentecostal churches and the Charismatic groups within the main-linechurches. In other words, my focus is not on distinct ecclesial groups asmuch as on the commonality of emphases, vision and spirituality. May italso be noted that these groups differ considerably from one another.''This is the technical term in Catholic Eucharistic theology. This term documents theinfluence of Greek ontology in the Christological and Trinitarian Controversies in theGreat Ecumenical Councils of the Church. There has been a reaction against and adebate about the continued use of these terminologies and the place of Greek ontologyin theology. Suffice it to note that I chose this term simply to indicate that the HolySpirit touches the whole of one's life.or example, the Scripture Union founded by Pastor Kumuyi emphasises holiness andthus are in lie with the holiness tradition which is the root h m which Pentecostalismsprang up. For the relationship between the Pentecostals and the Holiness Groups seeJohn Thomas Nichol, The Pentecostals (New Jersey: Logos, 1966) 1-17. However, thegroup founded by Mensa Otabil of Ghana tries to instil black pride and incorporates(post)-colonial discourse and stresses Africa's political and economic selfdetermination.Cf. Gifford, P., "Ghana's Charismatic Churches" Journal ofReligion inAfrica 24:3 (1994) 244-251, 261. From the point of view of this emphasis, the groupcomes close to Black Pentecostalism researched by Lovett This was also wncemedwith so&-economic, political and cultural issues that affect the Black Communities inthe United State. See Lovett, L.,"F'erspectives on Black Pentecostalism," quoted inWalter Hollenweger, Pentecostal, Between Black and mite (Belfast: Christian Journal,1974) 22.Lawrence Nwankwo: 'You have received the Spirit of Power ...' (2 Tim.1:7)Reviewing the Prosperity Message in the Light of a Theology of EmpowermentBecause of the transnational character of the Pentecostal-Charismaticspirituality1 and the heterogeneity of Africa, questions can be raised aboutthe propriety of speaking about Apican Pentecostal-Charismaticspirituality. I do not intend to give the impression that &can Pentecostal-Charismatic spirituality is monolithic. There is however a familyresemblance between them. I recognize the transnational character or moreaccurately, its American c~nnection.~ But while this spirituality isseemingly peripheral in American life, it offers the dominant conceptualframework in Afiica. Finally, without having to discuss the peculiarities ofthe groups, I focus on the Prosperity Message which offers the key tounderstanding many of the tendencies and emphases both in the Churchesand in the society at large.The Prosperity ~ essa~e~There is increasing concern and alarm with regard to the attraction andspread of'the Prosperity Message in aca. It is attacked from manyperspectives. Those interested in the economic aspect, explain the spreadas a co-efficient of the socio-economic and political insecurity in Afiica.For the pet psychologists, the Christian groups that emphasize prosperityprovide schemes of compensation and adjustive mechanism to peoplewhose material condition of existence is deplorable. For those concernedwith the global flow of goods and ideas, the Prosperity Message and thewhole Pentecostal-Charismatic spirituality is a transnational phenomenonthat receives it impetus from the Religious Right in America4'van Dijk, R. A., "From Camp to Encompassment: Discourses of Transsubjectivity inthe Ghanaian Pentecostal Disapora," J o d of Religion in Afiica, 27:2 (1997) 142. Hewrites, "Pentecostalism is historically a transnational phenomenon, which in its modemforms is reproduced in its local diversity through a highly accelerated circulation ofgoods, ideas and people. The new charismatic type of Pentecostalism creates a moraland physical geography whose domain is one of transnational cultural inter-penetrationand flow."%ifford stresses this American Connection. He goes as far as suggesting that the Christfor All Nation crusade organised by Reinhard Bonnke in Afiica, is a curious amalgamof Christian ideas and the American way of life. Giord, P., "'Africa Shall be Saved.'An Appraisal of Reinhard Bonnke's Pan-&can Crusade," Journal of Religion inAfiica, 17:l (1987) 85. Although one should not over generalise, it remains true thatmost of the literature and the liturgy adapted in these groups reflect American valuesand approach to life.'I defer to Allan Anderson's choice of terminology and I agree with his desire not togive offence. See Anderson, A.,"The Prosperity Message in the Eschatology of SomeNew Charismatic Churches," Missio~lia, 15:2 (1987) 72.4~or such a view, see Gifford, "'Africa Shall be Saved'...", 63-92.

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XXII, 2002I will argue, on the one hand, that although the Prosperity ~essage' wasarticulated in America, it intersects with the holistic vision of salvation inthe primal religions2 of AMca. Wellbeing is conceived of as touching bothlife here and the hereafter. On the other hand, this Prosperity Messageinduces and at the same time reinforces a strand in the primal religioustradition of Africa that discounts human agency in the transformation ofsociety. Finally, I argue that the Pentecostal-charismatic spirituality hasresources to overcome this one-sidedness. This is the point of departure forthe articulation of a theology of empowerment.The Prosperity Message and the African Primal World-viewThere have been many studies of the Prosperity Message and I do notintend to go into them in any detail. Suffice it to mention that the centraltenet of this emphasis in Christianity is that God has met all the needs ofhuman beings in the suffering and death of Jesus. Every Christian shouldtherefore share in Jesus victory over sin, death, sickness and poverty. Thus,it is the will of God for people to prosper or succeed in every area of life.Prosperity here includes health, wealth, wholeness. Some elements arestrikingly new. First is the focus on the resurrection and not on the cross;on the fruits of the suffering and death of Jesus rather than on Jesus' callfor all to take up their cross and follow him. Second is that materialpoverty is included in what Jesus redeemed humanity fiom. This meansthat a. life of prosperity and comfort is the vocation and destiny ofChristians thanks to the Jesus event. This life of blessedness starts here onearth and reaches consummation in the afterlife. What is needed to activatethe divine blessing is faith. This has to be combined with the religiouspractice of tithing which, according to a particular interpretation ofMalachi 3:lO-12, is what is needed so that God opens the floodgates ofheaven and rains down blessings. The blessings mentioned in the pericopeof Malachi include protection against pestilence and increase in thefruitfulness of the land and the vine. This is translated into contemporary'Those who helped create this message include Kenneth Hagin, Kenneth and GloriaCopeland, Jerry Savelle, Frederick Price. Allan Anderson, "The Prosperity Message inthe Eschatology of Some New Charismatic Churches," op. cit. 74. Paul Gifford gives adifferent list: E.W Kenyon, A.A. Allen, Oral Roberts, T.L. Osbom, Kenneth Hagin,Kenneth Copeland and John Avanzini. See Paul Gifford, Afiican Christianity: ItsPublic Role (London: Hurst & Co., 1998) 39. Only two names occur in both lists.'1 follow Mercy Amba Oduyoye in using 'primal religion' for what is often referred toas the traditional religions of Africa. This change is due to negative connotations thathas accrued to the word, such as static, primitive and not modem. See Oduyoye, M. A.,Hearing and Knowing: Theological Reflections on Christianity in Afiica, (Maryknoll,New York: Orbis, 1996) 57.Lawrence Nwankwo: 'You have received the Spirit of Power.. .' (2 Ti. 1:7)Reviewing the Prosperity Message in the Light of a Theology of Empowermentvalues such as cars, fat bank account, employment, fertility, visas toemigrate,' and protection from witchcraft.Anthonia Essien describes the Prosperity Message as counterfeit orconsumer religion. By consumer religion she means a religion shaped bythe priorities and demands of the economic order. She also accuses it ofpreaching a brand of Christianity that is forgetful of the Cross and of theprophetic vocation of Christianity and ~hristians.' A more theological, andat the same time sympathetic, assessment is made by Allan Anderson. TheProsperity Message is accused of not taking seriously the sovereignty ofGod and gravitating dangerously towards humanism - that is a religioncentered on human beings. God is there for the sake of the human needsand faith .is a lever for manipulating God into showering blessings onhuman beings. Thus faith and @so facto God, have no intrinsic value inthemselves?The criticism above, in my view, needs to be nuanced. I share Anderson'sdiscomfort with regard to the tendency to make God a sort of cosmic bellhopor errand-boy who responds to all human wishes at the instance of a'trans-terrestial telephone call' - that is a prayer of faith. But I woulddefend the view that human wellbeing lies close to the heart of ~ od.~ Thisis what creation as an outflow of God's goodness and love means.However, God's ways are not our ways and God's thoughts are not our'~ijk, "From Camp.. .," 135-159.2~ssien, A., "New Religious Movements and the Gospel of Prosperity: The NigerianExperience," The Oracle, 1 : 1 (2000) 40-46.'~nderson's second criticism is the pragmatic template used in the Prosperity messagefor evaluating faith. Living faith is one that has results to show. What counts as resultare material prosperity. Thirdly, Prosperity Message uses a proof-text method ofScriptural interpretation and even then it is selective. The Scriptural passages that speakof the faith of Abraham, for example, as an existential commitment to God regardlessof result is passed over in silence, so also are the texts where Jesus warns againstriches. Finally, he critiques the sociological implication of the Prosperity Message. Theview of wealth as a blessing and a sign of faith can provide a spiritual justification forcontempt for the poor who would be seen as causes of their poverty. Anderson bringsin personal experience to respond to the last charge. For him, the prosperity messagedemands that the wealthy shue with the poor because of the belief that they prosperbecause they give. This shows immediately the lit of social engagement that canresult from this spirituality. What is central is charity and no questions with regard tothe structural causes of poverty. Cf. Anderson, A., "The Prosperity Message in theEschatology of Some New Charismatic Churches," op. cit., 78-80.4~or similar views see Rahner, K., "TheoIogy and Anthropology," TheologicalInvestigation, 9, (trans.) Graham Hanison (New York: Herder & Herder, 1972) 28-45,esp. 39. See also Segundo, J. L., The Liberation of Dogma:Faith, Revelation, andDogmatic Teaching Authorib (trans.) Phillip Berryman (New York: Orbis Books,1992) 234-237.

. -- - - -- - - - - - - -- - -The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XXII, 2002thoughts. (Isaiah 55:s) Thus, what I hear Anderson saying is that theProsperity Message does not respect the otherness of God. It does notaccept the logic of paradox, for example that life comes through death, thatunless a grain of wheat dies it remains a single grain. It does not want toaccept the mystery of evil - that suffering is in the world in spite of God'slove for all. It prefers to simplify the vision by focusing on Jesus' death assubstitutionary, once-and-for-all cancelling out and dissolving the dialecticbetween life and death, love and suffering. This is the point at stake, andnot God's sovereignty. In Nigeria, the Prosperity Message one-sidedlyemphasises God's sovereignty and leaves out human agency. This explainsthe popularity of the quotation b m Zechariah 4:6 - "not by power normight but by my Spirit says the Lord." This is cited in support of anattitude of resigned waiting for the manifestation of the Spirit and power ofGod. I will focus on this ih greater detail.A very interesting aspect of Anderson's reflection is his defence of theProsperity Message. He goes on the offensive by insisting, that it is thosewho hold an otherworldly, dualistic view of salvation who are shaken bythe Prosperity Message. The Bible, he continues, especially the FirstTestament, emphasises the unity of the human being. It presents salvationas wholeness of human life, which begins here on earth and reachesconsumation in the hereafter. Finally, he notes that African cosmology iswholistic. The missionary endeavour however offered a type ofChristianity that is one-sidedly otherworldly. The upsurge in Christiangroups that emphasis prosperity and I would include those who emphasisehealing are indicative of the resilience of this cosmological vision. In otherwords, explanation of the spread of the Pentecostal-Charismatic spiritualityand the attraction of the Prosperity Message is not unconnected withAfrican primal spirituality. Purely sociological or socio-economicperspectives are not sufficient. The challenge then is to make the Christianmessage relevant to the whole of life.'Africa's Wholistic WorldviewBy Afiica's wholistic worldview is meant the expectation that theexperience of wholeness, that is, long healthy life, wealth, fertility, successetc., is legitimate and that religion should contribute to its provision. Theprimal belief among the lgbo of the southeastern Nigeria is even moreradical. One's status in the spirit world depends on what status one hadachieved in this life. A similar logic can be seen in the burial rites in othercultures in which people are buried with their precious possessions or evenwith slaves. They would use these objects of distinction and the slaves'Lawrence Nwankwo: 'You have received the Spirit of Power ...' (2 Tim. 1:7)Reviewing the Prosperity Message in the Light of a Theology of Empowermentwould continue to serve them in the spirit world. The Igbo has beenmisunderstood as being irreverent to their gods and deities. Thismisunderstanding arises because the community reserves the right toabandon, starve or replace its deity if she fails in his or her duty ofprotecting the community or fulfilling other needs for which she wasbeing revered in the community. The implication is that the deities have anobligation to the community. This obligation is understood in terms ofproviding the conditions for people to achieve well being in their lives.Thus religion is not just about attaining fullness of life in the 'other world.'Life on earth is supposed to be a foretaste of that fullness of life and a signof divine favour.Other cultures with a longer history of contact with Christianity could havehad such a cosmological framework before the otherworldly focus of astrain ofChristian tradition took over.' At least, that is the case with Jewish cultureas recorded in the First Testament. It has to be admitted that the root of thisotherworldly focus is in the strain of apocalyptism that developed duringthe post-exilic period2 and thus provided the framework for the Second~estament? In the First Testament, this world and the otherworld are'1n the Catholic theological tradition, for example, it was only in the Vatican I1 Councilthat the Church sought to come to terms with a world come of age. This meant sharingin the joys, the anxieties, and hopes of the world etc. It is interesting that it issecularization in Europe that forced theology to take the world seriously.'Larkin, K., The Eschatology of Second Zechariah: A Study of the Formation of aMantological Wisdom Anthology, (Kampen: Pharos, 1994) 9-13.'Adrio Kbnig, one of Anderson's sources tries to uphold the distinction between theeschatologies of the Fist and the Second Testament by speaking of the vision of"integrated salvation" in the First Testament and of "differentiated salvation" in theSecond Testament. Kbnig, "Healing as an Integral Part of Salvation," quoted inAnderson, ibid., 80. Anderson however, smooths this tension between the vision of theFit and the Second Testaments. In my view, this tension ought to be kept. The SecondTestament's dominant presentation of salvation is otherworldly or points persistently inthat direction. There is ambiguity with regard to the world both in the SecondTestament and in Christian theological tradition. On the one hand, the world is seen asGod's creation, the sacrament of God, which is going to be re-created at the Eschaton.This is the tradition in which one finds the powerful images of a new heaven and a newearth. Although this is new, it is still the heaven and the earth that are new. Thus onecan say that there is continuity even in the discontinuity with the old. On the otherhand, the world is also presented as the domain of the forces opposed to God, as thedomain of the Prince of this world. In this perspective, the destiny facing the world isconflagration. Everything would be destroyed by fire. In other words, there is a radicaldiscontinuity between life here and now and the life that is to come. This vision ofcosmic cataclysm undercuts the basis of any valuation of earthly realities. Thetheological challenge is to hold both perspectives together. This is done in my view by

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XXII, 2002delicately co-ordiiated to one another and some would even questionwhether these questions are raised in the First Testament, Yahweh is theGod who saved Israel from the house of bondage, who fought their battlesand ensured their victory as long as they have not disobeyed. This is thecrux of Jewish messianism. One hears echoes of this in the question of theapostles whether it was time to restore the kingdom to Israel. (Acts 1:6)However, the Christian tradition seems to have been influenced more byJesus' saying that "My Kingdom is not of this world." (John 18:36) Thesalvation of soul became the chief emphasis and human promotion or'salvation of the body' became only a by-product or an area to becultivated to the extent that it aids the salvation of souls. It is this schemeof co-ordination between the two that the Prosperity Message rearticulates.It retrieves elements of the Christian tradition that centre on thevision that Jesus has come that people may have life and have it in all itsfhllness (NEB John 10: 10) Within the context of an integral anthropology,which sees the human being as not only spiritual, but also corporeal,gendered, social and political, the implication of 'life in fullness' for all theother dimensions of human life become evident. This is the shift that theProsperity Message embodies. It is therefore no wonder that the ProsperityMessage is attractive and widespread in Afiica. The wholistic vision of theprimal worldview as well as the crisis situation on the continent mighthave played significant roles in its popularity. In the account of thepopularity of the Prosperity Message and the phenomenal spread of thePentecostal-Charismatic Spirituality in eneral, one must not forget therole of the print and electronic media.FThis received support fiom thecultural politics of globalisation in which people are pressured intoimbibing and identiwig with the dominant culture and all institutions thatpromise access to this culture,Africa's Alleged "Anthropology of Impotencen and the Focus on SinHaving seen the possible reasons for the attraction to Afiicans of theProsperity Message, let me focus briefly on the synthesis achieved. Myview is that the crisis-ridden Afiican context posed in strong terms theproblem of suffering and theodicy to the Prosperity Message. Why is itthat people, in spite of their faith, still do not prosper? The answer is thatthere is something which blocks the flow of God's blessing. The blockacknowledging that the life of the Age to come definitely is the outcome of God'srecreative act. It is beyond all that can be known or imagined by human beings. Thisdoes not however void life here on earth of lasting significance nor make human effortto contribute to the realization of the Kingdom inefficacious. This needs to be morerigorously formulated. But that is not the theme of this essay.'~ackett, R. I. J., "CharismatiJPentecostal Appropriation of Media Technologies inNigeria and Ghana," Journal of Religion in Afiica, 28:3 (1998) 258-277.Lawrence Nwankwo: 'You have received the Spirit of Power ...' (2 Tim. 17)Reviewing the Prosperity Message in the Light of a Theology of Empowermentneeds to be removed. This block cannot be social nor structural because ofwhat Herman Beseah Browne calls the "anthropology of impotence". It isspiritual, that is, supra-human and thus requires a spiritual solution. Thisexplains the centrality in Afiican Pentecostal-Charismatic spirituality ofdemonology and the stress on deliverance, on exorcism, on healing.Stephen Njoku's theology of curses and release fiom curses, and healing ofthe Family tree are examples of a local appropriation of the ProsperityMessage coloured by an emphasis on deliverance. As expected, due to thecrisis situation on the continent, he struggles to answer the theodicyquestion in the framework of the Prosperity Message. He foregrounds theProsperity Message in a creation theology. For him, the creation of humanbeings on the sixth day, after all other things have been created, is of greatsignificance. "A day after his creation, when he would have started work,Adam joined God in his rest. He looked around him and saw not work tobe done, but work already done, good things already put under his feet.And so God created man not to work, but to enjoy and rest with him. Itmeans that in every way we are abundantly provided for and abundantlyblessed."' (my emphasis). It means that human beings are created to restwith God. However, the situation in Africa does not bear out this life ofabundance. He therefore had to theorise that there must be somethingholding back this primal blessing. In his answer, he draws fiom andexaggerates some strands of the response to the question of suffering andevil in primal Afiican religions.2Every culture is faced with the task of clarifying why people suffer andwhy some people suffer more than others. In Afiica, as in other cultures,gods, deities, spirits and destiny are invoked in the explanation. Among theIgbo of the Southeastern Nigeria, for example, there is a paradoxicalrecognition that destiny can and cannot be changed. This is a way ofsaying that human beings are architects of their destiny but not always theyway they want it. There are constraints.' These constraints are not onlybio-genetic and social. They are also spiritual. The spiritual factor is theinterference of evil forces either through witchcraft or those activated byone's forebears who incur curses on themselves and their descendants.'~joku, S. U., Curses, Effects and Release, Your Key to a Blessed Life and PastoralCare, (Enugu: Christian Living Publication, 1993).or a more detailed critique of this theology see my review of Stephen Njoku's booksin Oracle, 1:2 (2001) 148-151.3 ~ show o that destiny cannot be changed: the Igbo refer to the lies on people's palmsand say that it cannot be wiped out. People who suffer a lot of misfortune are also saidto have 'ajo chi' -bad personal god. However to show that all is not determined to theminute details, they also say, "onye kwe, chi ya ekwe" - if someone says yes, thepersonal god also says yes!

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XXII, 2002These notwithstanding, hard work is rewarded and recognised as the wayto success.' What has happened in Njoku's articulation is that an anti-workethicZ is enthroned and the crisis on the continent is explained in terms ofthe curses that block the .flow of God's blessing to Africa. The religiousimagination at work can be seen in this way: God's blessing is presented as'living water' (Jn.4:10) flowing through the network of human andancestral relationships. The flow can be blocked through the activities ofone of the ancestral conduit pipes. The poverty, sickness, the AIDSpandemic in Afiica, are results of a block in the conduit pipe of God'sblessing. To open up the clogged pipe, one needs to call God, the plumberpar excellence, through the hotline of prayer to send 'Holy Ghost Fire' andburn up the offending evil spirits or the impersonal force of the curse andopen up the channel again.Herman Beseah Browne characterises the anthropology that underliesNjoku's and similar reflections as an "anthropology of impotence."3 Thismeans that the human being is seen as a helpless pawn of fortune and thegods. He claims that this is an authentic African view of human beings.Browne formulates his rather sweeping view in the context of his polemicagainst the possibility of an African liberation theology. "An Africantheology that is also a liberation theology [is] a theoretical impossibility."(xiii) According to him, this is because human agency is central inliberation theology but in African Traditional Theology (ATT); humanbeings are puppets of the gods. "Action is the preserve of divinity," (82)"human action is, in reality, the empirical result of divine agency" (91) and"historical events are the ezects, having their source of explanation in thespiritual realm, despite human agency and intentions." (84) (my emphasis)In conclusion, Browne claims that the world is seen as "a stage whereuponwe play our roles - perfectly choreographed by the Creator - exiting to abetter place." (85)or a discussion of the cultural roots of the Igbo enterprising spirit and hard work seeOguejiofor, J. 0.. The Influence of Igbo Traditional Religion on the Socio-politicalCharacter of the Igbo, (N(Nsukka: Fulladu, 1996) 18-20.'~rom the point of view of the Christian Scriptures, he gives the discourse onprovidence an anti-work spin while this discourse is better interpreted as indicating thesource and ground of trustin God and hope amidst difficulties.'~rowne, H. B., Theological Anthropology: A Dialectic Study of the Afiican andLiberation Traditions. (London: Avon Books, 1996) 167-168. Subsequently, the pagenumber of would be given in the text4~n analogy to Christian theology, Browne speaks of ATT as African traditional Godtalk,philosophical or fundamental theology. For him, it 'is the theo-logic of AfricanTraditional Religion. He reconstructs this by engaging in what he calls a metaanthropologicalsearch for the metaphysical presuppositions of the traditional beliefs.Cf. Browne, ibid, 1 1.Lawrence Nwankwo: 'You have received the Spirit of Power.. .' (2 Tim,1:7)Reviewing the Prosperity Message in the Light of a Theology of EmpowermentBrowne however runs into trouble. If human life has been scripted andchoreographed by God, what is the place of human fieedom and how is theproblem of evil to be made intelligible? He never bothered to raise thequestion of fieedom, probably, because it is a legacy of modernity and theEnlightenment - the unpardonable sins of liberation theology. He tacklesthe question of evil, which is very existential in AGica. According to him,evil befalls people when the ancestors and the gods remove their protectiveshield. This happens if their protdg66 inhges the moral laws. This is whatBrowne calls Afiica's "victim as culprit thesis." (59) The conclusion hedraws from this thesis is that 'Yhe evils we suffer are never really causedby human agency, but by supraempirical agency," and "we suffer the evilwe suffer because of the evil we do." (62) In conclusion, the right responseto one's suffering is self-examination and purification. Concretely, thismeans that the millions of jobless young Nigerians, for example, aresuffering because of the evil they committed. In other words, the scciopoliticalsystem is given a clean bill of health. Each individual is heldresponsible for his or her suffering. The ancestors are added as epicycles tosave the theory.Browne's analysis converges with the vision presented by ~joku.' Thelater speaks of curses as blocks to the reception of divine blessing, whilethe former makes the same point through his 'victim as culprit thesis.'People suffer because they themselves or those of their immediate familyhad sinned. There is much to criticise in this crypto-social analysisconducted with a skewed spiritual-moral lens. First, it has no inkling of thestructural dimension of suffering - how people are deformed or paralysedbecause they are born in societies where the facilities for the prevention ofsome problems are lacking. This may be because of the inefficiency ofthose responsible for the provision of such facilities. Second, the view ofsociety underlying this type of analysis is inadequate. Society is seen asnothing more than a conglomeration of individuals and families. Nothought is given to the political, economic and social relationships thatarise from and transcend the individuals that constitute it. Wars, forexample, have been fought in the name of nation states. These states havea reality and are moral personalities. They transcend the individuals thatmake them up. Third, Njoku-Browne's analysis lacks any sensitivity tohistory and to the global dimension of contemporary life. A decision inBrussels or policy change of any of the powefil financial institutions orregional trading blocks can have life and death significance for people inother parts of the world. One wonders how such events can be fitted into'This convergence is most likely not the result of a liteq dependence. Rather, bothauthors are giving voice to the feeling of helplessness in the face of the complexity ofthe situation in Africa.

