jepta 1997 17 - European Pentecostal Theological Association

.-THE JOURNAL OF THEEUROPEAN PENTECOSTALTHEOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION

The Journal of the European PentecostTheological AssociationEditorial PolicyThe Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association is publishedannually by the European Pentecostal Theological Association. The viewsexpressed in the Journal are not necessarily those of the Association. Articles andbook reviews are welcomed. Contributions may be sent to the Editor, KeithWarrington B.A., M.Phil, Regents Theological College, London Road, Nantwich.Cheshire, CW5 6LW. England. Tel: 01270 610800. Fax: 01270 610013.E Mail: 100602,2300@compuserve.com.Editorial Committee(Editor); Hubert Jurgensen Dr.Theol., Europaisches Bibelseminar, Postfach 168,7062 Rudersberg, Germany; Cornelis van der Laan Ph.D. Lange Dreef 28a. 3902AH Veenendaal, Netherlands; Jean-Daniel Pliiss Ph.D., Heuelstrasse 45, 8032Ziirich, Switzerland.SubscriptionsThe Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association is sent free ofcharge to members of the Association. Other subscriptions are available at GBf 10 or US $20 for ONE year. All subscription enquiries should be addressed tothe Editor:MembershipFor more information about the European Pentecostal Theological Associationand details of membership please see the back cover.The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association articles areindexed inReligion Index One: Periodicalsbook reviews are indexed inIndex to Book Reviews in Religionpublished by ATLA, 820 Church Street, Evaston, IL 60201, USACopyright 1997 European Pentecostal Theological Association

The Journal of the European Penlecostal Theological Associalion, Vol. XVII, 1997CONTENTSARTICLESJohn GoldingayBiblical Story and the way it shapes our storyKeith WarringtonThe use of the name (of Jesus) in healing and exorcism with partialreference to the teachings of Kenneth HaginJoel EdwardsAfro-Caribbean Pentecostalism in BritainDavid AllenRegent Square RevisitedEdward Irving - Precursor of the Pentecostal MovementRichard BicknellIn memory of Christ's Sacrifice:Roots and Shoots of Elim's Eucharistic ExpressionForewordAs promised, some of the papers presented at the 1997 annual conference of thePentecostal and Charismatic Research Fellowship arc printed in this currentedition of JEPTA. It is anticipated that a similar number will be printed in the1998 edition, chosen from the participants who are to offer papers in the 1998conference, to be held this December at Regents Theological College, Nantwich,England.Again, there is a mix of articles ranging from the theological and practical to thehistorical and sociological. John Goldingay traces the use of narrative in theBible, highlighting its importance for the understanding of the text. KeithWarrington examines the use of the name of Jesus as it is used in modern healingscenarios, offering potentially significant aspects of its use and meaning. JoelEdwards presents a historical and social survey of the developing role of theAfrican-Caribbean Christian community and Church in Britain.Three historical articles have been written by David Allen. Richard Bicknell andDesrnond Cartwright. The first explores the role of Edward Irving as theprecursor of Pentecostalism; the second investigates the understanding andpractise of the Lord's Supper in the Elim Pentecostal Church while the final oneoffers an insight into a little known fact of a well known Pentecostal pioneer.Happy readingKeith WarringtonDesmond W. CartwrightThe Real WigglesworthBOOK REVIEWS

The Journal ofthe European Pentecostal Theological Association. Vol. XVII, 1997vJohn Goldingay: Biblical Story and the Way it Shapes Our StoryIn general. biblical stories show rather than tell, like films, and they show acharacter such as David with all the complexity that usually attaches to humanbeings in real life, with the strengths, weaknesses, and inconsistencies that arecharacteristic of real human beings. The stories of saints, people who always livewith integrity and faith, inspire and edify in one way. The more down-to-eanhstories of believers with the complexity of other human beings ins pi^ and edifyin another way. They have the capacity to enable us to look into ourselves for theequivalent complexity, to face the oversimplifications of ourselves in which otherpeople may indulge (and which may suit us ourselves, too), to see how far we areinvolved in the issues that David (for instance) was.When Samuel-Kings does offer judgements on David, when it tells as well asshows, the problem is that there are too many of these judgements, or rather thatthey are too varied. David is the man after God's own heart, who followedYahweh with all his heart, and whose heart was wholly true to Yahweh (I Sam.13: 14; 1 Kings 14:8; 153). He is also the man who acted in a way whichdispleased Yahweh, who despised Yahweh's word, and who utterly scornedYahweh (2 Sam. 1 1:27; 12:9. 