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XXII, 2002Browne's 'victim as culprit thesis' or into Njoku's framework of ancestralcurse.Browne's reflection is a polemic against the anthropocentricity ofenlightenment thinking. Liberation theology served only as a tool for thisproject. And his strategy was to reconstruct an African ethno-theology inorder to show that enlightenment thinking is not African. This is, ofcourse, stating the obvious.' The problem is that he allowed in a veryuncritical way the polemic of his study to provide the interpretive key toAfrican culture. Since enlightenment thinking and by the same tokenliberation theology emphasise human agency, Afiican ethno-theology mustdo the opposite - emphasise divine agency. This is the bare bone of hismethod, which is deductive and ahistorical. The consequence is the oversystematisationof elements of the worldview. He thus misses the nuancesand complexities of the African cultural response to their environment.This response is ongoing and historical. One would therefore expect areflection concerned with articulating a framework for cultural and societaltransformation that would be doubly faithful to the best in Afiican cultureand the best in globalized modernity in view of addressing thecontemporary problems of Africa. He did not do this.The same problem of contextual insensitivity can be levelled againstStephen Njoku. He appropriated categories articulated in non-Africancontext without critiquing these. In the context of North America, forexample, the connection between the Prosperity Message and the school ofPositive Thinking of Nonnan Vincent Peale has been noted.2 This meansthat the affirmation, 'God wills the prosperity of those who believe' servedas a psychological spur for people to think positively and work hard. ThisMessage emerged during the boom years in the United States whenopportunities for prosperity abounded. In Africa, however, the ProsperityMessage is received in a context of crisis. With joblessness, poor sanitarycondition, poverty, and a feeling of helplessness and hopelessness it meantthat all depends on God, 'God will make a way where there seems to be no'1t is worth noting that enlightenment thinking'was nonexistent and therefore notEuropean till Descartes and his colleagues articulated it. Nor was Liberation Theologyderivable from the Latin America culture. In fact, Browne hangs on his own tethers. Heidentifies liberation theology as indebted to enlightenment thinking. Peru, the homecountry of Gustavo Guttierez was not part of the European enlightenment. Ifenlightenment thinking could be so appropriated into a different cultural context, whatwould prevent such an appropriation into the Afiican context. One would thus haveexpected a discussion of the merits, demerits and direction of cultural transformationthat would address the problems of Africa, and not a comparative analysis of hisconstructed Afiican Traditional Theology and Liberation Theology.'Gifford, African Christiani ty..., 40; Anderson, "The Prosperity Message," 78.-Lawrence Nwankwo: 'You have received the Spirit of Power. ..' (2 Tim. 19)Reviewing the Prosperity Message in the Light of a Theology of Empowermentway.' The enormity of the problem led to an analysis exclusively in termsof curses and evil spirits. In this, he follows mentors like Derek Prince andDe Grandis. It is interesting that in the context of Western Europe andNorth America, curses and evil spirits are used to explain personal andindividual problems. Recourse is made to these when science andtechnology, the height of human exercise of agency have been tried. TheFederal Reserve and the Chairpersons of the Central Banks are expected totake aggressive moves in cutting interest rates in order to arrest economicslow down and possible recession. The economic crisis and the failure ofthe Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP), for example, is seen byStephen Njoku as evidence that Nigeria is under a curse. The curse is notfrom the corruption and ineptitude of the leaders or from negativeconsequences of the global economic system or the curse of the SAP itself,but from the effect of what he calls 'idolatry.' The primal religions ofAfrica are so described. The way to break the chain of curses and effect asocio-economic turn-around is through prayer.' Thus fiom being linked tothe school of Positive Thinking in the American context, the ProsperityMessage underscores an attitude of resignation.Let me sum up the discussion so far. The Prosperity Message resonateswith the wholistic worldview that survives in Afiica. This is the probablereason for its spread. However, in the American context, the message hasthe effect of motivating action borne out of trust in God's promise, inAfrica it has the contrary effect of counselling reliance, surrender andwaiting on God to pour out blessings of wealth, health, success. Thisresembles what anthropologists call a cargo cult mentality. It is thismentality and what is called ~fro-~essimism~ that I consider the maindeterminants of the Zeitgeist to which scan theology must respond. Thisis what I do below.Pentecostal-Charismatic Spirituality and the theology ofEmpowermentThe presence and action of the Holy Spirit is central to Pentecostal-Charismatic spirituality. There is unanimous agreement that the Holy Spirithas been marginalised in western theology.' This neglect has had some'~joku, Curses, Effects, and Release, 44.2~yden, G., "African Studies in the Mid-1990's: Between Afro-Pessimism and Amero-Skepticism," African Studies Review, 39:2 (1996) 1-17.'~od Comblin recalls Yves Congar's remarks that the observers from the EasternChurches criticised the absence of a pneumatology in the Vatican I1 Council. SeeComblin, J., The Holy Spirit and Liberation,'(trans.) Paul Burns (Kent: Bums & Oates;Maryknoll, New York: Orbis, 1989) 16. JIirgen Moltmann draws attention to how theHoly Spirit was seen in Protestant theology only as a subjective principle for theappropriation of the salvation won objectively by Jesus on the cross. Moltmann, J., The

The Joumal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XXII, 2002consequences in the history of ~hristianity.' How has the neglect and itscorrection played themselves out in Afica? I have two intuitions, which Iwould only mention in passing. First, I want to suggest that the AfricanIndepende*t Churches can be seen as children of this neglect2 Admittedly,this abstracts from the historical events and the personalities behind thebirth of these Churches. This abstraction however serves the purpose offocusing attention on the dynamics of the culture contact. The othersuggestion is that the rediscovery of pneumatology or the strong influenceof Pentecostal-charismatic spirituality came at a point of deep crisis inAfrica's history. This gave rise to a peculiar reception of this spiritualityand the result is a devaluation of human agency. This devaluation ofhuman agency is a reflection of a widespread cuItural factor. However,instead of claiming that an 'anthropology of impotence' expresses theprimal Afiican cultures as Beseah Browne does, I am of the view that thisimpotence is historical. It is the result of the disillusionment and despairinduced by the viciousness of the problems and the negative comparisonthat media images of better life elsewhere incite. The crisis situation inAfiica is overwhelming and becoming complicated by the day.3 AfiicanSpirit of Life: A Universal Afirmation, (trans.) Margaret Kohl (Min~eapolis: Fortress,1992) 83. Norman Pittinger traces this marginalization of the Holy Spirit back to earlyChristianity, see Pittinger, N., The Holy Spirit, (Philadelphia: Pilgrim Press, 1974) 11-12.'Jost Comblin notes a series of dichotomies that arose therehm: between Christologyand pneumatology which resulted in Christomonism; between the Church and theworld which resulted in atheism; the dualism between body and spirit which is at thebasis of the option for an otherworldly spirituality. See Comblin, op. cit., 13-19. Seealso Moltmann's discussion of the distinction between vitality and spirituality and howthe lack of a balanced pneumatology tilted the Church's emphasis towards a spiritualityof a 'not of this world' life in God and left out the dimension of vitality as a life livedout of God to be reclaimed by atheists who took this quest for the intensification of lifeaway from the shadow of God (Moltmann, op. cit., 83-98).o ow ever one explains it, most Africans are predisposed h m their culturalbackground to interpret the world and their experiences in terms of an interaction withspiritual beings. The fvst break with missionary Christianity, that is, Christianity asproposed by missionaries, occurred due to a lack of resonance between the world asimagined in Christianity and the African cultural world in which spiritual beings areintegral. Indeed the missionary discourse was ambivalent. In its polemic against thedeities and spirits of the primary religion, the missionary discourse presented them inline with Isaiah 44:9ff as illusions and products of human hands. On the other hand, italso demonised them and thus increased the population of the bad spirits. The effect ofthe discourse was to damn spirits that had hitherto been considered good or ambivalent.Missionary discourse thus brought a major disruption in the African world withoutproviding the resources to deal with this. African Independent Churches are the firstwave of creative response to the changed circumstance.3 ~ line o of approach seems promising and the biggest problem is how to build upsocial Capital for financing the social reconstruction. Francis Fukuyama, defines socialLawrence Nwankwo: 'You have received the spirit of Power ...' (2 Ti. 19)Reviewing the Prosperity Message in the Light of a Theology of EmpowermentPentecostal-Charismatic spirituality latches on to this situation and in turnreinforces it. However, Pentecostal-Charismatic spirituality offers theresources for dealing with this despair and undertaking the globalstructural adjustment programme necessary for the continual search forgreater harmony and prosperity for all. In this sense, while empowermentis borne out of reflection on the African context, it is also relevant to othercontexts.Empowerment - A Conceptual AnalysisEmpowerment is an inflexion of the root concept 'power'. Christiantradition has been ambivalent towards the concept of power. This rangesfrom outright condemnation to the identification of the Holy Spirit as thepower of God. From the negative point of view, libido dominandi - usuallytranslated as lust for power - is one of the three cardinal sins noted by St.~u~ustine.' In contem rary times, Milbank continues this blanketstigmatisation of power?Moreover, discourse on power raises eyebrowsbecause it focuses attention on the structure of relationships with the aimof ferreting out the often-concealed imbalances and their ,ideologicaljustification. Against this background, empowerment calls for change andfor transformation of the structure of relationship and their ideologicalunderpinnings. But this comes about as a consequence of thetransformation of human beings. These would then commit themselves tothe transformation and renewal of the structures of society.Power is an "essentially contested concept"3 because it has many levels ofmeaning. Power often means the capacity to dominate, to control and makeothers act in one way rather than another in order to fulfil the wishes of theone who has the power. In this sense, power comes near to a zero-sumcapital as "an instantiated set of infonnal values or norms shared among members of agroup that permits them to cooperate with one another. If members of the group cometo expect that others will behave reliably and honestly, then they will come to trust oneanother. Trust acts like a lubricant that makes any group or organisation run moreefficiently!' (Fukuyama, F., "Social Capital," Culture Matters, How Values ShapeHuman Progress, (4.) Lawrence E. Harrison & Samuel P. Huntington (New York:Basic Books, 2000) 98. Because this social capital is in short supply, commitment tothe national recovery and development is lacking. Groups and individuals arestruggling to maximise their capital.'~irschman, A. 0.. The Passions and the Interests: Political Argumentsjor Capitalismbejbre its Triumph, (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1977, 1997). One mayargue that the disorder consists in the inordinate nature of the drive. But even thetranslation of libido dominand as lust for power instead of lust for domination revealsthe root of the suspicion against power.2~ilbank, J., Theology and Social Theory: Beyond Secular Reason, (Oxford &Cambridge: Blackwell, 1990).3~ukes, S., Power: A Radical View, (London & Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1974) 9.

-The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XM, 2002game. Someone gains power at the expense of someone else. From thisvision, empowerment is not possible. Or rather, empowerment would onlymean to delegate, to authorise. At the root of this vision of power is themodel of power as resource or social capital, which an individual canconvert or cash in order to achieve what she wants. Power can also beseen as a capacity or energy. The root metaphor is not social. Electricity iscalled power because it has a capacity to bring about some reality. In likemanner, every human being can be said to have power - power of speech,power of hearing. This capacity can be heightened. This heightening, thisincrease of the transformative capacity captures what is meant byempowerment. Thus empowerment is built hm a notion of power astransformative capacity.' This heightening can be the result of a change inconsciousness through and in a community. Theology contributes to thisprocess in terms of the imaginative vision it offers of God's relationshipwith humanity and with creation.This notion of power and empowerment has social implication. Toexplicate this leads to the debate in sociology between structural andstructuration theorists. I can only present a simplified version of the issuesat stake. The structuralists privilege the society as constituting humansubjectivity. The human being is seen as very malleable and thus shapedby the society. They emphasise that society changes through theitlteraction of many forces among which human agency is only one. Thestructuration theorists use a more dialectical fiamework to relate thehuman being and the society. They acknowledge that there are deepstructures of society that constrain and channel human action and result inquasi-mechanical reproduction of societal patterns. Without denying thedifficulties of social change, they admit that society is constituted and reconstitutedthrough human agency even if a majority of those involved inthis process are not aware of the larger picture or social pattern that theiraction helps to maintain or to disrupt. I follow the later theorists because itseems truer to history. The emergence of the fke market economy, forexample, is the consequence of some policy decisions taken at historicali id dens, A., The Constitution of Society: Outline of the Theory of Structuratloo(Cambridge: Polity Press, 1984) 15. This notion of power is however criticised as notappropriate for understanding the social dimension of power. This criticism arises froma desire not to lose sight of the inequality and domination that are common in humansociety. This can however be done without identifying power with domination bycalling attention to the differential in access to and control of resources and socialcapital, which are at the base of social inequality and domination. See Foucault, M.,"The Subject and Power," Afterword in Hubert L. Dreyfus and Paul Rabinow, MichelFoucault: Beyond Structuralism and Hermeneutics, (Brighton, Sussex: Harvester Press,1982) 220.Lawrence Nwankwo: 'You have received the Spirit of Power. ..' (2 Ti. 19)Reviewing the Prosperity Message in the Light of a Theology of Empowermentpoints in time during the ThatcherIReagan era. It is not the inevitable byproductof technological development.'The structuration framework admits the theoretical possibility ofmodifying, if not overthrowing the deep structures of the society, such asthe global capitalism in its free market form. It is possible to change this,but the stakes are high. Those who are advantaged by it would resist itwhile those who demand its change are not in a position to enforce theirdesire. Another example is the deep structure of comption in manydeveloping nations. It is theoretically possible to change this bystrengthening the structures of society. But, the rhizomatic network ofclients and patrons, domestic and foreign, who emerged in the first placebecause of the weakness of the socio-political structure, have vestedinterests which they would not give up without a fight. Moreover,corruption has become, as it were, a way of life that it is hard for somepeople brought up in such circumstances to rid themselves of theopportunistic attitude to life that is conducive to corrupt practices.Opposing comption may be really dangerous to life and limb and result inlost of one's due without any possibility of redress. Other issues that showthe difficulty of social transformation are the environment and the spiral ofviolence in some societies. Everybody agrees that climatic change iscaused by human activity and that there is need for urgent action. But thequestion is who shoulders the cost? What should have priority - business?environment? winning the next election? having the ease of travelling inone's car instead, of public transport where these are operating even ifbadly? About violence, it is my guess that no community loves violenceand conflict. But how can memories be healed, hurts forgiven andstructures which marginalize people be reformed? There are numerousother examples.Put simply, while it is accepted that human beings through the exercise ofagency make and remake their societies, societal structures and dynamicsseem to take a life of their own and oppose all effort to change them. Toput it better, the plurality and divergence of interests, the principle of'~enichi Ohmae puts it succintly. He writes, "admittedly, had there been no computers,the new continent [his metaphor for the new economy] would never have come to pass.The technologies were necessary for it to exist. But they were not suficient. Even withthe change in technologies, other things might have happened to prevent the newcontinent from emerging. Keynesian economics might have been reinforced by a longperiod of deflation in the 1970s. The Thatcher/Reagan,revolution, and the wave ofderegulation that went with it, might never have taken place. Entrepreneurialism mightnot have been reinforced by the global awarding of platform status to the Americandollar." Ohmae, K., The Invisible Continent: Four Strategic Imperatives of the New. Economy, @Jew York: HarperCollins, 2000) 3.

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XW, 2002double effect that seems to attend to some courses of action, show thatsociety is not like wet clay that could be easily moulded by a potter.Moreover even those struggling for transformation according to awholesome vision are children of their societies and are limited in thebreadth of their imagination, their capacity to empathise etc. Of late, thetalk is about donor weariness. These difficulties notwithstanding, or ratherbecause of them, the question arises as regards how theology wouldarticulate a vision of faith that would enable all, especially Christians to besalt of the earth. How is the face of the earth to be renewed so that all mayhave, at least, a foretaste of a fill abundance? Where does one get theresources to overcome the pessimism and the desire to seek one's owncomfort and well being first?Pentecost and the Theology of EmpowermentThe popular understanding among the Pentecostal-Charismatics in Nigeriaof the text of Zechariah 4:6 illustrates what a theology of empowerment isnot. In this text, the prophetic word is addressed to Zerubbabel, the Persianappointed governor of Judah after the exile. The verse reads: "not bymight, nor by power, but by my Spirit, says the Lord." (RSV) Thehistorical context of this prophecy nor the critical questions that thispericope raise, is not attended to.' What is known and valued is that God ispromising that the task of rebuilding the temple entrusted to Zerubbabelwquld be achieved in spite of all obstacles. Significantly, it would beachieved not by the might or power of Zerubbabel, but by the Spirit ofGod. This is however interpreted as to support the view that God wouldmiraculously, that is, without any human input carry out the task. Thisshows once again the tendency to exalt divine agency at the expense ofhuman beings as if God and human beings are competing and the agencyof one excludes the other. It also represents a collapsing of the'~iblical scholars report that of the books of the Fit Testament, the book of Zechariahis the most quoted in the Gospel narrative of the passion, death, and resurrection of.Jesus. At the same time, it is "accordiig to general consensus, ... one of the mostobscure in the Bible." Stuhlmueller, C., Rebuilding with Hope: A Commentary on theBooh ofHaggai and Zechariah, (Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans, 1988) 46. 7'hepericope in which the verse occurs is also acknowledged to be an interpolation "soinconsistent with its context (the vision of a candlestick flanked by olive trees) thattranslators of the JB and the NEB rearrange the text, and scholars are overwhelminglyof the opinion that the verses constitute a later addition." See Redditt, P. L., Haggai,Zechariah, Malachi: The New Century Bible Commentary (London: MarshallPickering, 1995) 39. These critical comments notwithstanding, it suffices to remarkwith Stuhlmueller that theological reasoning takes its point of departure from the bibleas received from Israel and the early Church. One does not need to start with the specialtraditions or the various redactions. See Stuhlmueller, op. cit., 83.Lawrence Nwankwo: 'You have received the Spirit of Power.. .' (2 Ti. 1 :7)Reviewing the Prosperity Message in the Light of a Theology of Empowermenteschatological tension between God's engagement in human history andthe definitive filfilment of God's purpose despite all odds.The title of Stuhlmueller's commentary on the books of Haggai andZechariah Rebuilding with Hope points in the direction of empowermenttheology. This title brings out the import of the verse in Zechariah. God isinvolved in history. Therefore the project and God's purpose, despite allodds, are sure to reach completion and fulfilment. This interpretation interms of God's engagement and fidelity which inspires hope is distantfrom that which sees the verse as an assurance that God accomplishesGod's purpose miraculously.' This excursus thus shows that at stake is abalanced theology of history and the model for understanding God'srelationship with creation and with the world. Paul's admonition toTimothy points in the direction of this answer to these questions. Paulreminded Timothy that God's spirit is not a spirit of timidity but of powerand love and self-control. (RSV 2 Tim. 1 :7) In the New English Bible, thetranslation is, "the Spirit that God gave us is no craven spirit, but one toinspire strength, love, and self-discipline!' (2 Timothy 1:7). Further, Paulencourages Timothy to take his share of suffering for the sake of theGospel in the strength that comes from God. Against this background,Krister Stendahl's reflection on the theme of the WCC assembly inCanberra, "Come, Holy Spirit - Renew the Whole Creation" becomesilluminating. Stendahl took as title, Energy for ~ife? The Holy Spirit is theenergy with which life is lived. This reminds 'one of the speech of St Paulat Areopagus. It is in God we live, move and have our being. This visionunderlines the immanence of God while at the same time preserving thetranscendence. It leaves room for God's miraculous intervention in historyover an above the immanent engagement. But it refuses to erect miraclesas the norm of God's relationship with creation.The Pentecost narrative portrays the vision of a theology of empowerment.In the Gospel of John, the disciples were presented as ahid of the Jewsand thus stayed behind locked doors. In the Lucan account, there was apositive injunction fiom Jesus that they should remain in Jerusalem tillthey receive the Holy Spirit. When they received the Holy Spirit, they weretransformed. Peter who had denied Jesus in front of a maidservant became'other instances in the Scripture of the gift of the Holy Spirit indicate that divine andhuman agency are not traded off one against the other. In Judges 3:10; 6:34; 7:2: 13:25,are narratives about the Spirit of God enabling the military leaders to be victorious inwar.2~tendahl, K., Energy fir L*: Rejlections on the Theme "Come, Holy Spirit - Renewthe Whole Creation, (Geneva: WCC publication, 1990). Stendahl preferred energy topower because of the association of power with domination.

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theoiogicd Association, Vol. XXII, 2002the fearless leader who witnessed to Jesus in fiont of the Jewishauthorities. When they were flogged, the apostles rejoiced because theywere counted worthy to suffer dishonour for the name. (Acts 5:41). Theywere also able to challenge the socio-economic organisation of theirsociety. They formed a community where people shared all they had.' Thecase of Ananias and Sapphira shows the need for continual conversion. Itmight by that these radical commitment were possible to the first Christiancommunity because of the expectation of the imminent coming of theKingdom. This only shows the difficulty that has to be overcome infinding an incentive for commitment to being salt of the earth and forrenewing the face of the earth.The story of the Pentecost and the history of the Church contribute to thearticulation of a theology of history that balances divine and humanagency. God chooses people and communities and through them carriesout His loving purpose. This is a central message of the incarnation.Ernmanuel - God is with us. God wills to be with creation, to move historynot from outside but hm within, and to do this in, with and throughhuman beings. God does not want to direct history as a monarch but to bewith, to inspire, strengthen, challenge and lure humanity and history on thepath to fblfilment. This fulfilment would come about through the definitiveact of God. It is impossible to capture the details of this synergism betweenGad and humanity just as it is impossible to penetrate into how the twonatures in Jesus relate to one another. The Christological formulations andthe theories of en- and an-hypostasis2 do not claim to explain the mysteryof the incarnation. Rather, they are starting points for reflection. Theymark the boundaries of orthodoxy using the Greek metaphysicalcategories. Jesus is truly God and truly human and was not a splitpersonality. This shows the need for a dialectical framework in thereflection on the relationship between God and humanity or in thearticulation of a theology of history. One sees this dialectics in theaphorism of St. Augustine: pray as if all depended on God and work as ifall depended on you. It is this pattern of relationship between God andhumanity that I capture with the metaphor of empowerment. God enables'~ible scholars contest this Lucan account of the Christian Urgemeinde. They point outsome of the contradictions in the account. Some of the members were selling theirproperty, others are keeping their houses and where community gathered. Act 12,12-14.May be, the later came after the failure of the communitarian system of socialorganisation.'~spects of the debate and reflections on this christological issue can be gleaned &omthe article of Ferrara, D., "'Hypostatized in the Logos': Leontius of Bymntium,Leontius of Jerusalem and the Unfinished Business of the Council of Chalcedon,"Lomain Studies, 22 (1997) 311-327.Lawrence Nwankwo: 'You have received the Spirit of Power. ..' (2 Tim. 19)Reviewing the Prosperity Message in the Light of a Theology of Empowermentand strengthens human beings through the power of the Spirit. Thedefinitive success is an act of God. But meanwhile human agency incollaboration with God's grace and Spirit is necessary for furthering theloving purpose of GodThe final point I want to make is to relate the theology of empowerment tothe Eucharistic body of Christ. In Orthodox theology and in some patristicwritings, the salvific event of Jesus is understood in terms of divinization.Jesus, through his life, death and resurrection has made us children of Godthrough the Spirit poured out on creation. Jesus is the first among manybrothers and sisters. He shows us how and what it means to be sons anddaughters of God. The high-point of this is on the cross where heconsummated the self-gift and self-emptying that characterised his wholelife. On the previous night, Jesus had summed up his life and mission inthe Eucharist. He gave his body and blood, broken and poured out for thelife of the world in symbolic anticipation of his death on the cross.However where the synoptic gospels had the institution of the Eucharist,John had Jesus wash the feet of the twelve. At the end, he explains: "If I,your Lord and Master, have washed your feet, you also ought to wash oneanother's feet. I have set an example: you are to do as I have done foryou." (NEB John 13,1415). John thus interprets the Eucharist and thecross of Jesus in terms of service to one another.' From the above, one canargue that the vision of the Cross of Jesus can be made the centre of thePentecostal-Charismatic Spirituality and in particular the Prosperity~essa~e? This spirituality does not give in to dolorism - that is, makingthe cross, suffering, deprivation, poverty, and the negativities of life, intovalues in themselves. This is already something positive. From here, Imove on to present the cross not as what one has to put up with but whatone actively embraces in self-giving love. The Eucharist is a celebrationand an invitation to give ourselves as Jesus has given his for the life of theworld. We draw strength from the experience of the Holy Spirit incommunity and in concert with others we are called to change the situationthat gives rise to poverty or conflict. This entails working very hard,prophetic denunciation, taking the way of calvary to forgiveness etc. It alsoentails the humble recognition that some negative experiences of lifeor Christians in Europe, this may recall Feuerbach's humanism (Menschendiemt 1stGottesdiemt). But must this legitimate vision from the Christian tradition be abandonedbecause atheistic humanism challenged a lopsided presentation of Christianity? I donot think that that is necessary. This history can even be seen as the mediation throughatheistic humanism of a dimension of the implication of God's revelation in Jesuswhich was forgotten in the history of the Church.2~nthonia Essien's criticism that this spirituality is preaching a cross-less Christianitystill stands. However, my point is that the imbalance can be remedied.