14). We are confronted by ambiguity as well as by -complexity. It is unclear in which of two ways to read David; and this too may .help us reflect on ourselves, or may encourage other people to reflect onthemselves.One way to fit together the two sets of judgements on David is to see them as anexpression of an inconsistency built into his life, a tension between David as a ,public figure and David as a private figure. In matters of state (as general or king *or patron of the temple), David was characteristically incisive, faithful, andsuccessful. In matters of private life (as friend or husband or father), he wascharacteristically weak, inconsistent, and unprincipled. And the trouble is thatleadership and private life cannot be kept separate; they inevitably contaminateeach other. David's weakness as a private human being produces weaknesses inhis exercise of leadership. His story thus has the capacity to encourage us toreflect on our exercise of our leadership and the nature of our private lives, andon the interrelation of these, and to provide us with raw material for encouragingother people in that reflection.STORIES WHICH FACE UP TO THE DAY OF SMALL THINGSSixth. Israel's story includes a narrative designed to help people cope with theday of small things. We have noted that Genesis-Kings and Chronicles-Ezra-Nehemiah come from different contexts. The former especially speaks to peoplewho know their own failure, and need to be helped to own it to themselves andbefore God. The latter speaks to people who have known God's forgiveness andrenewal, yet not seen a fulfilment of God's promises that is as splendid as theymight feel they had been led to expect. They remain a small group of survivorsfrom the days of national glory, people with a small stake in the holy place and alittle sustenance there, but still subject to the authority of an alien empire:Chronicles-Ezra-Neh~miah is thus a story with an aim, that of encouragingeople to perceive the grace and commitment of Yahweh in their being in aFosition to resume life in Jerusalem and renew the temple there (Ezra 930.The nature of narrative is lo conceal ilS author. who disappears behind the storyitself in a way that prophets may not disappear behind their prophecy. We do notknow who was the author of Chronicles and in this sense, we cannot know thcintention of the author in telling this stoy. Yet the nature of the narrative is not toits own intention or aim. It is designed to encourage the people of God,and it models the way our telling of the biblical story can be an encouragement tothe people of God. It invites them lo see God's involvement wiL them in theday of small Lings" (Zech. 4:lO). They are not to miss God's involvementbecause it is less impressive than the involvement we read of in other stories.SHORT STORIES ABOUT GOD'S INVOLVEMENT WITHINDIVIDUALSSeventh, the Old Testament includes a number of short stories about God'sinvolvement in the lives of individuals. Although I deal with these last, in seeking. to develop an understanding of stories, there is something to be said for startingwith them and later moving on to longer ones. On the shorter scale, it may beeasier to see how a story moves from problem to resolution or how plot andcharacter interweave. They give us practice on the small scale in working to gainan understanding of a story as a whole which then enables us to see howindividual episodes fit into this whole.One of these short stories relates how God works behind the scenes via awoman's acts of commitment. In the Book of Esther, Queen Vashti is a womanwho cannot be pushed around at the whim of a husband even if he is a king andeven if it costs her, and Esther is a woman who will use her position as Vashti'ssuccessor to bring deliverance from a royal official who wanted to use hisposition to eliminate her people, even if it involves her in risk. We do not exactlyget inside the characters in this story, discovering what makes them work,because they function more as embodiments of types (Ahasuerus the pompousking. Vashti the feisty queen, Mordecai the successful Jew, Esther the shrewdwoman, Haman the stupid man...). The story invites us to tell it so that people inpositions which combine potential and vulnerability can look for God workingbehind the scenes in ways that correspond more directly with our own generalexperience of God's activity via human initiatives and apparent happycoincidences.Another of the short stories is one about human friendships. The Book of Ruth isa story with three characters. It illustrates how sometimes the way to hear and totell a story is to focus on the characters, and to look for any indications of the waytheir character develops through the story (as happens to Naomi as she movesthrough loss and bitterness to hope and blessing). Different hearers may be ableto identify more with thirty-something Ruth, or middle-aged Naomi, or lonely

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XVII, 1997John Goldingay: Biblical Story and the Way it Shapes Our StoryBoaz, and be able to look for God at work in their ordinary lives as God was intheirs. If Judges is a story where men may find themselves, perhaps Ruth is onewhere women may do so. Here, too, as in Hannah's story, people's ordinaryinsignificant lives find a place in God's great purpose: the child they share turnsout to be King David's grandfather. So we tell the story in such a way that peoplemay look for God working through their relationships and through them, workingout a purpose.Another of these short stories is a tale about how not to be a prophet. There ismore to the Book of Jonah than this, and that reflects the fact that a story mayhave more than one theme running through it. But if we are asking how Biblestories shape our story, especially how it shapes the story of people involved inGod's service, then the natural angle from which to consider Jonah is its being astory about a prophet who gets everything wrong - his vocation, his prayer life,and his theology. God tells him where to go, and he runs in the oppositedirection. When there is a crisis and other people are praying, he is asleep. Whenhe realises that God is gracious and compassionate, he objects. As ministers orpotential ministers or potential servants of God, we are invited to see ourselvesmirrored in this story. It is a story with the capacity to stop us taking ourselvestoo seriously or taking ourselves at our face value. It is a story full of irony: whenhe is asleep, the pagans are praying. Irony is a powerful and a risky feature of astory. It is easily missed, as parables are easily misunderstood; but then straightstatement can also easily enough be ignored.One way Jonah seeks to break through to its hearers is by its ending with atheological question. 11 is the most intriguing, surprising end to a book in the OldTestament, equalled in scripture for its power in this respect only by the originalending of Mark's Gospel (Mark 16:8). For a theologian or a minister concernedfor the shaping of people. raising questions is important as well as answeringthem, and leaving them unanswered is sometimes important if people are to owntheir answers. I remember being struck by the observation that the place for thetext in a sermon is the end, so that scripture is the last thing people hear? I offeryou the alternative observation that a biblical way of closing a sermon is to ask aquestion and leave people to work out an answer for themselves. I hope I havedone some of that in this paper.IVP. 1979) and How lo rend the Bible os Liiernirtre. (Grmd Rapids: Zondervan. 1984). Theformer concerns literature in general but can be applied to the Bible while Ihe latter morespecifically concerns the Bible.4 perrtemstal Spirifualiiy, (Shemeld: Sheffield Academic Press, 1993) 73.3 C. Bridges Johns, Peniecosml Fon11niion. (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press. 1993) 126.6 See further my treatment of such stories in Afler Eating the Apricoi. (Carlisle: Paternoster,1996).7 See D. J. A. Clines. The Tlretne of tire Pet~rateuclr, (Sheffield: JSOT. 1978): J. I. Durham,Exodus, (Waco: Word, 1987) xxi-xxiii.So D. 1. A. Clines, "Notes for an Old Testament Hermeneutic", Theology News and Notes, 21( 1975) 8- 10.Endnotes' See Jackie David Johns and Cheryl Bridges Johns. "Yielding to the Spirit". Journol ofPetrtecr,sfa/ Theology, 1 (1992) 109- 134 (esp. 124- 127).? See ''The Hermeneutics of Testimony", Anglican Theo~ogical Review, 61 (1979) 435-461 =Ricoeur. f3.rny.v on Biblical 1titerprefnri)trt. (Philadelphia: Fortress. 1980) 35-61; though I amusing the phrase in a different connection.' J. Mile's God: A Biography, (London: Simon and Schuster, 1995) works out the implicationsof this notion. For introduction to litemry approaches to narrative see e.g. D. M. Gunn md D.Nolan Fewell. Narrative in the Hebrew Bible. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994); mdfor a more conservative treatment. L. Ryken, Triunrph.hs ofthe Irnaginatinn. (Downers Grove:

The Journal of the Europea~~ Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XVII. 19977fIHowever, this aspect is to he found in Jewish thought also.'8 Indeed, there developed such a reverence for the name of God in Judaism that it resulted in itsreceiving an aura that was to make it an integral part of Jewish magic? Thurston 1notes that, "the post-exilic tendency to heighten the sense of God's transcendenceIresults in the name becoming an almost independent for~e."'~ Jeremiah 10:6 :articulates this idea. 1PBaker" traces the belief structure concerning the perceived power resident inwords in Jewish literature. Although he notes that ancient Near Eastern literaturedoes advocate a belief in the separate identity of words once spoken from thespeaker, he concludes that the evidence of the Old Testament," Apocrypha andPseudepigrapha" and QumranU does not support a belief that the Jews thoughtthat words had magical power; rather, God is seen to be the power behindblessings and cursing, even overruling some curses (Num. 22:6-24:25; 1 Sam.114:24-28). Even in Rabbinic literature, "the power of men's words is dependenton ~ od's power"."Evidence which might suggest that the followers of Jesus sought to manipulate orcoerce God is not located in the New Testament. Indeed, although power wasunderstood to be related to a name, it is not clear that the pronouncement of thename was universally believed to be manip~lative.~ Indeed, the involvement of .the name of God did not always create the desired effect?7If the use of the name of the Lord was sufficient to bring about healing, the -practice would have always been successful. In the absence of such evidence toconfirm this success rate, it behoves us to consider other elements that are to beseen as integral to its effectiveness.Some however, go further and suggest that the followers of Jesus employed amagical technique in the use of the name. There are, though, some majorproblems with this view:-(i) A major difficulty in assigning a magical interpretation to the use of "theName" by the early Christians is that Jewish magical literature which doespresent such a belief is later than the second century C. E., the most importantearly Jewish book of magic, the Sepher-ha-Razim, being composed during thebeginning of the fourth century C. E...W Although increasing research is beingundertaken in the Greek magical papyri, no link has been proved between thatand early Christian usage. Most of the magical papyri is dated after the secondcentury C.E., with only a few antedating the Church era, none of which relateto healing scenarios." The Greek magical papyri fail to offer evidence forsuch an interpretation for the same reason for although some papyri includethe names of deities in prayers or charms, they are mainly dated after the 3rdcentury C.E.m(ii) Such a practice would also result in the person using the name of the Lordin a way that is expressly forbidden in the Old Testament!'(iii) The clearest possibility for the early Church having appropriated someiIKeith Warrington: The use of the name (of Jesus) in healing and exorcismwith special reference to the teachings of Kenneth Haginmagical principles, including name magic, to their teaching would be if theyhad derived them from the practices of Jesus. Morton Smith"' suggested thatJesus was a magician, mainly because some of his techniques are reflected inthe methods of magicians. However, although some of Jesus' opponents didso accuse him, this need not be recognised as more significant than the viewof others who did not. Also, his conclusions are based on literature writtencenturies after the event and thus his thesis is historically anachronistic, Keestating that his argument is "historiographically irresponsible"!~esus wasnever actually explicitly called a magician in the Gospels though was accusedof other things."(iv) Besides the above, any attempt to link magic and religion has to copewith the fact that magic "is as much a locative or relational category as it is asubstantive one"? Similarly, Segala states that often the distinction betweenmagic and religion is based "on the social context". Thus, an interpretation ofNew Testament texts that results in the proposition that a magical exercisebeing propounded by the writer must include evidence to establish that such abelief was part of his world view and theology. None of their potential majorinfluences suggest any magical characteristics while the Old Te~tament.'