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XXII, 2002cannot be so transformed. In such cases, the theology of empowermentcalls attention to the fact that God's spirit stands with and supports us.ConclusionAt the beginning, I called attention to the intellectual tradition withinwhich I stand. I claim the Prosperity Message as a re-appropriation of thebalance in the primal Afiican worldview with its wholistic view ofblessedness or salvation. I also honour the culturally conditionedconceptualization and aetiologies of sickness, suffering, ill-fortune etc asthe result of interference hm spiritual beings. From the liberationtheological tradition I critique the cargo-cult mentality and the oppositionbetween divine and human agency as seen in some manifestations of thePentecostal-Charismatic spirituality in Mca And fkom this tradition ofspirituality, I appropriate an emphasis on the Holy Spirit as sourceofpower and transformative capacity in response to what is known inliterature as "&o-pessimism" and to the prevalent interpretation ofexperiences in terms of evil forces.' I brought all these together with themetaphor of empowerment.In the context of the theme of this conference, my paper has two parts. Thefirst is diagnostic. I tried to understand why the Pentecostal-Charismaticspiritudity focuses on individual spiritual and ethical regeneration to thedetriment of social engagement. The finding is that this spirituality is heldcaptive by the historically induced "anthropology of impotence" which isglossed over and spiritualised as faith in the sovereign and the miracleworkingGod. From this point, I articulated a theology of empowerment,which takes seriously and at the same time, seeks to overcome theexistential pathos of impotence and pessimism. This is the point of strengthof the Pentecostal-Charismatic spirituality. As Christians, a growingawareness and experience of the presence of God's Spirit, translates intogreater rootedness in God and openness to God in service to others; itgives rise to a vitality of life lived out of God. From this perspective, ethicsnot only grows in importance as the,Conference organisms hope but theresources for a liberation ethics is provided. Therefore, I dare to say thatwhile the focus of my articulation of the theology of empowerment is theAfrican context, it resonates also with other contexts where choices andnegotiations for the realization of ideals in consonance with the Gospelvision of the Kingdom of God are as real and where there is also a pathosof impotence with regard to the realization of the Christian vision ofabundant life for all.'This aspect is not well developed in the paper but forms the background of thereflection.Spirit Empowered Peacemaking:Toward A Pentecostal Peace FellowshipPaul N. AlexanderI have very little that is new to say.' I am not even sure that I can say whatI must say in a way that even sounds fiesh or intriguing or inspiring. Butperhaps my improvisation on an ancient yet ongoing tune can add to thisjazz that is our journey. There is a Japanese visual art in which the artist isforced to be spontaneous. He must paint on a thin stretched parchmentwith a special brush and black water paint in such a way that an unnaturalor interrupted stroke will destroy the line or break through the parchment.Erasures or changes are impossible. These artists must practice a particulardiscipline, that of allowing the idea to express itself in communication withtheir hands in such a direct way that deliberation cannot interfere. Theresulting pictures lack the complex composition and textures of ordinarypainting, but it is said that those who see will find something captured thatescapes explanation. This conviction that direct deed is the mostmeaningful reflection, I believe, has prompted the evolution of theextremely severe and unique disciplines of the jazz or improvisingmusician. Group improvisation is a jiuther challenge. Aside from theweighty technical problem of collective coherent thinking, there is the veryhuman, even social need for sympathy fiom all members to bend for thecommon result.'So it is with a little trepidation and a lot of hope that I embark upon thisattempt at description and persuasion that may very well rise to the heightsof intensely attached Christian particularity. For I am a subject who hasbeen influenced and shaped by the Word, and I speak and live in that truth.The notes I play are very much determined by those that were playedbefore me and every one has been played before, just maybe not in thisorder and not with my extemporization. And now, I improve on the songof shalom with the hope for sympathy fiom all members to help us walk inthe light of and toward our proper telos.-his is true. Joel Shuman even pre-used my title with his article "Pentecost and theEnd of Patriotism: A Call for the Restoration of Pacifism Among PentecostalChristians," Journal of Pentecostal Theology, 9 (1996): 70-96. Actually, his articlehelped me realize that there are pentecostals who really are concerned about theseissues as more than just topics of historical study and I highly recommend it.i ill Evans, "Improvisation in Jazz" liner notes to Kind of Blue: Miles Davis, original1959 LP release by Columbia Emphasis added.

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XXII, 2002There are over five hundred and forty million Pentecostals andCharismatics in the world.' One of every four Christians is a Pentecostal.One of every ten persons on this planet is a Pentecostal. I think about thesesisters and brothers and I must admit that I am fascinated by the potential.Pentecostals have a heritage of taking Jesus and the New Testament veryseriously and of placing our hope in the truth of the good news. If thegospel is truly powerful enough to transform humanity to be able tocontinue in the story of Jesus, then a group of people this diverse andsizeable who are committed to the Way of Christ could certainly effectchange on a global scale. Although many implications come to mind, I amspecifically t hiig about the issues of war and other state sanctionedviolence (which also include such issues as racism, classism, oppression,consumer capitalism, materialism). It is my humble belief that Pentecostalsshould be joyfully reminded of their heritage of aggressive and propheticpacifism, that the biblical and theological case for pacifism amongPentecostals should be explicated, and that reconciliation, peacemaking,and non-violence should be restored as integral elements of the Pentecostalfaith. The power of the Spirit to live and die like Jesus and the earlyChristians should be brought to the forefront of Pentecostal spirituality.Therefore, ,I hope to accomplish three objectives in this article. First, Ihope to remind us that our ancestors in the faith had significant concernsregarding the appropriateness of the participation of Christians in thekilling of other humans, regardless of whether or not the killing wassanctioned by a government, and that we should rejoice and thank God forthis. The majority of Pentecostal denominations issued statements in theearly twentieth century declaring that they "cannot conscientiouslyparticipate in war and armed resistance which involves the actualdestruction of human life, since this is contrary to our view of the clearteachings of the inspired Word of God, which is the sole basis ofour'~ur~ess, S. M., and McGee, G. B., (eds.) Dictionnry of Pentecostal and CharismaticMovements, (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1988) 813. From this point forward I will usethe term Pentecostal to refer to both Pentecostals and Charismatics as those who trustthe power arid gifts of the Spirit and the authority of scripture to help them followJesus. This is similar to the way James William McClendon, Jr. uses "baptist" to referto those who recognize the authority of scripture and their continuity with it [Doctrine(Nashville: Abingdon, 1994) 451, and John Howard Yoder's understanding of the"Anabaptist visionn as "the recourse to Scripture as an authoritative guide for churchrenewal." "Anabaptist Vision and Mennonite Reality," in Consultation on Anabaptist-Mennonite Theology, (ed.) Klassen, A. J., (Fresno, CA: Council of MennoniteSeminaries, 1970) 5.Paul N. Alexander: Spirit Empowered Peacemaking:Toward A Pentecostal Peace Fellowshipfaith."' Patriotism and nationalism were condemned as idolatrous and thekingdom of God was sought above all else. Many Pentecostals boldlydeclared that killing was incompatible with discipleship into the way?This fact must be actively and corporately remembered.This is made especially clear when the results of a recent survey areexamined. The Society for the Study of Pentecostal ~thics~ conducted asurvey of Assemblies of God pastors in the United States in April, 2001.Ninety three percent of those responding agreed with the statement, "It isappropriate for a Christian to support war.'* Furthermore, sixty fivepercent of these Assemblies of God pastors agreed that "The principles ofJesus support war." And an even greater number, a significant seventy onepercent, informed us that they would actually kill in a war. These are notPentecostal lay people who support war and would kill,, these are thepastors of the Assemblies of God churches in America.However, some hesitation can be seen in the responses to the statement,"Killing innocent humans can sometimes be justified and be appropriate"The Pentecostal Movement and the Conscription Law," The Weekly Evangel, (4August 1917) 6. Sixty two percent of Pentecostal denominations formed by 1917 werepacifistic at some point in their history. However, this refers only to thosedenominations formed in the United States, European Pentecostals also evidencedpacifism in the early twentieth century. Beaman, J., Pentecostal Pac~fim, (Hillsboro,KS: Center for Mennonite Brethren Studies, 1989) 30,32-33.'In this recollection I am not seeking or claiming to have found a perfect firstgeneration of Pentecostals that can lead us to the promised land. As Everett Wilsonastutely observed, .!'is not the desire to find an ideal first generation more an idolatrythan it is a frank recognition that the Pentecostal movement is essentially God'sworking with finite, defective, men and women whom he uses to demonstrate hispurposes not because of some special merits but despite the absence of them?" Rather,the recognition that it was one t he an important part of Pentecostalism can open thedoor to accepting its relevance now. They Crossed the Red Sea, Didn't They?" in TheGlobalization of Pentecostalism: A Religion Made to Travel, (eds.) Dempster, M. W.,Klaus, B. D., and Petersen, D., (Oxford: Regnum, 1999) 99-100.his society was formed in the spring of 2001 by myself and some SouthwesternAssemblies of God University ,students who were interested in studying Pentecostalethics. The first project was to conduct a survey of Assemblies of God pastors in theUnited States of America regarding their perspectives of various ethical issues. Thesurvey was conducted by mail and enough responses were received to provide a marginof error of +I- 10%. At this time the society wnsists of only a few members. Thecomplete results are provided at the end of this paper. It should be noted that theseresults were obtained before the events of September 11,2001 in New York City andWashington, D.C.Vwenty seven percent strong& agreed.

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XW, 2002for a Christian" since only eighteen percent agreed.' It seems that most donot consider the fact that innocent people are always killed in warfanz2But are the Assemblies of God pastors simply militant themselves whilealso allowing room for those who oppose war in the name of Christ?Thankfully, the majority does allow some room for this since sixty percentbelieve that war can be opposed. However, a significant forty percentdisagree with the idea that it is ever appropriate to oppose war and twentytwo percent strongly disagree with any opposition to warfare. This revealsthe hardened position against conscientious objection, pacifism,peacemaking initiatives, and even the just war tradition3 that the nowmilitant U.S. Assemblies of God has arrived at. With the AmericanAssemblies of God being led primarily by pastors who would kill others ina war for their country (even though some of these do not think even Jesuswould support this), it is appropriate for us to re-examine our heritage andcontemplate the path we have trod.4 I wonder what the results of similarsurveys of different demographics around the world and in otherPentecostal fellowships would yield, and I invite us to explore theseuncharted waters.Second, I believe this could and should lead to Christian participation inthe $violence of war again being questioned by Pentecostals. In fact,Pentecostals should seriously examine "the conviction that therenunciation of the sword to which Jesus called His disciples is one of thekeys to the rest of the problem of Christian faithfulness and to the recoveryof the evangelical and ecumenical integrity of the ch~rch."~ Theperpetuation and expansion of nation-states (or transnational corporations)through the dehumanization and killing of people whom God loves shouldnot be tolerated by Christians unless solid biblical and theological supportcan be provided. The blatant militarism and glorification of national myths'1t is possible that some were thinking of abortion when responding to this question butit was under the section, "Christians and War."'A disturbing nine percent believe it is appropriate to kill for the gospel. Eighty fourpercent believe it the duty of Christians to be patriotic to their nations, and twenty fourrcent think it is appropriate for Christians to enforce evil laws.GI e just war tradition must allow room for objection to warfare if it is to be able todistinguish between just and unjust wars. The very nature of the tradition places theweight of justification on those who desire to pursue war. This forty percent who thinkit is never appropriate to oppose &he reveals the crusade mentality that is present.4~ have told some of this story to a limited extent in An Analysis of the Emergence andDecline of Pacifsm in the History of the Assemblies of God, Ph.D. diss, BaylorUniversity, 2000.'~oder, J. H., The Original Revolution: Essays on Christian Pac@sm (Eugene, OR:Wipf & Stock Publishers, 1998) 8.Paul N. Alexander: Spirit Empowered Peacemaking:Toward A Pentecostal Peace Fellowshipof superiority or godliness exhibited by some Pentecostals today' must becritiqued and called to account Pentecostals of all nations, whetherEuropean, Afiican, Asian, or American, should be wary of the killing, forany reason, of their actual or potential siblings in Christ. Opportunityshould be created in all Pentecostal denominations (and there are fourteenthousand of them12 for dialogue about these issues, and a Pentecostaltheology of peacemaking should be high on the agenda.Third, 1 propose the development of a Pentecostal peace fellowship3 that isinternational and ecumenical in scope that will promote dialogue, writing,cooperation, and action on these issues. I clearly have an agenda ofpromoting Pentecostal peacemaking (and I blame this on Jesus), but thisfellowship must include Pentecostals who adhere to the just war tradition(whether chastened or not) and even those who lean more toward anactivist position. The biblical concem for peace and justice would best bepromoted by allowing all into the discussion. The purpose of thefellowship would be to promote and foster a concem for and participationin active peacemaking that is supported by a solid Pentecostal theology.The outstandig work of Glen stassen: the late John Howard Yoder, andothers who promote the Anabaptist Vision will assist us in finding ourvoice. However, our Pentecostal contributions will assist our non-Pentecostal sisters and brothers in their endeavours to be Christianpeacemakers as well. We have much to offer in this area, we have beensilent for too long, and the Spirit is leading us to speak.Disseminating information about global events related to violence andoppression to Pentecostal groups would be a valuable service that wouldraise the awareness of these concerns. Engaging in dialogue with otherpeace fellowships (Jewish, Episcopalian, Baptist, Orthodox, Lutheran,Catholic, etc.) and cooperating with them in pragmatic endeavours wouldbe a powerhl way of bringing Pentecostals into this most significant wayof life. Internships for students, surveys, teaching, discipling, publications,press releases, political involvement, and even civil disobedience are allpossible ways that the good news of the peace of Jesus Christ could beadvanced through this fellowship.'ibid. chapter 4.'~urgess&d McGee, 811.'The actual name has not been chosen yet. It should be decided by all of those who areinterested so that it accurately reflects the nature of the organization. "PentecostalCharismatic Peacemaking Fellowship International" has also been suggested.'3ust Peacemaking: Trmforming Initiatives for Justice and Peace (Louisville:Westminster Press, 1992). Just Peacemaking: Ten Practices for Abolishing War(Cleveland: pi16press,-1998).82

The J o d of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XXII, 2002With my plan revealed and my convictions laid bare, I now turn to Paul'stried and true method of persuasion. I begin with the indicative mood andwill then shift to the imperative. I will briefly state the facts, as I see them,regarding the Pentecostal heritage of conscientious objection to war andinjustice. Then I will provide a concise Pentecostal theology, based uponthe biblical witness, that supports Spirit led peacemaking andreconciliation rather than killing. Finally, I will list a few reasons why aPentecostal peace fellowship is a good idea, and in so doing will exhortPentecostals to pick up their crosses and follow Jesus as we ourselvesparticipate in this way of life that is foolishness to the world.Pentecostals and War"The War Church is a Harlot church!".' So says an early twentieth centuryPentecostal preacher. But I am not the first to quote early Pentecostals toshow that some were against social injustice, violence, racism, greed, andwar.2 And I also recognize that many early Pentecostals were not terriblyconcerned with these issues, the majority probably were too busy working,taking care of their families, and oing to church to get caught up in socialconcerns and international crise3 This probably remains true today. Somy method of telling the story has the goal of linking an authenticPentecostal self-understanding with active peacemaking in the world. Andit is not too far of a stretch. Pentecostals need to know that their ancestorswrote and spoke things that they are not used to hearing today. Myapproach is not a simple "back to the good old days" because that woulddisregard the fact that those days had plenty of problems as well. But therewas speech and act that accurately reflected a biblical, Jesus focused, Spiritempowered concern for shalom. To this I now call our attention4During World War I, an American Pentecostal, William BurtonMcCafferty, penned an uncompromising article that adamantly opposedcombatant participation in warfare. He was responding to aprevious article'~artleman, F., "War and the Christian," circa 1922.2~ay Beaman, Murray Dempster, Walter Hollenweger, Howard Kenyon, Joel Shuman,Roger Robbins, John Howard Yoder, and others have pointed this out.'1 concluded in my dissertation that there was a minority in the Assemblies of God whowere against wer and a minority who supported it, while the majority did not botherthemselves with worrying about it or actively teaching their children one way or theother (the absence of such teaching may allow it by default).?he rest of this section is a compilation of some of the European and AmericanPentecostal voices against wer and other social evils during World War I. A morecomplete description can be found in An Analysis, chapter 2.Paul N. Alexander: Spirit Empowered Peacemaking:Toward A Pentecostal Peace Fellowshipin the Evangel that had supported ChristianThe authors ofthe previous article had argued rationally that the Christian was obligatedto defend the weak and innocent with violence. The only scriptures theyused were references that supported obedience and subservience to thestate (Romans 13.1-7; 1 Timothy 2.1-2; 1 Peter 2.12-17). McCaffertybased his entire argument on the exegesis of scripture passages thatsupported nonresistance, spiritual warfare, and heavenly citizenship.McCafferty rejected the option of fighting to defend the weak against the"bully" because the disciples had wanted to do the same thing but weretaught that it was wrong."In Luke 22:49, the disciples asked Jesus, 'Lord, shall we smite with thesword?' They prayed, but, instead of waiting for an answer, oneimmediately drew the sword and went to battle. Let us wait for an answerfrom God. Let us not begin to reason from the natural point of view. Whatwas the answer of Christ to the disciples (Christians) to this question?(Matt. 26:51) 'Put up again they [sic] sword into his place.' This is whatGod is saying to the Christians of today, 'Ye followers of the Prince ofPeace, disarm yourselves' for 'the weapons of our warfare are not carnal.'(the musket, sword, siege gun or cannon) (2 Cor. 10:4)."~McCafferty did not allow reason to dissuade him from the seriousapplication of the words of Jesus. Although it was "natural" to defendoneself, the follower of Jesus was supposed to do what Jesus himself did.The argument that we must go to war in behalf of the weaker nationbecause of its being in the right, is not consistent with the doctrines ofChrist. It is also against the teaching of Christ to fight in self-defense.'For even hereunto were we called, because Christ also suffered leaving usan example that we should follow His steps, who did no sin (violence, Isa.53:9) who, when he was reviled, reviled not again...'3 He also argued thatChristians were not citizens of their earthly nations so they should notdefend them, "Jno. [sic] 17:16. Our citizenship is not of this world, our'"IS European War Justifiable?," The Christian ,Evungel, (12 December, 1914) 1-2.This was the only article in The Pentecostal Evangel that supported Christianparticipation in warfare between 19 14 and 19 16.McCafferty, B., "Should Christians Go To WaRn The Christian Evangel, (16 January,1915) 1.'ibid. McCafferty appealed to the life of Jesus as an example to be followed. In sodoing, he aligned with the type of pacifism Yoder called Whe imitation of Jesus." ''Itscontent is not abstract commands but rather the life and word of Jesus. His commandand example are to be followed without calculation of social possibilities. . . . It doesnot expect widespread acceptance, but neither does it acquiesce in the world'snoncompliance with Jesus' norm." Yoder, J. H., Nevertheless: Varieties andShortcomings of Religious Pacifim, 120.

'The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XXII, 2002citizenship is in heaven. Phil. 3:20. We belong to the Kingdom of Godand the Kingdom of God and the kingdoms of this world are notallied.. .Christians are separate from the world and are subjects of God'skingdom, a kingdom of peace!9'McCafferty employed fourteen scripture verses, all of which were fhm theNew Testament with the exception of one reference to Isaiah 53 (which heused to equate sin with violence). He concerned himself with finding andpresenting the attitude that Jesus and his disciples took regarding war.Any other argument, regardless of how "natural" it seemed, had to bemeasured against the direct teachings and lives of Jesus and the NewTestament Christians. This is the first article in the Evangel thatsystematically presented a pacifist argument and it revealed a paradigm'that was followed by subsequent pacifists.Both the July 3 and July 10, 1915, Weekly Evangels presentedadvertisements for Arthur Sydney Booth-Clibborn's strongly wordedpacifist book, Blood Against ~lood? Booth-Clibbom employed amultitude of scriptures and illustrations to prove that a Christian had noplace in the bloodshed of war. "The editors of 7he Weekly Evangel heartilyrecommended it. A most striking, realistic and forceful book by ArthurSydney Booth-Clibborn, an English Pentecostal Evangelist and Elder whohas put info words the principles burning in the hearts of al1:the Pentecostalsaints on the subject of whether a Christian should go to war or not. Thisbook presents war from a Christian standpoint and is not intended for thoseout of Christ. Should the United States go to war with Germany what willbe the attitude of the Pentecostal people. Send for a copy of this wonderfidbook and make a decision.&High praises for a text about pacifism Wing the Pentecostal view of warseems to reveal that the early leaders of the Assemblies of God thoughtthis was the diction they wanted the fellowship to go, and thepreponderance of articles between 1914 and 1916 recommendedabstinen~e.~ An unnamed author in 1915 provided evidence that someAmerican Pentecostals were more concerned about promoting peace thansupporting war, noting, "the nations [should have] . . . spread the Gospel ofPeace and made known the rule of Jesus ...' the King of Peace' instead of'~c~afferty, "Should Christians Go To War?" 1.2~ooth-~libbom, A. S., Blood Against Blood (1901; reprint New York: Charles C.Cook, 1914).3"~lood Against Blood," The Weekly Evangel, (3 July, 1915) 3. "Blood AgainstBlood," The Weekly Evangel, (10 July, 1915) 3.4~he ratio was at least 10:l in favor of nonparticipation. However, war remained aminor concern compared to missions, revivals, and doctrinal debates.Paul N. Alexander: Spirit Empowered Peacemaking:Toward A Pentecostal Peace Fellowshipobeying the 'traditions of men' and preparing big guns, air craft, rapidfirers [sic], submarines, a big navy, and bigger army for the destruction ofhuman life".'The following week witnessed the first article by Frank Bartleman in TheWeeWy Evangel. He voiced the concerns of the marginalized in society andcondemned war in no uncertain terms. His first paragraph proclaimed thatonly hypocrites pray for peace while helping the war to continue. Heasserted that America's claim of neutrality was a lie because Americamade the European war possible by selling arms to all the participants."The nation, the voters, the church members, could stop this if they wouldinsist upon it . . . [but] we are willing to receive these millions of bloodmoney. We had better pluck out the stars from our flag and instate dollarmarks in their place!'2 He contrasted the symbols of the nations, "wildbeasts and birds of prey," with the human heart (representing peace) thatNebuchadnezzar had taken away from him. His concern for the poormanifested itself repeatedly, writing, "The poor people must spill theirblood to save the rulers fortunes. . . . The servant class must beemancipated. The lords must turn their great 'preserves' into potatopatches to feed the starving thousands of the common people. . . .[Soldiers are] blinded by sin, blinded by ignorance, blinded and controlledby their leade~."~ Bartleman also predicted terrible after effects of the war,noting, "We will have nations of murderers after this war. A generationwith their hands stained with the blood of other human beings. . . . Wholenations will be fired with hatred in heart and mind against one another forcoming generations. Not only men but the women and the children.Unborn generations are thus ~ursed!~ He presented the selfish motives andhorrific results of war in such ways that made it completely incompatiblewith Christianity. He condemned specific sins of every nation, fromEngland and America to Germany, Russia, Italy, France, and Japan,declaring that "We speak without fear or favor. . . ; We favor nocountry."5 Lest anyone question his lack of loyalty to the government, heprovided his attitude toward national fidelity. "Patriotism has been fannedinto a flame. The religious passion has been invoked, and the national godscalled upon for defence [sic] in each case. What blasphemyln6 In thismanner the answering of the war question seemed to be taking definiteshape among Pentecostals.'"Tithes and Free Will Offerings," The Weekly Evangel, (3 July, 1915) 3.'~artleman, F., "The European War," The Weekly Evangel, (10 July, 1915) 3.?bid.4ibid.'ibid.6ibid.