~ theTalmud'' and the Early Churchm condemned it. Indeed, a number of contrastsmay be drawn between the use of the name of Jesus in the New Testamentand extant magical literature:(1) The overall simplicity and brevity of the New Testament practice is inmarked contrast to magical techniques that included whispering,commanding and chanting as well as involving a variety of forms, timesand places in which the rituals were rehearsed.s0(2) Detailed formulae were very important in magic in both content andpresentation, both aspects of which are ignored by the New Testamentwriters. There is a marked lack of any incantation, a feature of greatimportance in the art of the magician in which the formula was vital to theachieving of the desired result." Magical formulae often include very long,untranslatable, nonsense words, which may have referred to gods. Thesequasi-sentences were believed to be very powerful if repeated, sometimesbackwards and forward.s2 In contrast to this, the instructions of James5: 13- I6 concerning prayer for the weak are devoid of such characteristics.neither does he offer set prayers or expressions to be used. For James, thetechnique is secondary; for the magician it is fundamental, his prayersgenerally being scripted, fidelity to the formulae being all important.''James offers no precise formula, only guidelines: the significance is notthe presentation of the prayer, but the prayer itself and the latter only inthat it provides the channel of communication to the one able to meet theneed, rather than it possessing a power of its own.The brief, non-technical nature of the Jacobean rite lacks many of thefoundational elements located in magical formulae." whilst at the sametime it introduces unique features including the importance of confession,

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Thcologicsl Association, Vol. XVII, 1997rKeith Warrington: The use of the name (of Jesus) in healing and exorcismwith special reference to the teachings of Kenneth t-faginforgiveness and the role of a plurality of Elders" whilst excluding anyreference to payment.%(3) In magical practices, the gods were often referred to by many differentnames or epithets.." GraPX notes that this was to make "certain that the godwould listen, since he (the magician) had embraced the widest possiblesphere of the god's activities and characteristics". Indeed, the god wouldnot listen if the correct names were not a~plied.~' Similarly, the name ofJesus, amongst other names, was employed by Jewish exorcists, though -employment of the name of Jesus was censured by Rabbism and wasmentioned in the magical papyri."' Such syncretism is absent in the NewTestament. Hurtado6' states, "unlike the magical texts, invocations of Jesuswas made to the exclusion of all other figures, except ... God the Father".(4) Barrett" notes the willingness on the pan of magicians "to adopt fromany source names and formulas which sounded impressive and effective." 1 'This element is lacking in the New Testament usage of Jesus' name.I(5) A significant characteristic of magical formulae involved an attempt tocontrol the godldaimon" whereas for the New Testament writers, the willof God is paramount?' For them, the purpose of their guidelines is not toforce God into activity but to ensure that the readers are in agreement withGod's purpose. To achieve that objective via the processes of magic wouldundermine this aim. Such a belief would suggest a marked change on thepart of the Church toward God that is not evidenced elsewhere. Themagico-sacramental religion presented by Go~denough~~ is far removedfrom the personal religion of the New Testament. The religion thatcompels its source of origin to obey it has lost its raison d'etre.(6) A presupposition in magical belief was that only by maintaining thesecrecy of his name is the god thought to be safe from marauders whowould seek to tap his resources for their selfish desires6' However, theBible has nothing of this magical element in prayer. That whichdistinguishes Judaism and Christianity from other religions is thewillingness of God to disclose his name to his people,@' rather than to hideit from them for fear that they might use it to invoke him even against hiswill.(7) It may be argued also that there is a basic difference between themagician and the member of the Christian community. While the latter 1iabsorbed the rules, privileges, beliefs and responsibilities of thecommunity that affected his life, the commitment of the former wasgenerally restricted to a number of traditions and beliefs that could be \appropriated to effect changes, but which lacked the internal coherenceand integrity of the Christian life.@'(8) Early Church writersTo stated that Jesus' power was not derived frommagic. Indeed. Ropes7' suggests that 'James' exhortation is to counteractthe habit of seeking aid from superstitious, often heathen, incantations andcharms". Cyril of Ale~andria'~ urges his readers to avoid the charms andincantations of magicians, quoting James 5: 1.3- 15. Likewise, Caesarius ofArlesl' quotes verse 14 in the context of a warning to his people againstrecourse to sorcerers and superstitions.Thus, a survey of Jewish and non-Jewish magic provides little evidencefor a clear link between either of the latter and the New Testamentguidelines concerning the use of the name in healing. A Silz im Leben forthe use of the name is to be located within a Jewish and biblicalframework instead.However, adherents to the Word of Faith teachings do seem to come close to anuasi magical use of the name of Jesus in the following respects:7---Firstly, they advocate a power in the name that seems to be all important. Thus.Hagin notes that we heal no one, "it is the Name that does it"."He writes. Satan"won't argue with you about the Name of Jesus-he's afraid of that Name"." Heargues that God offers a comprehensive promise to believers made possiblethrough the use of the name of Jesus. quoting John 16:23, 24 as evidence."Similarly, on the basis of the statement in John 16:24. "that your joy might befull", he writes that anything that removes joy from the life of the believer can beremoved and anything able to provide joy may be claimed as long as the name isused."He also notes that by using the name of Jesus, Christians can claim certainresponses from God." Thus, he testifies that on one occasion, he said, "In theName of Jesus ... I break the power of the Devil over my brother Dub's life. Iclaim his salvation ... Within 10 days, he was born again. I had prayed and fastedfor him off and on for 15 years which never seemed to do anv eood. But theminute I rose up with the Name of Jesus it worked". (underlining mine)lw Thatwhich prayer and fasting could not achieve, the articulation of the name of Jesusdid. This, despite a statement that, "nobody, through prayer and faith, can pushsomething off on someone else which that person does not want. If we could, wewould all put salvation off on everyb~dy".'~ Yet, he provides evidence that wouldsuggest that omnipotence resides in the mere articulation of the name of Jesus.Secondly, the formulaic element in the use of the name is present. Thus. Haginarguesm that, "Many prayers have ... not worked because they were prayed forJesus' sake, instead of in Jesus' Name."Thirdly, the feature of coercion is implicit in the beliefs of the Word of Faith andsimilar groups. Hagin" quotes E. W. Kenyon approvingly that using the name ofJesus in prayer "places prayer not only on legal grounds, but makes it a businessproposition". Likewise, he believes that "what Jesus has done is this: He hassigned a check and turned it over to US''.^ On numerous occasionsPl he describesthe name of Jesus as belonging to the Christian, the phrase, "the name of Jesusbelongs to me" commencing a long list of recommended confessions to useagainst Satan. He suggests that God has handed over authority to the believer tosuch an extent that, "it is not so much up to God, concerning matters on this

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XVII. 1997Keith Warrington: The use of the name (of Jesus) in healing and exorcismwith special reference to the teachings of Kenneth HaginHe also notes "I have found that the most effective way to pray can be when yo,,demand your rights. That's the way I pray: 'I demand my rights!'"." Thus, hetranslates John 16:23 as, "whatever you demand in my Name. I will do it9;.claiming this to be the actual Greek tran~lation.~' believing that "His nameguarantees an answer to our prayer!"."He argues that "you're not demanding of Cod when you demand your rights;you're demanding of the devil"." However, he also records. "you do notcommand in tones of arrogance, but as a partner ...y ou lay the case before Him,'%obviously referring to Cod. This coercive force becomes explicit when he arguesfrom the book of Acts that, "very little is said about their praying for the sick...most of the time, they simply used the Name of Jesus"." Thus, to thecontemporary Christian, he offers the following advice: "If I just had enoughfaith, you might be thinking. I could use that Name. You can use it anyway. Itbelongs to you ... nowhere does Jesus mention faith or belief when He talks aboutusing the name of Jesus".'