The JOU& of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. )(XU, 2002Bartleman provided another article to The Weekly Evangel one monthlater. In it he continued his tirade against the greedy nations andpatriotism, his defense of the outcasts, his condemnation of war, and headded a call to repentance, writing, "It is not worth while for Christians towax warm in patriotism over this world's situation.. .American capitalists,leaders and manufacturers are as deep in the mud as theothe rs...[ Germans] are in the wrong sometimes also, and they are likely tostand by their country, right or wrong. England will do that also. Americawill do the same thiig. There is not principle enough in any of thesecountries to overcome that."'Bartleman appealed to principle as a reason to abstain and blamed"nominal Christianity" (the opposite of radical Pentecostal Christianity) forthe disastrous wars. Discussing the evils of war caused him to rememberthe other evils in which America had participated and he thus revealedmore of his social conscience, writing, "We have killed off about all of ourAmerican Indians. What we have not killed outright we have starved. . . .Will not God deal in judgment with such a nation as this? Most assuredly!We have stolen the land from the North American Indians. . . . Our wonQto the black people was avenged in blood. What will the next be?"Bartleman condemned participation in the European war and called for atransformation of thiig. He admitted that the world would continue tokill but that did not mean they needed Christian participation. "Hence weneed a call at this time as a nation to repentance. I suppose it will bealways possible for our nation to hire men to slay others. But the spirit ofpatriotism is not going to burn very bright in a people who are ruled byJ. Roswell Flower penned an article and printed a letter from a reader whocondemned Bartleman as "a German first and a Christian afterwards-sopersonally interested in the war as to have lost sight of the impartial viewof a ~hristian.'~ Flower agreed and admitted that Bartleman's article wasLLtoo strongly worded and that it should not have appeared except in agreatly modified form."' E. N. Bell's absence during this time served asone of the primary reasons it did appear, "as Brother Bell was still awayfrom the office and we could not advise with him, we allowed the article to--'Bartleman, F., "What Will the Harvest Be?" The Weekly Evangel, (7 August, 1915) 1.*ibid.. 2.%bid.4~lower, J. R, "What Will the Harvest Be? Article in Last Week's Evangel ReceivingJust Criticism," The WeekIy Evangel, (14 August, 1915) 2.'ibid.Paul N. Alexander: Spirit Empowered Peacemaking:Toward A Pentecostal Peace Fellowshipgo in the paper."' Even though Flower apologized for the "mistakey' ofprinting the article, he supported its antipatriotic stance and even seemed tolean toward nonparticipation in war. He wrote, "We are not citizens of thisworld, but citizens of a better country and our interests are all for thatcountry to which we all hope to go. In this office there is a Canadian, aDutchman, an Englishman, and for a time a German. We have noarguments about the war as we are only interested in it fiom a Christianstandpoint and its effect on the coming of the Lord. God's people must allget to this place, where national prejudices mat die and where the glory ofGod only will be sought."2Flower wanted every Pentecostal to mature to the point where they feltloyalty only for God and not for their nation. This "heavenly citizenship"sentiment corresponds with the ideal of pacifism and Stanley Frodshamdeveloped it more fully the following month. Frodsham argued that "anattitude of strict neutrality to the waning nationsy' needed to be expandedto include actual rejection.' He wrote, "When one comes into that higherkingdom and becomes a citizen of that "holy nation" (1 Peter 2:9), thethings that pertain to earth should forever lose their hold, even that naturallove for the nation where one happened to be born, and loyalty to the newKing should swallow up all other loyalties!'This absolute loyalty to Godmade all the affairs of the earth appear completely different. There was noroom for pride and the removal of pride brought the removal of hatred andwar. He wrote, 'Wational pride, lie every other form of pride, isabomination in the sight of God. And pride of race must be one of the allthings that pass away when one becomes a new creature in Christ Jesus. . .. When seen fiom the heavenly viewpoint, how the present conflict isillumined. The policy of our God is plainly declared in the Word, 'Peaceon earth, good will toward men.""Frodsham employed the New Testament to prove that Christians shouldnot participate in the wars of this world. He set the kingdoms of this worldin diict opposition to the kingdom of God and forced a choice upon hisaudience, "Is any child of God going to side with these belligerent kings?'ibid. The fact that Bartleman's article elicited a rebuke h m a reader, an apology f?omthe editor, and an admission that not all agreed with it revealed that the Assemblies ofGod contained a pacifist minority and a militant minority. Each of these could get theirmessage out depending on the situation in which the leadership and the country foundthemselves.'ibid. Emphasis added.rodsh sham, S. H., "Our Heavenly Citizenship," The Weekly Evangel, (11 September,1915) 3.4ibid.'ibid.

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. )(XII, 2002Will he not rather side with the Prince of Peace under whose banner oflove he has chose [sic] to serve?"' Choosing to follow peace rather thanwar meant rejection but Frodsham knew what really mattered, '"I'he world,especially the religious world, has no use for the children of God, but theLord taketh pleasure in his people. . . . It is im ortant for the saint of Godto remember that his citizenship is in heaven."'Frodsham willingly spokeagainst loyalty to the government and against the related participation inwar. He employed strong words and numerous scriptural arguments toinspire Pentecostals to follow God rather than their idolatrous nations.Early Pentecostals spoke against war not just because the killing itself wasimmoral but also because of the results that it had upon its participants.They sometimes expressed their perspective regarding the intrinsic evil ofwar by quoting other writers as in the following, "I see the best, the mostgentle men coming back transformed. I will not say that they have actuallybecome wicked; but it is something much worse; they have grownaccustomed to do evil unconsciously, to give the lie to all their lives, allthat they believed, all that they desired, hitherto. To kill has become theirduty, their sole object and purpose of life. . . . Their hearts are hardened."jAnother direct quote came &om Booth-Clibbom's Blood Against Bloodunder the title "What is War?," it also served as an advertisement for theboo'k: General Sherman: 'War is hell. . . .' George Fox, when offered acaptaincy: 'I cannot fight, for the spirit of war is slain within me.' SydneySmith: 'God is forgotten in war: every principle of Christianity is trampledupon.' Tertullian: 'Our religion teaches us that it is better to be killed thanto kill.' John Wesley: 'Shall Christians assist the Prince of Hell, who wasa murderer from the beginning, by telling the world of the benefit or need~fIt is probably no coincidence that these unequivocal antiwar citationsappeared one week before the Assemblies of God informed the UnitedStates government that they were an organization of conscientiousobjectors. Nevertheless, these statements presented a clear message aboutthe incompatibility of Christianity and war. That same issue carried anarticle that listed scriptures that opposed war. The author attempted toaddress "The Crisis" of whether or not a Christian could go to war by'ibid.'ibid. This was evidence that Frodsham viewed pentecostals as being outside thereligious establishment.3~mn D'Estournelles de Constant, "The Sinister Education of War," The WeeklyEvangel, (20 Jan. 1917) 2.4"What is War?" The Weekly Evangel, (21 April, 1917) 2.Paul N. Alexander: Spirit Empowered Peacemaking:Toward A Pentecostal Peace Fellowshipasking "what saith the Scriptures wncerning this all important matter?"'He then catalogued several quotations of Jesus himself to make his point:"He said of disciples on another occasion, 'They are not of this world,even as I p not of the world. . . .' 'Our citizenship is in heaven.' (Phil.3:15 R.V.). . . . Let us be loyal to Him. . . . 'Blessed are the peacemakers:for they will be called children of God.' It is not those who delight in war,but those who are so permeated by the Spirit of the Prince of peace, andwho seek to bring others into a blessed condition of peace with God andwith their fellow man that inherit the blessing of the Master. . . . 'But I sayto you, That ye resist not evil. . . . Love your enemies, bless them thatcurse you, do good to them that hate you..."'.2The column right next to this one, written Mrs. A. R Flower, explainedthat war called patriots to the aid of their country. In contrast, the child ofGod needed to answer the call to "deeper consecration, unceasing prayer,and earnest endeavor for soul^."^ This was the part that the Pentecostalswere to take. One week later the son of Arthur Sydney Booth-Clibborntackled the war question. Samuel Booth-Clibborn forcefully echoed thesentiments of his father and employed a scripture-laden approach to showthe absolute nature of Christian nonresistance. He separated Christiansfrom "Pacifists" who used mere politics and "Socialists" who, althoughtheir "zeal for peace" was admired, worshipped materiali~m.~ Even thoughearly Pentecostal writers expressed pacifistic ideals they scorned the termitself because of its connection with non-Christian "human" efforts toestablish world peace. Booth-Clibborn addressed his message only toChristians, "Yes, us Christians, who have been preaching this Gospel ofLOVE, JOY, and PEACE so loud and so long. Now that it has come topracticing what we preach, now the fiery test will be applied-are wewilling to go through for ~esus?"~'''The Crisis," The Weekly Evangel, (21 April, 1917) 7.'ibid.3 ~ A. R . Flower, "Daily Portion From the King's Bounty." The Weekly Evangel, (21April, 1917) 7.4~ooth-~libborn, S. H., "The Christian and War. Is it too Late?," The Weekly Evangel,(28 April, 1917) 5. Booth-Clibbom rejected pragmatic conscientious objection andrevealed that he was a pacifist who appealed to the example of Jesus and completelyrejected any form of noncombatant military service. "A truly enlightened Christianwill have the spiritual perception to see that this so-called 'non-combatant service' isonly a part and parcel of the whole machine. Men and women thus employed are everybit as guilty ih the Supreme Court of Heaven of the murder of their fellow-men, as arethose in the trenches." Booth-Clibbom, S. H., ShouldA Christian Fight? An Appeal toChristian Young Men ofAN Nations (Swengel, PA: Bible Truth Depot, n.d.) 83.'ibid.

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XW, 2002He discounted Old Testament accounts of warfare because they "liv[ed] inthe age of Law and Judgment; whilst we dwell in the Dispensation ofGrace and Mercy!' He disallowed any use of the Old Testament to justifikilling in warfare as ''thick ignorance ... resulting in this everlastingmuddling up of OT and NT teaching, of Law and Grace, of Judgment andMercy, of War and Peace ..." He established his entire position on Jesusand the New Testament: "Find me in the New Testament where'christ eversent His followers on such a mission? On the contrary He sent them out tosave men-not to butcher them like cattle ... No! as far as the Christian isconcerned, the "eye for an eye" system has given place to the "Turn to himthe other cheek also" of Matthew 5:39-44."'When challenged with the question of self-defence, Booth-Clibbornresponded with a four-point answer. First, he argued that a "murderousindividual" employs his h e will while wars are fought by "poor harmlesspeople . . . driven like cattle and quite against their will by godlessgovernments into butchering each other!'2 He then claimed that God oftenprotected his children "according to their faith, for they put their trust inHim rather than the police." But should the "brute" actually break in andthreaten one's life, "if it should come to actual violenceMatthew 5 andRomans 12 would still remain true, and God's Word would still have to beobeyed." Thus, even when it seemed like Booth-Clibbom would justifyself-defence because it differed fiom war, he did not. Obedience was key.He then made his fourth point. Many religious persecutions which downthe ages have been the inevitable accompaniment of every new andpowerful movement; and yet these very persecutions have set the seal ofGod's approval in the most striking way on the doctrine of Christian nonresistance.Those same early non-resisters, mind you, were the samemartyrs, of whom, in recent days of inherited religion, the boast is sooften heard, that 'their blood was the seed of the church!"Samuel H. Booth-Clibbom lauded the faithfuIness of early Christians andradical movements who did not fight and who did not succumb topatriotism. This statement revealed that Booth-Clibbom wantedPentecostals to stay true to their restorationist, Spirit empowered,missions-focused origins. Pacifism provided the integral avenue for this tobe accomplished. In 1917, the Weekly Evangel presented two pieces thataddressed the Pentecostal perspective on war. Samuel H. Booth-Clibbornprovided the first with the second installment of his previous article. He- -'ibid; for a better treatment of this issue, see "If Abraham is Our Father," The OriginalRevolution, 91-1 1 1.'ibid. Emphasis in the original.'ibid. Emphasis in the original.Paul N. Alexander: Spirit Empowered Peacemaking:Toward A Pentecostal Peace Fellowshipcondemned Christians who approved war in stem fiuhion: "It is alsoessential that we bring unprejudiced, humble, and earnest minds and heartsto bear on this matter, as I've found ninety per cent of militaristicChristians to be lacking in the above kind of 'Preparedness,'-as isevidenced by a biased, feverish state of mind, fatal to clear spiritualthinking."'He reiterated the belief that "it was simply God's Holy Ghost power!"2that made it possible to accomplish amazing things for God as a nonviolentperson. He also implemented one of the most unique arguments againstparticipation in war that occurred in the early Assemblies of God: "Butthere is another way in which the Temple can be destroyed, viz., bydragging into it the present horrible hatred, pride, and bloody butchery!'Know ye not that ye are the Temple of God and that the Spirit of Goddwelleth in you? If any man destroy (R. V.) the Temple of God, Him shallGod destroy!' (And 'all they that take the sword shall perish by thesword. '))).3Booth-Clibbom appealed to the classic "temple of God" concept to showthat the Christian must not desecrate himself by hating and killing. Heargued that Christians could choose but one position regarding thisquestion, especially since they were filled with the "Spirit." J. W. Welch,the chairman of the executive presbytery of the General Council of theAssemblies of God in 1917, penned an article that related their opinionregarding military service. He introduced it by stating that the purposewas "to interpret as clearly as possible what the Scriptures teach upon thesubject, as we have from the beginning declared the Bible to be our onlyrule of faith and practice.'d The scriptural foundation allowed them to"hope to secure the privilege of exemption from such military service aswill necessitate the taking of life for all who are real conscientiousobjectors and who are associated with the General Council!' Welchclaimed that they were merely stating "the position always held by thiscompany of believers" because the time had now arrived that necessitatedit since conscription was imminent. He told the constituency that theyshould be willing to serve in any capacity that did not require killing andthat he himself was appalled at the idea of Pentecostal men bearing arms.'~ooth- libb born, S. H., "The Christian and War," The Weekly Evangel, (19 May, 1917)4. Emphasis in the original. Note the desiption "militaristic Christians" he employedas he addressed the Assemblies of God, he did not want his audience to be so defmdbut he recognized that some were.libid. Emphasis in the original.'ibid. Emphasis in the original.4~elch, J. W., "An Explanation," The WeeR(y Evangel, (19 May, 1917) 8.

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XXII, 2002The lay reader of The Weekly Evangel read the military service resolutionfor the first time in the August 4, 1917, edition.' The executive presbytery(probably J. W. Welch) wrote a three-paragraph introduction to theresolution and then related the chronology of the events that had transpiredsince April. Significantly, missions served as the first justification for theresolution. Early Pentecostals concerned themselves primarily withspreading the good news of Jesus Christ and they did not want to adopt anystance that would work against their mission. If any person had never readanything up until this point about Pentecostals and the militiuy, theirintroduction to the topic, as introduced by the executives of the Assembliesof God, would have been in the context of evangelism.From its very inception, the Pentecostal Movement has been a movementof evangelism, studiously avoiding any principles or actions which wouldthwart it in its great purpose. All the wings of the movement, which havegrown out of the work that originated in the southwestern States and thePacific Coast are a unit in this respect2 In order to accomplish this goalthey realized that they could not participate in warfare because the idealsof the two conflicted. They believed that telling the story of Jesus and thenkilling that same person served as a blatantly hypocritical contradiction.The author then recalled the Quaker heritage of the Assemblies of God andappealed to their serious approach to the words of scripture to explain theirposition.From the very beginning, the movement has been characterized by Quakerprinciples. The laws of the Kingdom, laid down by our elder brother, JesusChrist, in His Sermon on the Mount, have been unqualifiedly adopted,consequently the movement has found itself opposed to the spilling of theblood of any man, or of offering resistance to any aggression. Every branchof the movement, whether in the United States, Canada, Great Britain orGermany, has held to this principle?The leaders of the Assemblies of God claimed to speak for the entirePentecostal movement and gave the impression that there were nodissenters among their ranks. The wording of the paragraph above wouldhave led one to believe that every Pentecostal person in the world wasopposed to participation in warfare. The anti-warfare, pacifistic, andconscientious objection articles in the Evangel up to this pointhe resolution had been mailed to all ordained Assemblies of God ministers in May.2'The Pentecostal Movement and the Conscription Law," The Weekly Evangel, (4August, 1917) 6.'ibid. Emphasis added. They declared that no single person deserved to be killed andabsolutely no aggression was to be resisted.Paul N. Alexander: Spirit Empowered Peacemaking:Toward A Pentecostal Peace Fellowshipoutnumbered the combatant participation articles by more than ten to oneso the above statement seems to reflect a sentiment within the Assembliesof God that was stronger than the procombatant position, or at least theAssemblies of God believed they needed to project that appearance inorder to protect their conscientious objectors.' The author then explainedthat previously there had been no reason to state the position of theAssemblies of God. Now that ''war clouds gathered and actual war wasdeclared" they found it necessary to commit to writing "the establishedprinciples or creed of all sections of the Pentecostal Movement, andespecially that part represented by the General ~ouncil."~ The hllresolution, with its title, read as follows:Resolution Concerning the Attitude of the General Council of theAssemblies of God Toward any Military Service which Involves theActual Participation in the Destruction of Human Life.While recognizing Human Government as of Divine ordination andaffirming our unswerving loyalty to the Government of the United States,nevertheless we are constrained to define our position with reference to thetaking of human life.WHEREAS, in the Constitutional Resolution adopted at the Hot SpringsGeneral Council, April 1-10, 1914, we plainly declare the Holy InspiredScriptures to be the all-sufficient rule of faith and practice, andWHEREAS the Scriptures deal plainly with the obligations and relationsof humanity, setting forth the principles of "Peace on earth, good willtoward men." (Luke 2:14); andWHEREAS we, as followers of the Lord Jesus Christ, the Prince of Peace,believe in implicit obedience to the Divine commands and precepts whichinstruct us to "Follow peace with all men," (Heb. 12:14); "Thou shalt notkill," (Exod. 20:13); "Resist not evil," (Matt. 5:39); "Love your enemies,"(Matt. 5:44); etc., andWHEREAS these and other Scriptures have always been accepted andinterpreted by our churches as prohibiting Christians h m shedding bloodor taking human life;THEREFORE we, as a body of Christians, while purposing to fulfill all theobligations of loyal citizenship, are nevertheless constrained to declare wecannot conscientiously participate in war and armed resistance whichinvolves the actual destruction of human life, since this is contrary to ourpp --'~vidence exists that shows that the noncombatant and pacifistic positions were notunanimous. See, An Analysis, "Freedom to Fight, 19 14-1 940."2"The Pentecostal Movement and the Conscription Law," The Weekly Evangel, (4August, 191 7) 6.

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XXII, 2002view of the clear teachings of the inspired Word of God, which is the solebasis of our faith.'The first "whereas* stated that scripture served as the only determinant ofdoctrine and ethics. Supposedly, any belief needed to be defended onlywith scriptural support since it was "all-sufficient." Furthermore, theyargued that their sole authority, the Bible, "plainly" provided oneunequivocal position about participation in warfare. They expressed thissingle principle by quoting five scripture verses, four fiom the NewTestament and one fiom the Old Testament. The fourth and final"whereas" declared that many more scriptures than they had even listedhad "always" been interpreted by Pentecostals to forbid killing. It is quitesignificant that all four "whereas" paragraphs refer to scripture to justifytheir conclusion. They did not appeal to reason or any philosophicalprinciples. They appealed only to scripture.The final pmgraph of the resolution recognized that it did not supportabsolutely loyal American citizenship by incorporating the word"nevertheless." But it also could have been interpreted to allownoncombatant service since it did not involve ''the actual destruction ofhuman life."2 The presbytery then once again defended their principle ofconscientious opposition to war and killing by mentioning the "clearteachings7' of the Bible as the "sole basis" of their faith. The multiplereferences to scripture revealed the manner by which early Pentecostalsjustified and defended their nonparticipation. They introduced theirresolution by referring to evangelism, Quaker principles, and Jesus ~hrist?They loaded their resolution with praises for scripture, descriptions ofscripture, and scriptures themselves: "Holy," "Inspired," "all-sufficient,""rule," "obli ations," "principles," "Divine commands," "precepts," and"sole basis!' This early method stands in stark contrast to the manner inwhich the Assemblies of God justified their military service resolution fiftyyears later?'ibid. Emphasis in the original.2 ~ the t leasf they did not explicitly forbid noncombatant military service and it didexplicitly state their desire to be loyal citizens.'These were arguments employed by the Booth-Clibborns and Bartleman.4ibid.'The Assemblies of God made not one single reference to scripture in the 1967 articleon military service that reversed the historic position. "As a movement we afXm ourloyalty to the government of the United States in war or peace. We shall continue toinsist, as we have historically, on the right of each member to choose for himselfwhether to declare his position as a combatant, a noncombatant, or a conscientiousobjector." General Council Minutes, 1967,35. It was significant that this was writtenas an American statement, despite the fact that the majority of the Assemblies of GodPaul N. Alexander: Spirit Empowered Peacemaking:Toward A Pentecostal Peace FellowshipThree articles and a poem by Arthur Sydney Booth-Clibborn appeared in1918. He rejected "anti-Bible 'pacifism' advocated by large sections of theLabor Party in Great Britain and the United States of America"' Instead,he believed the pentecostal Christian should have a "'conscientiousobjection' to war based, so to speak, on a previous engagement withChrist in a truly missionary, a truly witnessing or martyr spirkn2 Hisarticle revealed the close relationship between missions and Pentecostalconscientious objection, "The true conscientious objector is the sort ofChristian who is gladly willing to go unarmed among savage heathen, farbeyond the 'protecting' reach of a six inch shell. He is equally ready todispense with all 'protection' in 'civilized' lands!93 Booth-Clibborn basedthis idea on the fact that early Christians had died because of their faith andlove and end-time Christians must do the same. "A bloody Calvary, aPentecost of fire, and the hostility of an entire world" both required andenabled complete rejection of any participation in war?Toward a Pentecostal Theology of PeacemakingAfter hearing the voices of Pentecostals fiom almost a century ago, myattempt to explicate a contemporary theology of peacemaking forPentecostals will not be new and may sound tame. However, I believe thattheir concerns, since they were neither misdirected nor misinformed, needto be reiterated and bolstered with a systematic connecting of Pentecostalemphases and peacemaking? For Pentecostals have much in our heritageand in our current worldviews that promotes shalom and that can be usedto emphasize once again its integral nature. The presence of a concern forpeacemaking among our ancestors is not justification in and of itself forsuch an emphasis now. The justification must be supplied by a biblicallyconstituency (seventy percent) were not citizens of the United States in 1967. Nowthere are 38 million Assemblies of God people worldwide with less than 3 millionseven percent) in the United States.'Booth-Clibborn, A. S., 'Nigh, Even At The Doors." (7 September, 1918) 2.?bid. Emphasis in the original. This is evidence of Booth-Clibbom's vocationalpacifism.Booth-Clibbom, A. S., 'Nigh, Even At The Doors," (5 October, 1918) 6. It waspossible that Booth-Clibbom purposely contradicted E. N. Bell's earlier appeal toAmerican forces for the protection of Pentecostal missionaries. Booth-Clibbom andBell were diametrically opposed on this issue. Bell, E. N., "Wars and the Missionaries,"The Christian Evangel, (I 2 September, 1914) 1.'ibid.his does not mean that I agree with every methodology or argument they employed,but it does mean that the issues they were addressing need to receive significant focusnow as well.

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XXII, 2002based theology. This may be a short section in this paper but it is the areathat I hope enjoys further development by many.'First, although the Spirit has enjoyed significant attention amongPentecostals, Jesus Christ himself has been quoted fieely and seriously.This priority of place for the Messiah is certainly appropriate whenaddressing peacemaking. Jesus is the one who said, "blessed (good foryou!) are the peacemaken" and "love your enemies." His life, death, andresurrection should be joined with his words to reveal a lifestyle of nonresistancethat is imperative for the children of God, the joint-heirs withJesus who share in his sufferings as well as his glory. Pentecostals of allpeople should be appalled at the marginalization of Jesus when it comes todiscussions of ethics. We should start and end with Jesus, the author andfinisher of our faithfulness, who revealed to us the way of God. It is byhim that we have been redeemed and for him that we seek the redemptionof the world. Oppression, exploitation, greed, nationalism, and violencecan never be justified without moving Jesus to the side, and this should notbe acceptable for Pentecostals. Jesus was faced with real options in his lifeand he was obedient to God, we must follow his example.Second, evangelism/missions is integral to the self-understanding andtheolog of ~entecostals? This can be both negative and positive. It isbad when it causes us to compromise important aspects of the gospel inorder to grow, and it is good when it causes us to evaluate ourselves inlight of the gospel we preach to be sure we are who we say we are. It iscommon for Pentecostals to say, "You're either a missionary or a missionfield!' Pentecostal participation in war requires missionaries to kill missionfields. In view of the actual practice of many Pentecostals, two newoptions would need to be added for the axiom to be true, '"You're either amissionary or a mission field, or a patriot or an enemy deserving to bekilled."-'~oel Shuman argued that abandoning pacifism was a "grievous mr" for Pentecostals.He then provided a good ''theological rationale for [his] assertion that the gradual andeventually complete loss of pacifism is among the most compelling signs that theAssemblies of God has, at least in practice, abandoned its self-understanding as acommunity of radical Christian witness." He did this by showing "that the moralramifications of the doctrine of Spirit baptism must be understood eschatologically (asthey initially were) in order to undergird a restoration of Pentecostal pacifism.""Pentecost and the End of Patriotism," 71-72.'L. Grant McClung, Jr. claims that "Pentecostalism by its very nature is intrinsicallymissiological." "'Try to Get People Saved' Revisiting the Paradigm of an UrgentPentecosal Mission," in The Globalization of Pentecostalim: A Religion Made toTravel. 32.Paul N. Alexander: Spirit Empowered Peacemaking:Toward A Pentecostal Peace FellowshipPentecostal theology of mission has several critical points at which acritique of war and killing can enter. If all people are supposed to be led toJesus (and this is a safe theological point for most ~entecostals),' at whatpoint does a person cease being a subject worthy of redemption and loveand become an object deserving death? Furthermore, at what point does awitness of Jesuslrnissionary (and all Pentecostals are supposed to be this)cease converting and start destroying? The common answer might be,"When the government says so." But this allows a redefinition of who weas Pentecostals are and who the rest of the world is that places nationalnamings, "ally" and "enemy," above Christian namings, "believer" and"unbeliever." Rather, we say as the disciples said, "we obey God ratherthan men." Pentecostal evangelism is not supposed to be a part-timeoccupation or an element of Christianity that gets laid to the sidesometimes when more important matters call (safety, security, prosperity).2Third, the Bible is taken seriously by Pentecostals and this should lead to ahigh regard for peacemaking and significant questioning of violence,oppression, and the subordination of the kingdom of God to national lustsof self-preservation. Critical biblical scholarship does indeed support aChristianity that is not nationalistic and not violent. Pentecostals would dowell to consider the implications of their belief that God has actuallyrevealed his way in the bible. Yoder observed that "the prima faciebiblicism of early Pentecostals never matured into a solid ethicalhermeneutic,"' but that can and should be corrected. The respect for thebible is not a hurdle that has to be overcome, it is a strength that should bedirected and developed. Pentecostal theological ethicists can be free toexegete scripture because the communities we serve regard it highly, andtaking the biblical stories seriously should lead one toward an ethic ofexcessive love.ina all^: it would be an understatement to say that the baptism in the HolySpirit has been an integral aspect of Pentecostalism. It has been touted as'1 admit that it could be debated but that is outside the scope of this paper. It holds truefor the majority.Turthermore, evangelism that focuses on souls being saved rather than disciples beingmatured into the way of Jesus also suffers from selfdmctive tendencies. The savingof the soul allows for the kilIing of the body, or the use of our bodies for killing. Thisseparation limits the power of the gospel, for God saves the whole person and not justthe soul. See Clapp, R, Border Crossings: Christian Trespasses on Popular Cultureand Public Affairs, ,(Grand Rapids: Brazos Press, 2000) 9-15.'John Howard Yoder, foreword to Pentecostal Paczfim, by Jay Beaman (Hillsboro,KS: Center for Me~onite Brethren Studies, 1989) iii.'This is certainly not the end of the theological rationale, indeed, it is barely abeginning.

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XXII, 2002the highlight of Christian spirituality and the gateway to God's specialempowerment and leading, not to mention all the gifts of the Spirit. Butthe ethical implications of this experience have unfortunately been left toooften to merely personal and individualistic applications. The Spirit maybe mentioned regarding the consumption of alcohol, gambling, or maritalfidelity. But we must recognize the already existent biblical link betweenthis powerful enabling of God and the ability lay down one's life forothers. It is the Spirit who enables us to love our enemies, do good tothose who hate us, bless those who curse us, and pray for those whomistreat us (Luke 6.27-36).Luke portrays Jesus as the Spirit-filled person (4.1), who was led by theSpirit (4.1), empowered by the Spirit (4.14), and anointed by the Spirit(4.18) to teach and live the way he did. He then encouraged his followersto emulate him after they were empowered by the same Spirit (24.46-49).He makes his priorities clear to them and continually rejected violentrevolution and the sword. Luke 22, which is often used as a justificationfor the use of the sword since Jesus said to buy one, is better interpretedwithin the context of temptation. Judas had succumbed to the tempter(which Jesus had successfully rejected so far, even his offers of safety,security, wealth, and power), and all the disciples were to be sifted.' Jesusreminded them that his kingdom was not the way of the world: exercisingauthority and controlling through power. Rather, God's way is to serve, tosufferYTand even to die for others.Then Jesus reminded them they did not need money, provisions, sandals,or swords to follow him. But now at this hour of temptation they wouldhave the opportunity to forsake him and seek these other things. The twoswords they had were "enough," not for the actual defense of the disciplesbut certainly enough for their temptation. After Jesus' prayers andrequests for prayer to withstand the coming temptation, Peter stillsuccumbed by attacking with the sword and then followed his physicaldenial of the way of Jesus with his verbal denials. It is not by accident thatthis incident occurs before the day of Pentecost. Peter's misunderstandingof Jesus (fiom telling Jesus he would not suffer and die to his use of thesword) was prior to the vindication of the resurrection and the promisedoutpouring of the Holy Spirit to walk in God's way. He was quite differentafterwards, both in the sermon immediately following and in his laterwriting, "don't render evil for evil, or insult for insult, but on the contraryblessing!"'fie plural "all of you" is used to describe Satan's desire to sift the disciples.1 Peter 3, "Let him turn aside from evil, and let him do good. Let him seek peace andpursue it . . . if you suffer for good, good for you! For you don't fear what they fearPaul N. Alexander: Spirit Empowered Peacemaking:Toward A Pentecostal Peace FellowshipThe Spirit empowered reconciliation of Acts, the reversal of Babel, thepreaching of Jesus as the Messiah of God, is best understood fiom theperspective of true repentance (changing the way one thinks). The Spiritled rejection of justified self-defense and the complete acceptance offorgiveness is portrayed clearly by Stephen. Luke tells us that he was "fullof faithfulness, power . . . and the Holy Spirit," that he recounted thehistory of Israel right up to the death and resurrection of Jesus, and thatwhile being murdered he quoted Jesus, "Lord, forgive them this sin." TheHoly Spirit has not come just so that Pentecostals can get excited or eventhat we can simply speak powerfully. The uniiy and reconciliation of thearrival of the Spirit in our communities announces that the way of God willbe lived in our lives and that we will pass on the grace that has been passedon to us. The Spirit leads us in obedience, and both obedience and mercyare better than sacrifice.'Why A Pentecostal Peace Fellowship Is NeededHow will another organization help the kingdom of God? Aren't thereenough, already? These are legitimate questions and deserve answerscompelling enough to justify the organizing of a Pentecostal peacemakingfellowship. So now I humbly offer some reasons why such a fellowshipwill help us follow the leading of the Spirit.First, my critique of Pentecostal approval of war and other forms ofviolence and oppression is not unique. Various lay people, pastors, andscholars reveal concern on various occasions in various ways. But theseefforts are random and not well organized, an article here, a proposal there,or an occasional chapter in a book.' Sharing this idea with Pentecostalsaround the world has brought encouraging responses? In Europe there is a-- -[death]." The scope of this paper does not allow for a more nuanced treatment, but itwill be forthcoming. In the meantime, see Yoder, J. H., 27re Politics of Jesus, (GrandRapids: EerQlans, 1972), The Original Revolution (Scottdale, PA: Herald Press, 1971),or Cahill, L. S., Love Your Enemies: Discipleship, Pacifh, and Just War Theory,(Miieapolis, MN: Fortress, 1994).'Frank Macchia defmes speaking in tongues as "an experience with God thatcontinually urges the people of God to move beyond the confines of private piety oreven church fellowship to the global issues of justice, peace, and the redemption of theworld. . . . Contemporary Pentecostals must [believe] that tongues connect individualChristians and chwches with the need for global justice, reconciliation, andredemption" "The Struggle for Global Witness: ShiAing Paradigms in PentecostalTheology," The GIobalization of Pentecostalism, 18.'See An Analysis, chapter 4, for an overview of the Pentecostal voices concerned aboutpeace that have emerged recently.'An army of Pentecostals have told me they would support and join such anorganization: missionaries in Taiwan and China, lay people and paston in Sierra

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XXII, 2002hope that "a charismatic spirituality could provide a bridge betweenhumanly-devised barriers: men and women, black and white, and poor andwealthy . . . [and] a global concern for the poor, the oppressed and themarginalized would make Christianity a force with which to bereckoned."' The nature of the 2001 European Pentecostal CharismaticResearch Association conference, dedicated to recognizing the importanceof ethics for Pentecostals, shows that there is a growing global concern thatthe Pentecostal witness be consistent not only in its doctrine but also in itsethics. A Pentecostal peace fellowship would be dedicated to bringingtogether and broadcasting these authentic Pentecostal voices who speakand live for the peace that only Christ brings.Second, thousands of people are being educated around the world inPentecostal institutions and are not being given the theological resourceswith which to critique nationalism, patriotism, war, and other divisiveissues. A Pentecostal peace fellowship would be able to encourageteaching (in many media formats) on the significance of peacemaking asan essential element of the Spirit filled life. Through pamphlets, articles,perhaps a journal, audio, video, and online, a wealth of material could beorganized that deals with the biblical, theological, and practical issues ofPentecostal peacemaking. Racism, classism, materialism, and otherinternational issues could be consistently addressed in responsible ways sothat any who were interested could benefit.Third, this fellowship could serve global Pentecostalism as a forum forthose voices fiom around the world who are of the Spirit yet differ greatlyon these significant issues. It has already been shown that the majority ofAssemblies of God pastors in the US. would kill for their country.Perhaps, Pentecostals b m other parts of the world have something to sayabout this. This would a place where voices unified by the Spirit, yet notnecessarily uniformed, could speak to these issues and present theirunderstandings of the significance of being Pentecostal in a world dividedby hostility and selfishness. Jean-Daniel PlUss hopes for "a shift from atheology of victory to a theology of humility," "a theology of listeningrather than a theology of telling," and for "the believers in Europe to- -Leone, Nigeria, Ghana, Albania, and the U.S., professors at Duke, COG TheologicalSeminary, southeastern College, etc. the president of an Assemblies of God university,numerous students, and others in India, England, Holland, Gexmany, Colombia,Philippines, and Italy.lPl~s, J. D., "Globalization of Pentecostalism or Globalization of Individualism? AEuropean Perspective," in The Globalization of Pentecostalism, 175-176. PlUSsenvisions an "ethic of global concernn which would naturally include the importance ofPentecostal peacemaking.Paul N. Alexander: Spirit Empowered Peacemaking:Toward A Pentecostal Peace Fellowshipstretch out 'the right hand of fellowship' to minorities and marginalizedcommunities and together address global concerns with a vibrant messageadequate to answer the pressing spiritual and moral needs of the world."'A Pentecostal peace fellowship would actively foster these positivedevelopments.Finally, this fellowship could be a place that promotes actual participationin reconciliation efforts around the world. Writing, reading, anddiscussing certainly have their place (for the Messiah taught consistently)but it must be accompanied by participation in the way of the cross.Pentecostals have a heritage of following the leading of the Spirit to thedifficult places, and that must remain true of this fellowship dedicated toreconciliation and love of fellow humans. Those involved should bededicated to active involvement in reconciliation in their localcommunities. This can be done by finding those who are ostracized oroppressed and befriending them, by speaking truth in public to the powersthat exploit, and by not being ashamed that we live from the particularityof our redemption in Christ. I know students who would be honoured todo a 'peacemaking internship' with Pentecostals who are in perilous areasworking for the cause of Christ. The mission of the church must includethis supposed foolishness and a peace fellowship will assist manydenominations (both Pentecostal and non) to work together to make thewitness of God's work in our lives extremely ~isible.~And so I end my fleeting solo and pass it off to you. I have been neitherobjective nor unbiased, but have contributed my piece as someone whoclaims to have been transformed by the power of Jesus Christ. Our bible,our theology, and our heritage supports an active and public peacemaking,let us be faithful, obedient, and Spirit-filled followers of our Saviour as weseek peace. This part of the journey is just beginning and we trust that theSpirit who led Israel, Jesus, the early Church, and the early Pentecostalsleads us as well.)--lPIUSs, 180. He also rightly believes that Pentecostal spirituality should have a"common Christian attitude of respect and love towards the other because of theovemding awareness of God's active Spirit. Such a community auld be called aculture in the sense that believers have been socialized to live a meanin@ metaphorof Christ's life, death and resurrection, respecting the voices of all people and mutuallyexperiencing God's Spirit moving through and with them." These communities canrightly be called the church when they are willing to die, rather than kill, for their God.'~est this seem to be purely social work (in the derogatory sense of the term), I amactually describing the fiuit of a converted and transformed life.'~f you are interested in being involved in any way, please contact the author atpalexander@sagu.edu.

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XXII, 2002Glen & Stassen: Recovering the Way of Jesus in the Sermon on the MountRecovering the Way of Jesus in the Sermon on the MountGlen H. StassenIn the Gospel of John 14:26 and 1526, Jesus promises that the Father willsend the Holy Spirit in Jesus' name, and the Holy Spirit "will bring to yourremembrance all that I have said to you," and "He will bear witness tome." That means the Holy Spirit will surely teach us the meaning of theSermon on the Mount-the biggest section in the New Testament of whatJesus said to us. Murray Dempster makes the point especially clearly:"Luke made it clear in his prologue in the Acts that because of thetransference of the Spirit the church continued to do and teach those thingswhich Jesus began to do and teach (Acts 1:l). What needs to beunderscored is that the message of the kingdom of God was the focal pointof all those things that Jesus began to do and teach".' And Gordon Feehammers it home with his thoroughly faithful and accurate biblicalscholarship: "The universal witness of the Synoptic tradition is that theabsolutely central theme of Jesus' mission and message was 'the goodnews of the kingdom of ~od"'.~ The ethics of the kingdom of God is setforth most clearly in the Sermon on the Mount. Each of the beatitudesannounces a blessing of participation in the kingdom of God. The Lord'sPrayer prays for the kingdom to come. The kingdom is mentionedexplicitljr nine times in the Sermon. And I hope to show that each of themain teachings is a pointer to the way of deliverance that we are givenwhen the kingdom breaks into our midst.In the Gospel of Matthew, Jesus gives us The Great Commission: "As yougo, therefore, make disciples of all peoples, baptizing them in the name ofthe Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit, teaching them to practice all thecommands that I have given you; and lo, I am with you always, to theclose of the age." (Matt 28:19-20). The way of discipleship and thecommands of Jesus are most explicitly taught in the Sermon on the Mount.The way we are to make disciples of all peoples is to teach them thepractices taught mostly in the Sermon on the ~ount.) The Sermon on theMount echoes throughout the Gospel of Luke, as well as in Paul's lettersand the rest of the New Testament. In the first three centuries of thechurch, no other biblical passage was referred to as often as the Sermon on-- -- --'~ernpter, M., Klaus, B., and Petersen, D.. (eds.) Called & Empowered: GlobalMission in Pentecostal Perspective, (Peabody: Hendrickson, 1991) 23; Dempster, M.,"Pentecostal Social Concern and the Biblical Mandate of Social Justice." Pneuma (Fall,1987) (129-153) 149.'ibid, 8.3~~z, Ulrich., Matthew 1-7, (Augsburg, 1989) 214.the Mount. Pentecostalism is a movement of restoration of New Testamentfaith and practice. Therefore it is the inherent logic of Pentecostalism topray for the help of the Holy Spirit in recovering the Sermon on the Mountfor our practice. I do so pray.How the Tradition of Dualism and Evasion DevelopedWe see the centrality of the Sermon on the Mount clearly in one of the firstChristian writers after the New Testament, Justin Martyr. In about 157A.D, Justin wrote his First Apologv. When he presents what Christiansstand for, he quotes almost the whole Sermon on the Mount. He could notbe clearer that he expects Christians to do these practices. He emphasizeswhat Jesus emphasized: "'Not every one who saith to me, Lord, Lord, shallenter into the kingdom of heaven, but he that doeth the will of My Fatherwhich is in heaven .... By their works ye shall know them. And every treethat bringeth not forth good hit, is hewn down and cast into the fire."' Hesays Christians do carry out Jesus' teachings, and this bears clear witnessto the power of the teachings to transform the way people live: "Andmany, both men and women, who have been Christ's disciples fiomchildhood, remain pure at the age of sixty or seventy years; and I boast thatI could produce such fiom every race of men. For what shall I say, too, ofthe countless multitude of those who have reformed intemperate habits,and learned these things?" (Justin Martyr, Apology, 167-8).But then a crack appears, a hint of greater diversions yet to come insubsequent church history. Justin has addressed his Apology to EmperorAntoninus. Pius and his son, trying to get their favor. Therefore,immediately after presenting these teachings from Jesus' way, he thenquotes Jesus' teaching in Matthew 22:17ff.: "Render therefore to Caesarthe things that are Caesar's, and to God the things that are God's." And heinterprets it dualistically: "Whence to God alone we render worship, but inother things we gladly serve you, acknowledging you as kings and rulersof men ...." Thus he limits Christian independence fiom the Emperor tohow we worship. Clearly Jesus' way as taught in the Sermon on the Mountconcerns much more than our worship. He has just quoted its teachings onwhat we do with sexual relations, marriage, truth telling, loving enemies,prayer, investing our money, judging others, and where we place our trust.Yet here Justin introduces an incipient dualism for the purpose of notoffending the Emperor. He is "apologizing" to the Emperor, trying topersuade the Emperor to be kind to Christians. In order to be subservient tothe powers and authorities, he compartmentalizes or splits up Christianresponsibility so that our worship belongs to God, while in other things wedo what the earthly ruler says. That gives the Emperor a blank cheque inmatters outside of worship. It gives much more than Jesus would.

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XW, 2002Glen H. Stassen: Recovering the Way of Jesus in the Sermon on the MountThink a moment. For Jesus, what belonged to God? .... Everything.Jesus was a Jew, not a dualist. He knew God is Lord over everything. Histeaching in Matthew 22 is an ironic Hebrew parallelism.' The secondmember of the parallelism, "Render to God the things that are God's,"means "render everything to God." It gives an ironic twist to the fmt halfof the teaching: God has sovereignty over Caesar; we render to Caesaronly what fits God's will. But Justin was a Gentile, not a Jew, and adisciple of Socrates and Plato before his conversion, used to a dualism inwhich the spiritual was split off fiom the earthly. In Platonic thought, Godwas outside the cave in which we live, in the eternal realm, not the earthlyrealm. Wanting to please the Emperor, Justin here, perhapsunintentionally, gives the Emperor authority over everything but thespiritual realm of worship.Justin's order of teaching is the opposite of Jesus'. Having said a little coincan go to Caesar, Jesus climaxes his teaching by saying, in effect, "butGod is Lord of everything." Having quoted Jesus' way in the Sermon onthe Mount, Justin climaxes his teaching by saying, in effect, "but Caesar isLord in everything but worship." It is this incipient Platonic dualism,combined with the desire to please the powers and authorities of thiswodd--whether they be political rulers, concentrations of wealth, racistpower structures, or habits, customs, and self-interested practices-thatcreates in subsequent church history the devilish dualism in which wholeswaths of life are moved out fiom under God's authority and placed underthe authorities of this world. And then the way of Jesus gets fenced in toapply only to one narrowly limited realm--worship, or inner attitudes, orindividual relations. Surely Justin, a sincere Christian, did not intend allthat followed in subsequent church history fiom this seemingly small,innocent crack in our responsibility to God. But it did follow. WhenConstantine became the first Christian Emperor (306-337)' the churchdownplayed whatever might suggest criticism of Constantine's way ofruling.The disabling and ultimately tragic development is that the focus soonshifts from Jesus and the particular way he incarnated with his community,the way of his God, to the metaphysical relationship of the individualfigure, Jesus, to the church's God, now become also the empire's God ....So one searches in vain in the classic creeds, those pure distillations of the--'Jjomkamm, G., Jesus of Nazareth, (New York: Harper & Row, 1970) 121-124.faith, for anything at all about Jesus as the way in any moral sense, or ofhis community's way.'Then came the Middle Ages and illiteracy. The people could not readabout Jesus' teaching or Jesus' way (in the Latin). They were told to let theclergy and the hierarchy tell them what they needed to believe. You cansee the bypassing of Jesus' teachings graphically if you go to the MedievalArt Museum in New York City, The Cloisters. The beautiful paintings andsculptures there depict only two themes: 1) Mary and the baby Jesus, and2) Jesus on the cross; nothing fiom what happened after Jesus' birth andbefore his death. It is like the Apostle's Creed: ... born of the Virgin Mary,suffered under Pontius Pilate, was crucified, dead, and buried...!' TheSermon on the Mount and all of Jesus' prophetic teachings are hiding,unseen and unheard, behind that comma that zips him from his birth byMary to his suffering under Pilate, as if he taught nothing, healed no one,fed no one, preached no kingdom of God.~oltmand offers a constructive suggestion to fill this empty hole: "Wecannot close this chapter on the messianic mission of Jesus Christ withoutoffering a suggestion for an addition to these two ancient creeds of thechurch .... After "born of the Virgin Mary" or "and was made man" [in theNicene Creed], we should add something along the following lines:Baptized by John the Baptist,filled with the Holy Spirit:to preach the kingdom of God to the poor,to heal the sick,to receive those who have been cast out,to revive Israel for the salvation of the nations, andto have mercy upon all people."In the Protestant Refomation, Martin Luther criticized the Medievalchurch for its dualism that split humankind into a class of monks andclergy--for whom the teachings of the Sermon on the Mount werecommands--and the rest of us--for whom they were only optional advice ifyou wanted to .be perfect. Luther insisted the teachings were for allChristians. But then he adopted something like Justin Martyr's Platonicdualism. The Sermon is for every Christian in our inner attitudes, but theouter self that has responsibilities to other persons should obey the'bmu&n, L., Moral Fragments and Moral Community, (Philadelphia: Fortress,1993) 138-140.2~oltmann, J., The Way of Jesus Christ: Chistology in Messianic Dimensions, (trans.)Margaret Kohl, (Francisco: HarperCollins, 1990) 150.105

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XW, 2002authorities in the world and not the commands of the sermon.' Like Justin,Luther was concerned with a ruler. His Prince, Frederick, was defendinghim and his Reformation against the Pope, who would have had himarrested for undermining the Catholic Church. Furthermore, PrinceFrederick sat on his throne to Luther's right as Luther preached, observingwhat Luther would say. Luther wanted an ethic that said the Sermon is foreveryone, but that would not undermine the authority and power ofFrederick.The church historian, Jaroslav Peli, shows that Luther's two-realmsdualism was a departure from the great preacher of the early Greek church,John Chrysostom, and the great preacher of the Roman church, Augustine(Divine Rhetoric, 145s.). Chrysostom and Augustine taught that - thecommands of the Sermon were God's will for everyone-for disciples first,and through them, for all humankind; and were to be carried out inpractice. Luther limited it to Christians in their inner lives, not for allhumankind or the outer life.2 The result was secularism: people weretaught that the gospel has nothing concrete to say about how we live ourlives in the public realm, except that our inner motive should be love.Having a motive of love, however, can be shaped into all kinds of ethics,especially when the secular ruler deflnes our actions in the public realm.Consequentially the realm of religious faith gets reduced to shrinkinglynarrower parts of our lives. And lay people see the gospel as less and lessrelevant to their lives. Secularism in Germany means only 5% of Lutheransare in church on an average Sunday morning. The Bible, throughout itspages, teaches that there is only one God who is Lord of all of life, andnever splits life into one realm ruled by a secular ruler and the other ruledby God. Present-day Lutheran scholars, and many Lutheran pastors, arecritical of the two-realms split and seek to correct it.'During the Reformation, John Calvin taught the sovereignty of God overall of life, and developed a covenant ethic for life in the world that'~uther, M., "Of Secular Authority: To What Extent It Can Be Obeyed," (ed.)Dillenberger, J., Martin Luther: Selectionsfiom His Writings, (Anchor Books, 1961)364&2~elikan, J., Divine Rhetoric: The Seeon on the Mount as Message and as Model inAugustine, Chryostom, and Luther, (St Vladimir's Seminary Press, 2001) 79f, 106f.110-114,119,123.3~atthew, 218-223; Kissinger, Warren S., The Sermon on the Mount: A History ofInterpretation and Bibliography, (The Scarecrow Press and the ATLA, 1975);Baumann, Clarence, The Sermon on the Mount: The Modem Quest for its Meaning,(Mercer University Press, 1985).Glen H. Stassen: Recovering the Way of Jesus in the Sermon on the Mountcontinues to be helpful.' He saw the Sermon on the Mount as Christ'sinterpretation of the Old Testament, not a contradiction of the OldTestament. He was practical-minded, and he interpreted the Sermon asgiving practical guidance, and as intended to be obeyed. His practicalemphases did sometimes reduce the Sermon to what he saw in the OldTestament, however, or to what he thought he could expect Christians todo. And he skipped over Jesus' teaching in Matt 7 that we are not only tohear these words, but do them.2The Anabaptists in the Reformation insisted on discipleship as followingJesus concretely, and they did teach the Sermon on the Mount moreconcretely as authoritative for the whole life of Christians (outer as well asinner). But most of them did not see how they could expect the Sermon toapply to the kingdom of the world, and so they developed a "twokingdomsethic" in which they did not think the Sermon applied to non-Christians, and they did not develop an ethic for the outer kingdom. MennoSimons, however, clearly saw Christ as Lord over earthly rulers, and didnot hesitate to call rulers to do justice and act according to God's will asrevealed in the prophets and in Jesus. Present-day Anabaptist scholars arealso em hasizing that Jesus Christ is Lord over all of life, and not only thechurch. PThe leaders of the General Council of the Assemblies of God, in theirresolution of 1917 declaring they could not participate in war making,declared, "The laws of the Kingdom, laid down by our elder brother, JesusChrist in His Sermon the Mount, have been unqualifiedly adopted,consequently the movement has found itself opposed to the spilling of theblood of any man, or of offering resistance to any aggression. Everybranch of the movement, whether in the United States, Canada, GreatBritain or Germany, has held to thisBut we have lacked aconstructive ethic of peacemaking, based on the way of deliverance in the'Anderson, Ray S., and Guernsey, D. B.. On Being Family: A Social Theology oftheFamily, (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1985); Mount, Eric, Covenant, Community, and theCommon Good: An Interpret&'on of Chrktian Ethics, (Pilgrim Press, 1999); Mouw,Richard J., The God Who Commandr: A Study in Divine Command Ethics, (Universityof Notre Dame Press, 1990); Smedes, Lewis, Mere Morality: What God ExpectsfiomOrdinmy People, (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1983); Stackhouse, Max L., Covenant &Commitments: Faith, Family, and Economic Lif, (WestminsterIJohn Knox, 1997).'~alvin, John, A Harmony ojthe Gospels, vol I, (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1972) 164-232.'~ried~er, Leo; Kraybill. Donald, Mennonite Peacemaking: From Quietism toActivism. (Herald Press, 1994) 73,79,90, 1 19&, 175f, 241.4~empster, M. W., "Reassessing the Moral Rhetoric of Early American PentecostalPacifism", Crux, 2611 1 (1990) 24.

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XXII, 2002Glen H. Stassen: Recovering the Way of Jesus in the Sermon on the Mountbreakthrough of Jesus' kingdom ethic, that can give us guidance in themidst of the complex realities of this world. Therefore the earlyPentecostal commitment was not grounded articulately enough, and hassince been compromised, accommodated to the world, and overlooked. (Itis to overcome this lack that I worked to develop the new just peacemakingtheory, that is receiving increasing support, in Just Peacemaking:Transforming Initiatives for Justice and Peace (Westminster John KnoxPress, 1992, and Just Peacemaking: Ten Practices to Abolish War (PilgrimPress, 1998)).The tradition of evasion continues, surprisingly, in textbooks in Christianethics. Among all the textbooks I have surveyed, I can find only two thatlearn anything copstructive from the Sermon on the Mount-and theydevote only a page or two to the Sermon. When the way Christian ethics istaught and. practiced conveys the understanding that the Sermon on theMount does not contribute to Christian ethics, it conveys that Christianethics is based on something other than following the witness of the HolySpirit to what Jesus taught. It tends to result in a legalistic moralism thatadopts authoritarian ideologies from the culture; or else in a cultureaccommodatingliberalism, permissivism, and self-seeking individualism.(Richard Hays, The Moral Vision of the New Testament, which is a NewTestament ethics rather than a Christian ethics textbook, does somewhatbetter). Why this evasion? What went wrong?The Sermon on the Mount is not "High Ideals," It is "TransformingInitiatives"A key step in the accommodation to the secular powers and ideologies is toteach that the Sermon is hard teachings, ideals too high for us to reach upto, impossible for practical living. Once that step is taken, then it is easierto argue that we need some other ethics that we can practice-which almostalways turns out to be an ethic that accepts the authority of some secularpower or ideology.Thus a tradition has developed that the pattern of the Sermon is antitheses,in which Jesus commands that we have no anger, no lust, no divorce, nooaths, no resistance of evil, no asserting of any rights. Then people realizethat they cannot avoid ever being angry, etc. So they say these are hardteachings, high ideals, very strenuous. They praise them for being soidealistic, but conclude they cannot follow them in practice and insteadadopt another ethic that comes from somewhere else. Theycompartmentalize Jesus' teachings as meant for attitudes but not actions,or for repentance but not obedience, or for another future dispensationwhen we will not be sinful but not the present time, or merely asillustrations of a general principle like love but not meant to be followed in-particular. It is revealing to observe what they do when they come to Jesus'teachings in the conclusion of the Sermon on the Mount that say as clearlyas possible that these teachings are meant to be done: "Every tree that doesnot bear good h it is cut down and thrown into the fire. Thus you willknow them by their hits. Not every one who says to me, 'Lord, Lord,'will enter the kingdom of heaven, but onIy the one who does the will of myFather who is in heaven .... Every one then who hears these words of mineand does them will be like a wise man who built his house on rock .... Andevery one who hears these words of mine and does not do them will be likea foolish man who built his house on sand ..." (Matt. 7:19-21 and 24-27).When they come upon these words, they usually simply skip over them, orinterpret them to mean something else. Or they do not come upon thewords, because they skip over the whole Sermon on the Mount in theirChristian ethics textbooks or their sermons. The result is what DietrichBonhoeffer calls "cheap grace": People congratulate themselves that theyare forgiven, without repenting; that God is on their side without theirfollowing the way of God as revealed in Jesus; that they are Christianswithout it making much difference in their way of life.' And the resultplays into the hands of secular interests that do not want the way of JesusI to interfere with their practices. Morality becomes secularized. Jesus gets, marginalized or compartmentalized. The church becomes vague and, abstract. It gets co-opted by a secular political party andlor economic, interest.Here I want to present what for me is an exciting gift or discovery thatrescues the Sermon from the antitheses interpretations as perfectionisticprohibitions. It is deceptively simple. But it makes a huge difference inhow the Sermon of the Mount is interpreted. It is the discovery that thepattern of the Sermon is not twofold antitheses, but threefold transforminginitiatives. The easiest way to see it is to begin with Jesus' first majorteaching of the way he calls us to follow, Matt 5:21-26. The tradition of; antitheses has seen the teaching as following a twofold, or dyadic, pattern:1'~onhoeffer, Dietrich, The Cost of Disciplehip, Mach4illan (1963) 40,45ff.

The Journal of the Em~pean Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XJUI, 2002Glen H. Stassen: Recovering the Way of Jesus in the Sermon on the MountTraditional RighteousnessJesus' TeachingMatt 5:21 You have heard that it 522-26 But I say to you thatwas said to those of ancient every one being angry with histimes, 'You shall not kill; and brother will . be liable towhoever kills shall be liable to judgment; whoever insults hisjudgment" (author's translations brother will be liable to thein this chapter to follow the council, and whoever says,Greek verb forms more closely). 'You fool!" will be liable tothe hell of fire." (Illustration:So if you are offering your giftat the altar. ...)Seeing it this way naturally places the emphasis on ''Jesus' teaching." And,since it is clear that Jesus does give commands in the Sermon on theMount, Jesus' teaching here is interpreted as a command not to be angryand not to call anyone a fool. But since we cannot avoid being angry, if weare truthful about ourselves, Jesus must not mean what he seems to havesaid. So it is a hard teaching, a high ideal, an impossible demand.This is a misinterpretation. Jesus in fact gives no command not to be angryor not to call anyone a fool. In the Greek of the New Testament, "Beingangry" in verse 22 is not a command, but a participle, an ongoing action. Itis a diagnosis of a vicious cycIe that we often get stuck in: being angry,insulting one another. It is simply realistic. We do get angry, we do insultone another, and it does lead to trouble. As New Testament scholar DaleAllison points out, early Christian tradition did not clearly know aninjunction against all anger: Eph. 4:26 says "Be angry, but domot sin, donot let the sun go down on your anger!' In Mark 1 :41 the original text mayhave had Jesus "moved with anger," and Mark 35 explicitly says Jesuswas angry. Man 21:12-17 and Man 23 show Jesus angry, and in 23:17Jesus calls his opponents fools, against the reading of 522 as a command."For the most part later Christian tradition followed Eph. 426 and did notdemand the elimination of all anger-only anger misdirected".'But Jesus does give commands here. There are five of them, allimperatives in the Greek. They all come in what the above diagram tackson as an "illustration." Yet verses 23-26 are not mere illustrations. Theyare not "illustrations" of killing or being angry. Nor are they merelyillustrations of a negative avoidance-not being angry. They are'~llison, Dale, The Sermon on the Mount: Inspiring Moral Imagination, Herder &Herder (1989) 64-7 1.transforming initiatives that are the way of deliverance fiom anger andkilling. They are not mere illustrations, they are the climax of the teaching.Therefore, I propose that the teaching should be diagramed in a way that,instead of overlooking the climax of the teaching, highlights it as the thirdand climactic part.TraditionalRighteousnessMatt 5:21 You haveheard that it was saidto those of ancienttimes, 'You shall notkill; and whoever killsshall be liable tojudgment."(In the Greek, "shallnot" and "shall be"are futures, notimperatives; astranslations of theHebrew in the TenCommandments, theydo of course imply acommand.)Vicious Cycle5:22 But I say to youthat every one beingangry with hisbrother will be liableto judgment;whoever insults hisbrother will be liableto the council, andwhoever says, 'Youfool!" will be liableto the hell of fire."(No imperatives inthe Greek.)TransformingInitiative5:23-26 So if you areoffering your gift atthe altar, and youremember that yourbrother or sister hassomething againstyou, leave your giftthere ... and go; firstbe reconciled to yourbrother, and thencoming, ofir yourgift. Make friendsquickly with youraccuser....Explanation: lestyour accuser handyou over to thejudge ... you won'tget out till you'vepaid the last penny.(Italics mark theGreek imperatives.)We can see that the third member is the climax in three ways: it is wherethe commands, the imperatives, come. It is longer than the other parts ofthe teaching. And in biblical teaching, the third member of a teaching isregularly where the climax comes. In fact, the Gospel of Matthew hasabout seventy-five teachings with a threefold or triadic pattern, and almostno teachings with a twofold or dyadic pattern. It would be odd ifMatthew's pattern in the Sermon on the Mount were only dyads, wheneverywhere else he presents triads.So I want to propose the simple shift in perspective of putting the emphasison the climactic part, where the imperatives are. I propose to label it the

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XXII, 2002Glen EL Stassen: Recovering the Way of Jesus in the Sermon on the Mounttransforming initiative-in three senses: it transforms the person who wasangry into .an active peacemaker who comes to be present to the enemyand to make peace. It transforms the relationship as merely being angryinto a peacemaking process. And it hopes to transform the enemy into afiiend. It participates in and is empowered by the way of grace that Godtakes in Jesus when there is enmity between God and humans: God comesin Jesus to be present to us and to make peace. He sends His Holy Spirit tobe with us until the end of the age. This is the breakthrough of the kingdomthat we see happening in Jesus and in Pentecost. Disciples who desertedJesus, and people of all tongues, experience God's presence, makingcommunity with us rather than shame and alienation. It is the way of gracethat Jesus is calling us to participate in. It is an invitation of grace anddeliverance from the vicious cycle of anger and insult.This pattem of transforming initiatives is followed consistently through thewhole central section of the Sermon on the Mount, from 5:21 through 7:12.And this transforms our understanding of the whole Sermon. It means theemphasis is not on some negative commands that are hard teachings. Theemphasis is on the way of deliverance based in the grace of God'sinbreaking kingdom. These transforming initiatives are regular practicesthat are commanded by Jesus for Christians to take. Here, for example, inthe first teaching (5:21-26), whenever we find ourselves in a relationshipof anger or insult, we are to engage in the regular practice of talking itover and seeking to make peace, doing conflict resolution. And sothroughout the Sermon: Jesus is giving us regular practices that participatein God's way of grace, God's way of deliverance fiom the vicious cyclesthat we get stuck in. These are practice norm. They are not mere innerattitudes, or vague intentions, but regular practices to be engaged in. As weengage in them, we learn better ways to practice resolving conflict: it isbetter first to listen carefully rather than to begin by accusing or by statingour position. It is better to point to my own problem, saying "I feel hurt bysomething you said" rather than to speak judgmentally, as in "You ofteninsult me" (This is called "making an I statement rather than a youstatement"). Conflict resolution is a shared community practice amongfollowers of Jesus. We learn fhm each other in the community how to goto our brother or sister and seek to make peace. As a Christian community,we can do role-playing, teaching each other how to do this practice moresensitively. (Each transforming initiative throughout the Sermon ends witha brief explanation, just as here I have given an explanation of conflictresolution. In this teaching, the explanation is "lest your accuser hand youover to the judge").It is not a. "high ideal," to be admired from a distance, but an actualpractice. It is not an impossible teaching, but is in fact practiced regularlyby many of us. It solves problems. It is the way of deliverance fromvicious cycles of anger and insult. Nor is it legalisrn..It is the way of grace--the way God takes toward us in Christ and in the Spirit, and the way wecan participate in God's grace mediated through the community. It is partof what we celebrate in the Lord's Supper: Jesus' death for making peacebetween us and God, and between us and one another. And it is part ofwhat the Christian community practices: making peace among us. Paul'sletters are full of the practice of making peace among us in the Christiancommunity.The Pattern of Transforming Initiatives in Matt 5:38-42Let us look at another teaching in the Sermon on the Mount, Matthew5:38-42. Again we see the threefold pattern:Traditional Vicious Cycle TransformingRighteousnessInitiative5:38 You have heard 5:39 But I say to you,that it was said, 'An do not retaliate by evileye for an eye and a means.tooth for a tooth." (Not an ,imperative inthe Greek, but aninfinitive-- probablywith impliedimperatival meaning.)5:40-42 But ifanyone strikes youon the right cheek,turn the other also;and if any one wantsto sue you and takeyour coat, give yourcloak as well; and ifany one forces youto go one mile, goalso the second mile.Give to one whobegs from you, anddo not refuse onewho would borrowfiom you.Clearly the first column is a traditional teaching, as expected. And clearlythe second column is a vicious cycle-the cycle of retaliation. And againthe transforming initiative has. the imperatives (marked with italics). Ishould explain our translation of the second column, verse 39, as "do notretaliate by evil means." Usually it is translated, "do not resist evil!' Butthis seems wrong to anyone who thinks about it, because Jesus oftenresisted evil, confronting Pharisees who exclude the outcasts, Peter whotold him not to suffer, the devil who tempted him not to follow God's will,

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XXII, 2002the wealthy who hoarded their possessions, and the disciples who lackedfaith.In a seldom noticed insight, Clarence Jordan has pointed out that the Greekfor evil can mean either "by evil means," or "the evil person." Eithertranslation is equally good according to Greek grammar; the decision mustcome fiom the context. The context is that Jesus repeatedly confronts evil,but never by evil means, and never by means of revengeful violence.Therefore the context favors the instrumental "do not resist by evilmeans".' Furthermore, the Greek word for "resist'' or "retaliate" usuallymeans military or violent or revengeful resistance in the Greek translationof the Hebrew Scriptures (the Septuagint) and in the Greek sources of thetime. Therefore the verse should be translated "do not retaliate or resistviolently or revengefully, by evil mean^".^This is nicely confirmed by how the Apostle Paul reports the teaching inRomans 12:17ff.: "Do not repay anyone evil for evil .... Beloved, neveravenge yourselves, but leave room for the wrath of God .... If your enemiesare hungry, feed them; if they are thirsty, give them something to drink ....Do not overcome evil by evil [means], but overcome evil with good." Paulalso commands transforming initiatives of peacemaking: feed a hungryenemy and water a thirsty one. The teaching is also echoed in Luke 6:27-36; I pessalonians 5:15, and Didache 1:4-5; and a somewhat similarteaching in I Peter 2:21-23. Not one of them refers to an evil person; notone of them speaks of not resisting evil; not one of them speaks ofrenouncing rights in a law court. All emphasize the transforming initiativesof returning good and not evil, using good means and not evil means; andLuke and the Didache give almost the same four transforming initiatives(cheek, coat, mile, alms). I Thessalonians 5:15 says "See that none of yourepays evil for evil, but always seek to do good to one another and to al!'The evidence is overwhelming: this is not an impossible ideal of notresisting evil, but a naming of the vicious cycle of retaliation by violent,revengefil, or evil means. And a transforming initiative of peacemaking.Furthermore, the emphasis' should be placed on the four transforminginitiatives in the third column, with their four imperatives, and their greater'~ordan, C., The Substance of Faith and Other Cotton Patch Sermom, (ed.) Dallas Lee.$Association Press 1972) 69.Ferguson, J., The Politics oflove: The NT on Nonviolent Revolution, (Fellowship ofReconciliation, 1979) 4f; Hagner, D., Matthew 1-13, (Waw: Word, 1993) 103f;Lapide, P., The Sermon on the Mount, (Orbis, 1986) 134; Swartley, Willard, "War andPeace in the NT," Aufsrieg und Niedergang der romischen Welt IL26.3, (2298-2408)2338; Wink, W., "Beyond Just War and Pacifism: Jesus' Nonviolent Way," Review andExpositor, 8912 (Spring, 1992) 199.Glen H. Stassen: Recovering the Way of Jesus in the Sermon on the Mountlength-surely the climax of the teaching. Each of these initiatives is likeMartin Luther King's nonviolent direct action: it is nonviolent, and it isactivist. Each takes an action to oppose injustice, to stand up for humandignity, and to invite to reconciliation. Turning the other cheek has beenmisunderstood in Western culture that thought there were only twoalternatives-violence or passivity. But since Gandhi and King, we canappreciate Jesus' teaching better. In Jesus' culture, "to be struck on theright cheek was to be given a hostile, backhanded insult" with the back ofthe right hand. In that culture, it was forbidden to touch or strike anyonewith the left hand; the left hand was for dirty things.' To turn the othercheek was to surprise the insulter, saying, nonviolently, 'you are treatingme as an unequal, but I need to be treated as an equal." Jesus is saying: ifyou are slapped on the cheek of inferiority, turn the cheek of equal dignity.As we will explain the other three transforming initiatives--the cloak, thesecond mile, and giving to the beggar, similarly are not merely giving in;they each go beyond what is demanded to take a nonviolent initiative thatconfronts injustice and initiates the possibility of reconciliation. The pointI want to make for now is that these are not impossible demands any morethan nonviolent direct action was an impossibility in the civil rightsmovement and its continuing echoes in the overthrow of injustice bynonviolent direct action in the Philippines, Eastern Europe, South Afkica,and Latin America.' John Howard Yoder demonstrates that nonviolentdirect action was practised successfully by Jews resisting Romanoppression in Jesus' time.'Beyond this, notice that the four initiatives that Jesus teaches here useseven of the same Greek words in the Septuagint version of the SufferingServant passage, Isaiah 50:4-9: resist, slap, cheek, sue, coat, give, and turnaway. Isaiah 50:4-9 is a passage of participative grace in God's dynamic,living, empowering presence. God, the living Lord, gives deliverance, andthe servant's actions participate in God's deliverance. Here I quote onlypart of it, showing how it is based in the Lord who, in grace, givesdeliverance: "The Lord God has given me the tongue of one who is taught,that I should know how to speak a word in season to him who is weary.God wakens me morning by morning, God wakens my ear to hear as onewho is taught .... I gave my back to those who beat me, my cheeks to thosewho pulled out my beard; I did not turn away my face fiom mocking and~p'stassen, G.H., Just Peacemaking: Transforming Initiatives for Justice and Peace,$John Knox, 1992) 64f, 68f.Buttry, Daniel L., Christian Peacemaking: From Heritage to Hope, (Judson Press,1994) 63ff.'~oder, John Howard, The Politics ofJew, ((Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1972,1994) ch.5.

-_ -The Joud of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XXII, 2002Glen H. Stassen: Recovering the Way of Jesus in the Sermon on the Mountspitting. Because the Lord helps me, I will not be disgraced. Thereforehave I set my face like flint, and I know 1 will not be put to shame. He whovindicates me is near.... It is the Lord who helps me. Who is it that willcondemn me?".Furthermore, each of the four initiatives seems to look forward to Jesus'crucifixion, and suggests our participation in Jesus' way of the cross.Davies and Allison (546) write: "Jesus himself was struck and slapped(26:67: rapiho) and his garments (27:35: harmartia) were taken fromhim. If his followers then turn the other cheek and let the enemy have theirclothes, will they not be remembering their Lord, especially in hispassion?" And the word, "compels," as in "if someone compels you to goone mile," is the Greek word used when Simon of Cyrene is compelled tocarry Jesus' cross, thus participating in Jesus' crucifixion with him (Matt.27:32). Jesus gives his life for us. When we go the second mile as aninitiative of peacemaking, when we give to the poor, we are participatingin the way of Jesus who was crucified for us. We are participating in thegrace of the cross. The Christian virtues, as taught by Jesus in theBeatitudes, include being surrendered or yielded to God, and in the wordwe (mis)translate as "meek," yieldedness is closely connected with beingpeacemakers. Jesus is explicating here what that means.The Pattern of Transforming Initiatives in Matt 5:43-48Now let us turn to the next teaching in the Sermon on the Mount, theclimax of the six teachings in chapter 5, Matthew 5:43-48:Traditional Vicious Qcle TransformingRighteousnessInitiative5:43 You have heard 5:46-47 For if youthat it was said: "You love those who loveshall love your you, what rewardneighbor and hate have you? Do notyour enemy? even thecollectors dotaxthesame? And if yousalute only yourbrethren, what moreare you doing thanothers? Do not eventhe Gentiles do thesame?5:44-45 But I say toyou, ' Love yourenemies and pray forthose who persecuteyou, so that you may besons of your Fatherwho is in heaven; forhe makes his sun riseon the evil and on thegood, and sends rain onthe just and on theunjust.The traditional teaching comes not fiom the Old Testament, but from theDead Sea scrolls.' The transforming initiative ("love your enemies")comes before the vicious cycle. Probably this shift in order signals that thistriad is the climactic conclusion of the first six triads in Matt 6. So also asummary verse, 5:48, is added, lie the summary verse at the climax in7:12. The transforming initiative is to participate in the kind of love thatGod gives regularly: as God gives sunshine and rain to God's enemies aswell as fiends, so are we to give love and prayers to our enemies as wellas friends. It could hardly be clearer that the transforming initiative isparticipation in God's active presence and God's grace. God's giving rainand sunshine to God's enemies is no abstract doctrine or high ideal; weexperience that the living God does this every day. So is it for us: inpracticing this kind of love, we are "children of our Father in heaven." Theteaching clearly points to our experience of God's present reign-God'spresent kingdom--and our participation in it.Those who want to make the Sermon on the Mount into impossibly highideals interpret the summary verse, 5:48, as demanding moral perfection,as a Greek idealist ethics might. They assume that "Be perfect, therefore,as your heavenly Father is perfect" means moral perfection. But it wouldbe odd in Hebrew and Aramaic to presume to speak of God as morallyperfect in that Greek sense. Rather, the word here means complete or allinclusive,in the sense of love that includes everyone, even enemies. This isthe point that Jesus has been emphasizing in this teaching: the love ofGod's grace that includes the complete circle of humankind, with enemiesin it as well, by contrast with tax collectors and Gentiles, who love onlytheir friends. Its meaning is very much like Luke 6:3GLLBe merciful, justas your Father is merciful." There Luke also has been emphasizing lovethat includes enemies. So we are not to think of impossible moral ideals, oridealistic moral perfection, but of practical deeds of love toward enemies,including prayer for them. And again, it is participation in God's dynamicpresent action, giving love to all.The Pattern Continues Throughout the SermonWe have examined three of the teachings in the Sermon on the Mount, andhave seen that their basic pattern is threefold. They are not impossibleideals, but transforming initiatives, based on God's grace, the inbreakingof God's reign, and our participation in it. They are the way of deliverancefiom the vicious cycles that we get stuck in. Thus we have taken a majorstep in overcoming the "hard teachings and high ideals" interpretation that'~avies, W.D., The Setting ofthe Sermon on the Mount, (Cambridge University Press,1964) 252.

_l_______:-__ _ --- -vrvPlYuThe Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XXU, 2002Glen R Stassen: Recovering the Way of Jesus in the Sermon on the Mounthas caused evasion of the Sermon. We have begun to see how the Sermonon the Mount is transforming initiatives that give real, practical, gracebasedguidance for Christian ethics. This is a major step in the recovery ofthe way of Jesus for Christian ethics. And it leads to specific guidance forpeacemaking initiatives well beyond the debate between nonviolence, justwar theory, and nationalism over the rightness or wrongness of makingwar.The Triadic Pattern Continues Throughout the 14 Teachings of 5:21-7:12The pattern of threefold teachings, climaxing in grace-based transforminginitiatives, continues throughout the central teachings of the Sermon on theMount. My time and space are running out. What I can do is to give a roadmap, diagramming the Sermon on the Mount as follows. Then I can offer abrief comment on the other teachings.5. Eye for eye,tooth for tooth6. Love neighbor &hate enemyRetaliating violentlyor revengefhlly, byevil meansHating enemies is thesame vicious cyclethat you see in theGentiles & taxcollectorsTurn the othercheekGive your tunicand cloakGo the SecondmileGive to beggar &borrowerLove enemies,pray for yourpersecutors; beall-inclusive asyour Father inheaven isTHE FOURTEEN TRIADS OF THE SERMON ON THE MOUNT 7. When you give Practicingalms,TraditionalVicious CycleTransformingRighteousnessInitiative2. You shall notcommit adultery3. Whoever divorces,give a certificate4. You shall notswear falselyBeing angry, orsaying, You fool!Looking with lust isadultery in the heart.Divorcing involvesyou in adulterySwearing by anythinginvolves you in afalse claimGo, be reconciledRemove the causeof temptation (cf.Mk 9:43&)(Be reconciled: ICor 7:ll)Let your yes beyes, andyour no be norighteousness forshow8. When you pray, Practicingrighteousness forshow9. When you pray, Practicingrighteousness forshow10. When you fast, Practicingrighteousness forshow11. Do not pile uptreasures on earth(cf. Luke 12:16-31)Moth & rustdestroy, and thievesenter & stealbut give in secret,and your Fatherwill reward youbut pray in secret,and your Fatherwill reward youTherefore praylike this:Our Father....but dress with joy,and your Fatherwill reward youBut pile uptreasuresin heaven12. No one canserve two mastersServing God &wealth, worryingabout food &clothesBut seek firstGod'sreign and God'sj usticelrighteousness

--The Journal of the European Pentecostal Thblogical Association, Vol. XXII, 200213. Do not judge, Judging others First take the loglest you be judged means you'll be out of your ownjudged by same eyemeasure14. Do not give holy They will trample Give your trust inthings to dogs, nor them and tear you to prayer to yourpearls to pigs pieces Father in heavenThe bold type indicates the teachings that are also presented in Luke (andin one case, Mark).5:27ff: on removing the ,eye or hand that causes the practice of looking at awoman lustfully or covetously clearly has the threefold pattern that weexpect. The initiative of removing the eye or hand is one of Jesus' dramaticexaggerations for impact; I think it means to cut out the practice that Iengage in which leads me to lust.5:31ff: on divorce is the one exception to the pattern. The transforminginitiative is omitted. It appears instead in I Corinthians 7:ll-"bereconciled to one's spouse." This, too, is a peacemaking initiative, and itsvariation from the pattern would be interesting to discuss, if there weretime and space. The next teaching on not swearing falsely, which involvesone in the vicious cycle of defending a lie by claiming God as witness, andthe initiative of letting your yes and no be truthful, clearly follows thepattern.6:l-18: on almsgiving, prayer, and fasting continue the transforminginitiativepattern. In 6:7-15, nobody misses the point that the climax is not"do not heap up empty phrases," but rather the transforming initiative,"Pray like this: Our Father who art in heaven...!' Nobody suggests prayingthe Lord's Prayer is an impossibly high ideal; it is regular practice ofChristian groups and churches.Each of the four teachings (6:2a, 5% 7% 16a) begins with a traditionalpractice of righteousness:Thus, when you give alms ....And when you pray ....And praying ....And when you fast ....Each then has a warning against a vicious cycle of practicing righteousnessfor show. Each climaxes with a transforming initiative to practice it inGod's knowing, mercill, and secret presence; and an explanation thatyour Father sees in secret what you need and will reward you (6:3-4,6, 9-Glen H. Stassen: Recovering the Way of Jesus in the Sermon on the Mount15, 17-18.). Thus again, the transforming initiative at the climax points toGod's dynamic, living presence and our participation in God's presence.6:19-6:23: begins with a proverbial and traditional teaching, a negativeimperative resembling the traditional negative teachings in 5:21-6: "Do nottreasure up for yourselves treasures on earth."The vicious cycle is clear: "where moth and rust consume and thievesbreak in and steal!' The transforming initiative is the imperative, "Butstore up for yourselves treasures in heaven". The expected explanation is6:21-23, with the focus on the eye and the heart. A brief suggestion toshow that the transforming initiatives are not "impossible ideals": Heavenis "the sphere of God's rule where his will is done .... To have one's treasurein heaven means to submit oneself totally to that which is in heaven--God'ssovereign rule. It is this motif that follows in 6:22-23, 24, 33, not tomention the parallels in 5:8, 7:21, and 12:34". The contrast is not this lifeand the life after, but this life where there is injustice and God's reigncharacterized by peace, justice, and joy in the Spirit. The transforminginitiative is to invest one's treasures in God's reign of justice and love. Theteaching does not reject all possessions, but L'treasuring up treasures," i. e.,stinginess or greed. The evil eye in the OT and Judaism connotesstinginess, jealousy, or greed, and the healthy eye connotes generosity. Animpossible ideal would be to practice piling up wealth for oneself but notletting it be consumed and not letting it affect where one's heart is. Jesus'initiative is more realistic: invest it in God's reign, in God's justice andcharity, and yow heart will be invested there as well.6:24ab is the traditional teaching that begins the next triad: "No one is ableto serve two masters. For either one will hate the one....". %s is in theform of a traditional Jewish wisdom proverb.' Then the vicious cycle isnamed in 24c, "You are not able to serve God and mammon." "Do not beanxious" in verse 25 continues naming the vicious cycle. It is a negativeverb, and so we expect it to belong with the vicious cycle, and its meaningalso fits: it names the vicious cycle of trying to serve mammon and thusbeing anxious about possessions. As in the other vicious cycles, it ischaracterized by not trusting or obeying God-not participating in thedynamic, gracious, delivering presence of God. But it is an imperative, andso is the one exception to the pattern that the imperatives come only in thetransforming initiative member of the triads.'~avies, W. D., and Allison, D., A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the GospelAccording to Saint Matthew, (Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 1988) 642.

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Associatioq Vol. XXII, 2002Glen H. Stassen: Recovering the Way of Jesus in the Sennon on the MountThe positive transforming initiatives are three imperatives, look to thebirds, observe the lilies, and seek first God's reign and God's justice(verses 26,28,33). They put us in the midst of the grace of the reign andrighteousness of God, as we have seen in all transforming initiatives. It isthe way of deliverance fiom seeking to serve both God and Mammon. Andit makes this triad parallel in meaning and form with the previous triadabout investing treasures in ~od's reign rather than in treasures that moth,rust, and thieves consume. The expected explanation follows thetransforming initiative: today's trouble is enough for today.The transforming initiative in 6:33 points explicitly to the inbreaking reignof God and God's delivering justice. Since God's sovereign rule and all thebenefits for our material needs come fiom God to us, this passage suggestsby implication that we can become a part of God's redemptive force inhistory by sharing these benefits with those who are in need. Part of thepresence of the Kingdom is indeed material blessings. Therefore, we canhardly live under God's reign, receive his blessings, and not use them tohelp alleviate the evil of hunger and need elsewhere. Not only do werecognize that all we have comes fiom God, but we also recognize thatsharing that with others to remove their suffering is to defeat the enemyand to "seek the Kingdom ... on earth as in heaven".The structure of the next triad (7:l-5) is straightforward. The traditionalteaching is in proverbial form: Do not judge, for you will be judged withthe judgment with which you judge. The vicious cycle is criticizing ortrying to correct the fault in the brother's eye while having a log in my eye.The transforming initiative is repentance, "First remove the log fiom yourown eye." The explanation comes next, as expected: 'Then you will seeclearly to remove the speck from your brother's eye." "Fit," proton, hasalso occurred in 5:24,first be reconciled, and in 6:33, seekfirst the reign ofGod. In its echo of the transforming initiative immediately preceding,"seek first the reign of God," it suggests that the initiative of repenting forthe log in my eye is a practice that participates in the coming of the reignof God.We have now arrived at the verse that is the most puzzling, mysterious,and indeed baffling of all in the Sermon: 7:6. Scholars cannot find acontext in which this verse has a clear meaning. I propose that 7:6 looksexactly like a traditional teaching that begins a new triad. Many traditionalJewish teachings call Gentiles dogs or pigs. The vicious cycle follows: theywill trample them under foot and turn and tear you into pieces. Thetransforming initiative has the imperatives, as expected: ask, seek, andknock. They are all positive initiatives, not negative commands, just as weexpect. The expected explanation follows in 7:9-11. And as in the previousteachings, the transforming initiative brings us into the presence of thedynamically present Father who graciously gives us good things. He isworthy of our trust-far more worthy of our trust than the dogs and pigsare. Now we have a very strong clue. The meaning of the transforminginitiative is very clear: give your trust, your loyaIty, and your prayers, toyour Father in Heaven. It is not only about prayer; it is about howtrustworthy, how mercihl, how caring your Father in Heaven is; He knowshow to give good gifts. He deserves your trust and loyalty much more thanthe dogs and pigs do.What then, logically, can the traditional teaching in 7:6 mean? Do not giveyour trust and loyalty to the dogs and pigs instead of to God, as 6:19ff.taught us to give our trust and loyalty to God rather than to treasures andmammon, and as 6:lff. taught us to give our trust and loyalty to God ratherthan to prestige. Whom do the dogs and pigs stand for? Usually scholarssay they stand for gentiles, which is not wrong, but I want to be a bit moreprecise. The many references in the Talmud and Midrash to swine as Romefill twice as many lines as do references to swine as the heathen world ingeneral. Dogs stand for non-Israelite nations in a more collective sense,not individuals. Not one saying applies either dog or swine to an individualGentile or to a specific group of Gentiles smaller than a nation. Thissuggests "dogs and pigs" more likely refers to Rome than to particularkinds of Gentiles-for example those who do not receive the Gospelwillingly.In Mark's story of the healing of the demon-possessed man in theGerasene region, i.e., a Gentile region (Mark 5:lff.), the man says: "Myname is Legion," as in Roman Legion. The unclean spirits are sent into aherd of pigs, which rushed into the sea, as many Jews wished the RomanLegion would do. The association between pigs and the Roman Empireanddemon possession--is transparent. In another passage about whether togive loyalty to the Roman Empire in the form of giving the poll tax toCaesar, Matthew 22: 21 uses the same key word in Matthew 7:6-12,didomai (give), with the prepositional prefix, apo. So also do Mark 12: 21,and Luke 20: 25. The temptation to give loyalty and trust to the RomanEmpire, and thereby seek prestige, power, and wealth, was a very presenttemptation in Jesus' time. Its outcome in being trampled under foot andtom in pieces by the Roman troops (Matt 7:6) took place in A.D. 70.Furthermore, being "trampled under foot" is precisely the fate that saltdeserves when it has lost its distinctiveness by compromising with theworld (Matthew 5:13). In the Gospels, Jesus often warns against thetemptation of seeking prestige, places of honor, and wealth within the

The Journal of the Bmpa11 Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XXII, 2002system of the powers and authorities while neglecting the weightiermatters of the Law--justice, faithfulness, and mercy-and neglecting to lifta finger to lift the burdens from the needy. His own temptation was to seekrule over the world by the means of Satan, and he opposed it by teachingDeuteronomic loyalty to God alone: "Worship the Lord your God, andserve only him" (Matt 4:8-10). Is this not what the concluding triadteaches-worship the Lord your God, and serve only him, not the powers ofthe Roman Empire? It is the temptation against which the Book ofRevelation warns us.ConclusionThe threefold, transforming-initiatives structure can be verified in sevenways:1. It is remarkably consistent throughout the fourteen triads, with only oneexception.2. Once we see the threefold structure, the Greek verbs line up withremarkable consistency. The main verbs in the teachings of traditionalrighteousness are all futures or subjunctives. The main verbs in the viciouscycles are all continuous process verbs-indicatives, participles, infinitives.The main verbs in the transforming initiative members are consistentlyimperatives, and this is the only place where imperatives occur, with oneexception (6:25).3. It fits Phe consistent tendency throughout Matthew's Gospel to prefertriads over dyads--with about seventy-five triads and almost no dyads.4. The number, three times fourteen, was important to Matthew. TheSadducees and Pharisees saw a mystical significance in this number, andMatthew's rival group claimed their teachers were descended fiom a triadof fourteen generations. So Matthew began his Gospel by pointing out thatthere were three times fourteen generations from Abraham to Jesus. It fitsneatly that here he gives us fourteen threefold teachings.5. It gives a fruiffil clue for the likely meaning of the hitherto bafflingMatt 7:6, on not giving our holy things to dogs and pigs.6. Its emphasis on the third member of each triad is confirmed by theGospel of Luke. Luke sometimes omits the first or second part of ateaching, but always includes the third part. (Where Luke parallels theSermon on the Mount is indicated by the bold print in the diagram).7. It shows that Jesus' teachings engage us in transforming initiatives thatparticipate in the reign of God, or the presence of the gracious God whoacts in Jesus and in the Holy Spirit within our present experience, whoreconciles us with enemies, who is present to us in secret, who is faithfuland trustworthy, and who brings deliverance fiom the vicious cycles thatcause the violations of the traditional righteousness. The second memberconsistently names vicious cycles; the Sermon is by no means based on anGlen H. Stwen: Recovering the Way of Jesus in the Sermon on the Mountidealistic assumption that we do not get stuck in vicious cycles of sin. Andthe third member points the way of deliverance in the midst of this realworld of sin. This refUtes the kind of idealism that seeks to hallow Jesus'teachings by making them impossible or making them call for hard,strenuous human effort. Instead it suggests a hermeneutic of grace-based,active participation in eschatological deliverance that begins now. The splitbetween attitudes and actions, in which Jesus allegedly emphasizedintentions and not actual practices, falls away. Legalism falls away too;Jesus is pointing to participation in the grace of the deliverance thatcharacterizes the inbreaking of the reign of God. Jesus is indeed theprophetic Messiah who proclaims the inbreaking reign of God and pointsto specific ways of participation in the kingdom.Causes of EvasionFour causes of evasion of the Sermon on the Mount deserve mentioning:When, in the early centuries, some Christian theologians began seeking toappeal to Greek culture and philosophy by adopting Greek metaphysics,they lost a sense of God's dynamic action in history. Greek metaphysicssees God as beyond history, in an eternal realm that does not change ormove. So they lost God's grace breaking through the sinful course of life.In other words, they lacked a dynamic eschatology. Lacking a dynamiceschatology of God's dynamic rule, God's lordship, this Greekmetaphysics misunderstood what Jesus pointed to as the breakthrough ofthe kingdom merely as ideals for human effort.Some have interpreted the Sermon legalistically. They have seen it as hardteachings, prohibitions of anger, lust, divorce, oaths, resistance, andconcern about what we shall eat or wear. So it became, for them, a guilttrip. Seeing the Sermon as transforming initiatives makes clear that Jesus isno legalist; Jesus is pointing to the breakthrough of the kingdom. Jesusoffers a way of life that participates in deliverance kom vicious cycles thattrap us.Many miss the meaning of justice for the poor and powerless in our use ofmoney that we saw above in discussing righteousness. Their loyalty tomammon or wealth causes them to evade God's will and so to miss the trueexperience of God's presence. Many evade the Sermon because they areliving in disobedience to the way of Jesus. Our responsibility and ourfervent commitment is to try to remove obstacles to Jesus' way of life thatcome fiom misinterpretation of Jesus' teaching. The rest is up to the HolySpirit and you, with the support of your community of faith.

- -- I--The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XXII, 2002BOOK REVIEWSRobert Beckford, Jesus is Dread: Black Theology and BlackCulture in Britain (London: Darton, Longman & Todd, 1998), xii + 194pp., £12.95, ISBN 0-232-52241-3. [JD]Robert Beckford, Dread and Pentecostal: A Political Theologyfor the Black Church in Britain (London: SPCK, 2000), 244 pp.,f 15.99, ISBN 0-281-05136-4. p]Robert Beckford, God ofthe Rahtid: Redeeming Rage (London:Darton, Longrnan & Todd, 2001), xii + 163 pp., £9.95, ISBN 0232-52331-2. [GR]What would an Asian-American who has spent all of only one week of hislife in England say about three books that are written to and for the BlackChurch in Britain? While other reviewers will have to comment morespecifically about whether or not Beckford's political theologysuccessfblly engages the British Black experience and situation, let meaddress my fellow Pentecostals and provide three sets of reasons why weneed to take Beckford's work seriously as being at the forefkont ofcontempoy Pentecostal theology.First, Beckford's work is a fully conscious attempt to develop a lllycontextualized and relevant theology. Here is a contextual theology that isnot only tradition (Pentecostalism) and raceiethnicity (Black) specific, butalso culturally (British, African and African-American, with applicationsfor Black Asians or Asian Indians in the UK as well), geopolitically(England and the Caribbean), and historically (the roots and routes of theslave trade) situated. To be more specific, ~eckford's goal is theempowerment of the Black Church in Britain in the face of socialized andinstitutional oppression. Toward that end, the retrieval and reappropriationof Black cultural, historical, and even religious symbols are at the heart ofthis project. Thus, Black culture is brought into dialogical relationship withthe gospel in a filly self-critical manner. Black music (GR, chs. 2 and 4;JD, chs. 1 and 6), film (GR, ch. 5), and art (JD, Part 11) is engagedtheologically to remember the history of Black resistance to oppressionand reclaim the aesthetic creativity of Black culture, and is analyzed withregard to some of the ways in which they have been are either ineffectiveor even counter productive to Black liberation. Black religion, specificallythe Rastafari concept of "dread"-a multivalent notion derived from theAfro-Caribbean experienceis pressed into service to call attention to thedivine wrath that is set against social injustice, and to mobilize and channelBook ReviewsBlack ragti toward what Beckford calls "redemptive vengeance": thesalvific process of transformation that includes cultivating forgiveness,creating new space for new relationships, and forging reconciliationbetween oppressors and the oppressed so as to break the cycle of violence.As Lecturer in Religion and Popular Culture at the University ofBirmingham, Beckford is ideally situated to research and reflecttheologically on these matters.While Beckford is not oblivious to methodological issues in theologydiscussionsof epistemology, hermeneutics and method are interspersedthroughout (e.g., JD 147-50; DP, ch. 4, 192-97; GR 105-07phe rehses toallow questions of method to bog down the theological task of engagingpressing issues in particular social contexts. Given .Pentecostalism as aglobal phenomenon, .the tension between any global Pentecostal theologyand the variety of contextual Pentecostal theologies needs to be skilfullynegotiated. Beckford's project models how the former needs to begrounded in the latter. Clearly, he is filly alert to the situatedness,perspectival character, and political investedness of all theologizing. YetBeckford avoids the relativism of postmodern criticism in two ways: byapplying the hermeneutics of suspicion to the postmodern rejection ofmetanarratives (DP 217-19), and by intrinsically connecting theology andliberative social praxis.This latter move, central to all three volumes, leads to the second set ofreasons that I see Beckford as being at the vanguard of contemporaryPentecostal theology: his political and liberative theology also deeplyprophetic. Prophetic, of course, in the tradition of the Hebrew prophetswho railed against the social injustices sanctioned by those in power inancient Israel. Further, prophetic also in finding space for a theology ofrighteous anger that pervades the biblical revelation, but that is so oftenminimized in today's politically correct environment. And, indeed, theprophetic edge of Beckford's vision extends beyond issues of racism toinclude sexism (see, e.g., Beckford's appropriation of the womanistcritique in JD, ch. 8), classism, and even the oppression of both thedisabled and children. His goal is both what he calls the internalpsychological liberation of Black people and external social justice.Toward these ends, Beckford engages with a variety of liberationistprojects "on the ground," including Ruach Ministries and other socialprojects organized by ecclesial groups (e.g., DP, ch. 1); the BlackTheology Support Group, an ecumenical group of Black intellectuals,theologians, and Church leaders focused on developing cognitive tools forBlack liberation (DP 152-55); and the "Prison Link" ministry of theAfiican Caribbean Evangelical Alliance in Birmingham, UK, which

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XXII, 2002Book Reviewsfocuses on the welfare of Black prisoners (see GR, ch. 5). The kind ofdepth with which genealogical and social analyses are provideddemonstrates what might be called the practice of "democraticdiscernmentn such that the- perspectives and experiences of oppressedBlacks are retrieved, exposed, and named. Throughout, Beckford leads hisreaders to be discerning about how the lyrics of Black worship songs, therhetoric of Black preaching, and the attitudes that are nurtured withinBlack ecclesial communities may serve either to support the status quo (forexample, in delaying the Black quest for justice by cultivating otherworldlyperspectives and focusing on eschatological redemption) or tomobilize liberative praxis (driven by a prophetic spirituality whichemphasizes instead the dawning of the Kingdom of God in the life andministry of Jesus). Is this not the kind of prophetic discernment that shouldcharacterize pentecostal life and theology?If not enough has been said so far to encourage Pentecostals to readBeckford, then let me (thirdly) say it plainly: Beckford is not only aliberation theologian, but a Pentecostal liberation theologian. He givesvoice-in dialogue with other Black Pentecostal thiiers such as RoswithGerloff, Iain MacRobert, Valentina Alexander and Nicole RodriguezToulis-to the Black Pentecostal experience as expressed in the Britishand Caribbean contexts. He raises afiesh the question of what it means tobe "Pent~costal" by taking seriously the possibility of Black cultural andliturgical expressions being sites of the Spirit's transformative presenceand activity; this is especially important since, "In Black Pentecostalism,everything signifies!" @P 213). He both retrieves and develops a dynamicpneumatology, a prophetic spirituality, and a charismatic theology ofpersonal and social discernment, all informed and sustained by Pentecostalintuitions, experiences, and practices. And, while being eminentlypneumatological in all of the ways already mentioned, he also paysattention to the fact that the charismatic gifts of the Spirit are focused noton "selfish faith" but on the 'kind of "selfless faithy' directed at theedification (liberation!) of the other (DR 25-56). At the same time,consistent with the strong Apostolic or Oneness presence in Black~entecostalism in Britain, Beckford does not neglect the development of adistinctively Black Pentecostal christology (e.g., JD, ch. 7; DP 198-204;GR, 40ff.). While more traditionally minded Pentecostals would questionwhether or not Beckford's "dread Christology" is not overly syncretistic,he would reply, echoing Hollenweger, that all theology is syncretistic andshould be responsibly so (JD 138-40).Clearly, I am enthused by Beckford's project. His rhetoric is fair, hisanalyses are nuanced, and his method is discerning and critical-of Blackexpressive cultures, of the Black Church, and yes, even of theRastafarianism that he appropriates. (He has to be, of course, since he doesnot, and indeed, cannot, idealize Blackness; but why does Beckford ignorerather than criticize, for example, the patriarchalism of Rastafari, whichgender subordinationism has been commented on by Diana Austin-Broos[Jamaica Genesis: Religion and the Politics of Moral Orders (Universityof Chicago, 1997)], among others?) He has also shown himself to beeminently teachable-having learned, I see, &om Roswith Gerloffsreminder at the beginning of his project not to neglect the biblical traditionat the heart of Black Christian and Pentecostal spirituality (see Gerloffs"Response" to Beckford at a 1996 conference, published in AllanAnderson and Walter J. Hollenweger, eds., Pentecostals after a Century:Global Perspectives on a Movement in Transition [Sheffield, 19991). Ihave learned a great deal fiom him, including why I and my Asian andWhite friends were so drawn during our college days to late Sunday nightcelebration services at the Faith Deliverance Center in the heart of theBlack community in Oakland, California; what it may mean for me totheologize as an Asian-American; and what it means to develop anauthentically contextual and relevant Pentecostal theology, among otherthings. My one, minor cautionlquibble would be to avoid reducing alltheology to political theology, as Beckford's rhetoric at times lends itselfto. I would rather say that all theology includes a political dimension; but Iknow Beckford is aware of this as well. I look forward to his future work,and hope to engage with him in the ongoing project of doing and living thekind of Pentecostal theology that is inspired by the Spirit.Amos YongMatthias Wenk, Community-Forming Power: the Socio-Ethical Role of the Spirit in Luke-Acts (Sheffield: SheffieldAcademic Press, 2001).This work was originally prepared as a PhD thesis under the supervision ofProfessor Max Turner. It retreads some of the ground covered in Turner'sPowerfiom on High (Sheffield: SAP, JPTS 9, 1996), and, like Turner's,seeks a mediating position between the understandings of, say, Dunn andMenzies. Wenk attempts, though, to go beyond Turner in delineating the'socio-ethical' role of the Holy Spirit in forming and guiding the Christiancommunity.Wenk first surveys Jewish literature (Part I, pp.53-118). Here he expandsupon Turner's criticism of Menzies' reading of it. In particular, he findsmuch more evidence of the ethical influences of the Spirit than Menzies

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XW, 2002Book Reviewswas prepared to admit, though sometimes he does this with resort to somerather strained exegesis (e.g. of Pseudo-Philo b.733 and of Jubileesb.791).Part 11 commences with a fascinating chapter on The Transformational andCreative Force of Prophetic Speech'. This introduces one of the thesis'greatest strengths, which is to use speech-act theory to destroy an artificialdivide between the words of a prophecy and their effect on its audience(e.g. "The Spirit's role cannot be limited to the content of the speech,stripping it artificially from the intention through the utterance" b.1371).Wenk thus draws together the concepts of Spirit-endowment for propheticproclamation and the possible ethical influences of such proclamation onits hearers. So he can conclude, "To argue that the ethical consequences ofcharismatic manifestations are mere 'side-effects' of the Spirit's concern forthe mission of the church misses the point" 0.3 16).In subsequent chapters, this awareness of speech-act theory is applied to anexegesis of passages in Luke-Acts which offers varying degrees ofplausibility. Studying John the Baptist, he is more convincing on Luke1: 17 (the Spirit inspires John's prophetic ministry; He thereby effects theethical response to it) than on Luke 1: 15 (John's greatness is ethical, andresults fiom John's lifelong infilling of the Spirit - Wenk softens theseclaims yith 'I suggest', 'possible', and 'likely' [pp. 154, 161, 17 11, but restsimportant conclusions on them).Wenk is particularly impressive in studying Luke 3:l-14. He notes (pp.46,173) that the relevance of this section to pneumatology has beenoverlooked by scholars before him. Having highlighted John's ministry asa prophet, Wenk notes parallels, for instance structural, between the recordof John's ministry and the earlier pronouncements of it. "This supports theview that Luke expected his readers to see what is narrated in 3.1-20 as thedirect result of John's endowment with the Spirit as prophet (1.15-17)"(p.178) and "Therefore the socioreligious effects should probably beunderstood as the work of the Spirit through the prophet, rather than as analmost incidental 'consequence"' (p.179, italics his).Moving to Luke 3:16-17, we find Wenk being insufficiently critical ofTumer. Dismissing other views concerning the meaning of the Baptist'spromise, Wenk finds Tumer's explanation 'more persuasive' (p.184).Actually, Turner's opinion would not persuade all, for "he rejects the viewthat it assumes a Spirit-outpouring by the messiah" 0.184) - surely thestraightforward meaning of the words of John. Here, a more rigorouscritique would have been welcome.The next chapter considers the work of the Spirit in the incarnate Jesus.Wenk develops Turner's argument that the Spirit helped Jesus overcomeHis temptations in the desert. Given Jesus' use of Deuteronomy 8:3(Lk.4:4), the 'striking parallel' between Luke 4:l and Deuteronomy 8:2which Wenk notes is indeed striking. So Wenk does further damage toMenzies' argument that "Luke gives no indication that the Spirit enabledJesus to overcome the temptation" (quoted on p.199).There follows a section concerning the Nazareth pericope (Lk.4: 16-30).Here Wenk is again on weaker ground: "4.16-30 represents the OldTestament motif of the anointed messianic figure who would restorefaithfulness and obedience among God's people" (p.201). His appeals tospeech-act theory suggest "the Spirit's role to be as much related to theintended end of Jesus' messianic proclamation of good news as to thecontent thereof' (p.201). Fair enough: but it is hardly a straightforwardreading of Isaiah 61:l-2/58:6 which concludes that the 'intended end' is'restored faithfulness and obedience', rather than liberation from variousbondages. Wenk wishes to contend that the final outcome of that liberationis holy living, as in the case of Zacchaeus, and the sinfid woman in Luke7:36-47. However, he must admit that "Luke relates only a few examplesof those who were ethically transformed based on their encounter withJesus' liberation" (p.207). Luke's emphasis was surely on the liberatingpower Jesus' anointing, as summarked at Acts 10:38.Wenk's chapter eleven takes us to Pentecost, which brings about "a majorethical influence on the community's life" (p.236). Wenk plays down themissiological motif of Luke 24:48-49; Acts 1:4,8, focusing on the socioethicaldimension of Joel 3:l-5 (2:28-32). Then he relates the communitylife described in Acts 2:41-47 to the outpouring of the Spirit. In all of this,he portrays some accurate and useful information. However, he will leavesome readers unconvinced that for Luke the 'socio-ethical outlook' is'predominant' 0.252). Luke's concerns for the missiological and propheticaspects of Pentecost seem to have been minimised, while ethical concernshave perhaps been given an artificially central place.The final chapter of textual study takes in the rest of Acts, choosing inparticular to "focus on the Spirit's role in the preservation of thecommunity's unity in times of transition and conflict" (p.278). Passageswhich portray the Spirit clearly as the source of the church's bold witnessare not discussed (p.277). One finds useful and insightful material (e.g."'Being full of the Spirit and of wisdom'. was a prerequisite to resolve theconflict in Acts '6.1-7, and this gives the Spirit a hdamental role in thepreservation of the church's unity" (p.291). One's only reservation might beover Wenk's choice of passages to study. Such selectivity focuses on what

--The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XW, 2002Book Reviewsis more peripheral to Luke's purposes, and thereby leads to a distortion ofLuke's overall pneumatology.In conclusion, Wenk's work is a useful contribution to the debate aboutLukan pneumatology, not least because of his method. Not only does hemost particularly utilise the insights of speech-act theory, but he alsomakes consistently good use of narrative criticism (e.g. pp.176, 285).Wenk's hexmeneutical approach is clear, and helpful to the debate. Thebook is not without its weaknesses, but should be read by those who wishto broaden their understanding of Luke's pneumatology.William AtkinsonWilliam K. Kay, Pentecostals in Britain, (Carlisle: Paternoster,2000), xxiv + 372 ppsThere are numerous pictures dating h m the 1930s of row upon row ofBritish Pentecostal ministers all staring intently at the camera, recorded forposterity at their denominational conferences. You see how they appear,but to understand how they thought, how they viewed their own ministryand Christian tradition seems almost impossible to know with anyaccuracy. There have been very few attempts to get inside the minds ofPentecqstal ministers. In the 1960s Bryan Wilson wrote about the conflictsthat he believed ministers faced as they struggled with institutionalisationand personal charisma. In the 1980s Margaret Poloma produced asignificant assessment of the American Assemblies of God by detailing thereactions of ministers to her close questioning. Finally, as the twentiethcentury came to a close William Kay asked almost 1000 BritishPentecostal ministers a series of personal questions in an attempt to get afeel for the state of Pentecostalism in Britain as it reflected upon almost acentury of development.The value of the work is that ministers have been asked what they actuallybelieve, rather than it simply, and naively, being believed that they adhereto doctrinal positions of the various groups. The four groups examinedwere fiom Elim, Assemblies of God, Apostolic Church and the Church ofGod. The response rate of 930 equates to a 57% response rate fiom AoG,64% from Elim, 84% of Apostolics and a much lower figure of 2 1% fiomthe Church of God. The vast majority of respondents (97.5%) were maleand aged between 40-64 (64%).The book is useful on two counts. For each of the issues 'it engages with,for example the use of the gifts of the Spirit, healing, ethical matters,ministerial background and expectations, the chapten begin with a sectiondetailing the various developments that have taken place historically. Inthis regard alone, the book would be worth its price - it provides a carefuloverview of the issues that British ~entecostais have s&uggled with overtheir past history. The chapters then deal with the contemporary reactionsto the issues raised. The study, based as it is on ministers, inevitably onlydemonstrates the picture of Pentecostalism fiom the pulpit. This is anaccount of how the leaders see Pentecostalism, not one that details how thevast majority of British Pentecostals view their own churches. Overall,unsurprisingly, Kay's evidence points to the fact that ministers withextravert personalities fit well into Pentecostal styles of spirituality.Similarly, charismatic and evangelistically minded ministers who lead byexample are more likely to replicate their example within congregationallife, thus leading their churches to numerical growth. It would beinteresting to compare the way that congregations would react to the samequestions. Overall, there are not massive denominational differencesbetween Pentecostal ministers - most differences seem to revolve around asmall number of defined areas of disagreement, e.g. the role of women inministry, the living out of holiness codes, the expectation of tongues beinglinked to the baptism in the Spirit. Would a congregational survey reveal awider number of contentious issues - for example, issues faced in thearenas of employment and family life? In other words, are ministersaddressing the most relevant issues of life,. or have we become sucked intoreligious posturing?The book concludes with a number of hypothetical situations fiom the pastbefore turning to the future challenges. What would have happened ifGeorge Jeffieys and Elim had joined with the Assemblies of God as theirevangelistic agency? Would the Charismatic Renewal have been differenthad classical Pentecostals embraced it earlier? Would the Pentecostalshave had more to say about the evil of racism had their churches embracedthe wave of commonwealth immigrants that came to Britain in the 1950~7Having missed some of the opportunities that faced them in the past, Kaythen highlights the present challenges - denominational relationships, theunderstanding of true spirituality, holiness and mission. These arecommonly seen to be global concerns for Pentecostals; it is no surprise thatBritons have to face the same issues.This is a book that repays revisiting. The implications of its findings needto be worked out by ministers and congregations, as well as analysed bythe Colleges preparing ministers for future life. It provides a snapshot ofministers at the close of the century. In years to come when we are theministers pictured standing row upon row, there will be more help in

-- -The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XXII, 2002Book Reviewshelping hture historians to understand just what we were thinking andfeeling as we squinted at the camera.Neil HudsonTimothy C. F. Stunt, From Awakening to Secession: RadicalEvangelicals in Switzerland and Britain 1815-35 (Edinburgh: T. &T. Clark, 2000) xiii +- 317 pp. ISBN 0 567 08719 0.This book seeks to set out and examine developments and machinations atthe radical end of the evangelical spectrum which occurred in the earlydecades of the nineteenth century. To this end a veritable pantheon ofactivists and protagonists feature in what is a considerably detailed andrigorous treatment of the subject matter. The spiritual movements whichthey presided over constitute a geographical tableau which ranges fromGeneva and the Swiss canton of Vaud, to London's Caledonian Chapel andAlbury in Kent; from Clydeside and St. Andrews in Scotland, to TrinityCollege Dublin and the south-east of Ireland; from pre-Tractarian Oxford,to early secession in Bath, Salcombe and Plymouth. Prominent amongthose featured are Henri-Abraham Malan (1787-1864), Henry Drummond(1786-1860), John Nelson Darby (1800-82) and enj jam in Wills Newton(1807-99). Stunt acknowledges that many of the numerous dramatispersonae Introduced will be unknown to his readership, and to this end heprovides substantial cross-references in the footnotes and biographicalsummaries in the index.It was against the background of David Hume's loathing for the "phrensy"of religious enthusiasm, and Edward Gibbon's castigation of ''unsocial"Christianity, that Jean-Jacques Rosseau emerged as a "rather disconcertingally for earnest evangelical Christians." Stunt ventures that while farremoved from Christian orthodoxy, his disposition betrays discernableparallels to the Pietist frame of mind. These are to be observed in hisdisdain of fashionable society (le monde), his trenchant criticisms of thephilosophes in their exaltation of reason, and their failure to find a placefor the emotions of human experience. In contrast, he was largelyinstrumental in the prevalent "cult of sensibilite))) and espoused thecathartic value of tears and emotional expression. While an organic linkbetween the Romantic movement and the upsurge of experimental"religion of the heart" may be beyond definitive establishment, the earlyyears of the 19" century witnessed the inception of a different climate inwhich the 'enthusiasm' of evangelic,al piety was better placed to breatheand flourish.One of the chief concems of the Romantics, who delighted in primitivesimplicity, was to recapture the past and return to nature. This functionedin a manner which could be deemed analogous to the Renaissance adfontes impetus, and echoes the yearnings of the radical evangelicals for anapostolic idyll. While such aspirations were evident in the Swiss reveil,one of the most distinctive leaders to emerge in Britain was Edward Irving,himself a friend and admirer of Samuel Taylor Coleridge. Associationswith innovation and controversy also arose from incidents such as thesermon he preached to the anniversary meeting of the London MissionarySociety in 1824. The profile of the missionary which he advanced wasforthright and uncompromising, as was his criticism of the evangelicalmissionary establishment. It is in the light of this and other instancesadvanced, that Stunt observes that Irving, Drummond and others of likedisposition, came to function as a sort of evangelical "vigilante" group.At this time Dublin's flamboyant Church of Ireland archbishop, WilliamMcGee petitioned the House of Commons to reject Catholic Emancipationand to protect the Protestant Establishment. This was exacerbated by thefurther Erastian step of imposing oaths of allegiance and supremacy on allconverts from "Romanism" within his diocese. Such measures disturbedevangelicalIy-inclined Church of Ireland ministers who had heraldedsomething of an "Irish Reformation" among sections. of theoverwhelmingly Catholic population. An ardent clergyman and formerClassical Gold Medalist at Trinity College, Dublin, John Nelson Darbyruefully described this as a "closing of the door of Christ against weaksouls." Stunt charts, in some considerable detail, the growth of hisdisillusionment and ultimate disaffection from his ecclesiastical almamuter, a journey which features prominently in the phenomenon ofevangelical secession in the decades under consideration.The most striking feature of this book is the wealth of historical detailpresented, which serves to marvellously illuminate numerous obscurebyways of evangelical heritage. Not least among these is the vividdepiction of earnest Protestant exchange between Switzerland and Britain,more than two centuries after this may have been commonly believed tohave reached its zenith. It is altogether probable that some readers willfind the work hstrating in that it traces unfolding events to the point ofsecession, beyond which it does not venture. For instance, the incipientstages of the Brethren movement in Ireland and Plymouth are meticulouslydocumented, but its consolidation and expansion, much less theExclusive/Open split of the 1840s, are tantalizingly absent. Yet Stuntexplicitly states his primary purpose to be the identification of patterns of

-- - . -The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XXII, 2002Book Reviewsdevelopment, "when the final outcome was still far from being a foregoneconclusion," and to this he remains admirably and prolifically faithful.It remains to be stated that this work raises many issues of relevance toboth Pentecostal and Charismatic concerns. Not only were many of theideas and emphases generated in this period formative for the earlyPentecostalism that emerged in Britain in the first years of the twentiethcentury, but they continue to feature across the PentecostdCharismaticspectrum in the twenty-first century. For instance the eschatological viewsassociated with the Albury circle, and most particularly J. N. Darby, werecentral to the impetus and identity of the first generation of Pentecostals.Yet the implications of the adoption of such an 'eschatology of disaster'can only be intimated by Simon Chan's charge that Pentecostalism hasbeen injudicious in its choice of ally in the past: what he deems itsquestionable alliance with dispensationalism only succeeded inundermining its theological credentials (Pentecostal 7%eology and theChristian Spiritual Tradition Shefield: Sheffield Academic Press, 2000, p.11).Other pertinent issues raised include a pre-World War I internationalismwhich the early Pentecostals inherited h m their 19" century forebears, asense of antipathy, if not outright hostility toward the Roman CatholicChurch, and ecclesiological questions surrounding the nature of secessionand dissent, the merits and demerits of which were hotly contested in theearly years of British Pentecostalism. Closely aligned to this are whatStunt identifies as "ritualistic cul-de-sacs" and "ecclesiasticalagoraphobia," which frequently accompany the quest for a smaller andever purer communion. All of these issues remain current and problematicfor Pentecostal/Charismatic Christianity, and must be reapproached andreassessed in a new century. Stunt's masterly elucidation of aspects of theorigins of such matters, can only assist those willing to engage in thisprocess.Timothy WalshGrant Wacker, Heaven Below: Early Pentecostals andAmerican Culture, (London:. Harvard University Press, 2001) xiii +364~~.Grant Wacker has written a key text that will become staple reading for allthose engaged in the study of early Pentecostals and their subsequentdevelopment. Focussing on the first 20 years of American Pentecostalism,it reveals the personality of the new movement by analysing Pentecostalreactions to such aspects as speaking in tongues, the use of testimonies,preaching, leadership - both male and female and their relationship withwider society.As would be expected fiom Wacker, all the chapters are supplied withcopious end notes directing readers to the mass of primary source materialthat enables the current reader to develop an understanding of theirforefathers a century ago.Wacker's central thesis in the book is that early Pentecostals were theproduct of two contrasting characteristics. On the one hand, they wereresolutely otherworldly. He uses the term 'primitivism' to indicate theirdetermination to return to absolute biblical fundamentals. EarlyPentecostals were determined to be led by the Spirit in every area of theirlives. They had had such a wonderful experience of God that they felttheir lives could never be the same again. This meant that for some, newlybaptised in the Spirit, they testified that they had been unable to speak inEnglish for days, communicating solely in heavenly languages. It alsomeant that they expected to rely wholeheartedly on the Spirit for theleadership of services - there was no need for human priests - the Lordwould guide them fiom beginning to end. And yet, they were not soheavenly minded not to realise that they needed a clear vision of what Godwanted to do on earth with and through them. Therefore, although theymay have been incapacitated linguistically for a few days, they recognisedthat these languages had to be of some use. Initially they believed them tobe for mission work, though they later became a mark of doctrinalrectitude. For this to be possible they had to be able to distinguish betweengist and sign. All could receive the sign; fewer would be recipients of thegift. It allowed for the experience whilst also providing flexibility forthose slow to move into using tongues regularly. In terms of leadership, itwas evident to all that though the Lord was hailed as the leader, 'the plaintruth is that the Pentecostal sky was studded with stars, luminaries of fleshand blood variety and their trajectories both illumined and ordered theworld around them. Together they defined the movement's identity morethan most imagined'. (p.144) To this end, alongside their primitivism wasa strong element of pragmatism.Most'early Pentecostals were not country bumpkins unaware of the needsof their new movement. They were entrepreneurs able to develop themessage and the structure to reflect the needs of both existing members ofcongregations and would be proselytes. Primitivism alone would havereduced the movement to an exotic footnote in church history. Hardheadedpragmatism meant that it developed into the most vibrant Christina groupin the twentieth century.

- ----The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XXII, 2002This is a book that warrants close reading - it is packed with informationgleaned from hundreds of primary sources. To understand whyPentecostals are as they are in the contemporary world, one needs tounderstand their lineage. This book will add to the overall story that manyknow with a more nuanced understanding of how early Pentecostalsunderstood their world, themselves and their Lord.Neil HudsonTHE EUROPEAN PENTECOSTAL THEOLOGICAL ASSOCIATIONHistoryThe European Pentecostal Theological Association was founded in 1979 as a Fellowshipof those actively engaged in Pentecostal education or ministerial training in Europe.Membership is open both to individuals and institutions who agree with EPTA's purposesand share its convictions. Many of Europe's finest Bible Colleges are included in EPTA'smembership.Purposes of EPTA1. To promote excellence and effectiveness in Pentecostal scholarship,ministerial education and theological literature.2. To foster exchange, fellowship and co-operation between member institutionsand individuals.3. To foster exchange and fellowship between the Association and otherassociations with similar objectives and commitments.4. To strengthen the testimony of Jesus Christ and His Church in Europe and tobring glory to God in all actions and concerns.EPTA ConferencesEach year the Association holds its annual conference at a different venue, usually in thefacilities of a member institution. These meetings, in addition to the necessary business,include papers, seminars and discussions that stimulate theological discussion andencourage an interchange of ideas and information.Membership of EPTAMembership enquiries should be addressed to the:SecretaryfI'reasurer, Dr Matthias Wenk, Bernstrasse 36G, CH-3324, HINDELBANK,Switzerland. e-mail: wenk@datacomm.ch