* The will of God appears to be subsumed in the contextof the usage of the name ; nowhere is the inappropriate and/or illegitimate use ofthe name and potential consequences thereof discussed.Fourthly, as in magical belief, opposition forces exist to overcome the efficacy ofthe magic. Although, traditional Christianity is aware of the forces of evil thatwould seek to undermine the power of God, Hagin introduces other antagonistic .elements. Negative statements are understood to be counterproductive.Confessions of doubt in God's power or in the certainty that healing will take orhas taken place can nullify any positive statements of belief?.' He refers to anoccasion when he was in a crowd of 2.000 who were praying for a man who hadsuffered a heart attack. In response to the question. "How many of you believeCod heard us?". 90% raised their hands, including Hagin. In response to the .question, "How many of you are going to keep on praying for brother S.?', most -people, excluding Hagin, raised their hand, as a result of which, he offers thefollowing comment; "If that man had been depending on the crowd. he wouldhave died. Because if they had kept praying, they would have nullified the effects -of their prayer^".'^ Not only is the efficacy of the result seen to reside in theprayer, not the One to whom it is offered, but also, other people can impede thepower of God effecting a change in another person. Too many questions areraised by such faulty theology. How for example did the prayer receive a positiveanswer in the light of such doubts. Such power is egocentric, not theocentric; it is:the prayer of the person, not the power of God that becomes central, resulting inthe belief that "it is possible for someone else to nullify the effects of your .prayer"."' The Devil is redundant to the hindering of our prayers; we do it,ourselves!Finally, the element of superior knowledge permeates such thinking. Thus,Hagin, urges the reader to discover "the authority that is back of that Name" and "then to use it.% However. nowhere does the reader become enlightened22that which is 10 he known other than the fact that he name of Jesus isRpresentati~e of the omnipotent Saviour. Thus, to gain deliverance over demons,one -must know the power of the Name of Jesus-and know how to use it".'"The above comments may be rebuffed from exegetical and theologicalhowever, heir context in the realm of quasi-magical beliefs hasbeen to our present interest in them.THE ---NAME REPRESENTS CONTROLLED POWER.me other major theory concerning the association of the name of the Lord andhis power keeps intact his sovereignty in all cases of invocation. Whilst acceptingthat the use of the name may indicate a relationship to the power of the namebearer,'m the will of the owner of that power is recognised to be of paramountimportance. Thus, although the name of the Lord may, in the context of prayer,G. ..- incoruorated - as a reminder of his presence and power, it is the Lord, not theuse of his name, who initiates the response.-.Although some in the New Testament era believed that knowledge of a nameresulted in an inevitable connection to the power and authority of the namebearer, the leaching of Jesus did not accommodate such an automatic linkage.The name is associated with power and authority- It is beyond all doubt that power and authority are associated with the name ofJesus as far as the authors of the New Testament are concerned.In Acts 3:6, Bruce'"' offers a translation of, "by the authority of' or "with thepower of' for the phrase, "in the name of'. It is probable that the detailed titlegiven (Jesus Christ of Nazareth) is for the sake of the man so that he mightappreciate the identity of the one granting him his restoration (cp. 4:9). In view ofthe fact that he exercises faith in his name (v. 16). such a definition was necessary.The translation of verse 16 is difficult because of the repetition of the word"name". Bruceam has offered the translation, "by faith in his name, he has madewhole this man" where the faith in the name resides in Peter. He bases thistranslation on the possibility that the alleged Aramaic original was wrongly- translated to read "estereosen to onoma" when it should have read "hugieepoiesen auton". This, of course, demands the acceptance of an Aramaic traditionunderlying the Greek. An alternative translation would he to suggest that faith inhis name refers to the disabled man's capacity to believe. Finally, it is possible totranslate the text without clarifying the identity of the one who exercises faith.'"'. Indeed, if this is the preferable translation, it would again suggest that Luke isless interested in the subject of faith and instead desiring to clarify its object-hisname, a term he refers to twice, perhaps even for emphasis. Similarly, in verse16b, he also clarifies that the faith is in Jesus (di autou), in whose name, faith hasalready been placed. Thus, Peter sees his authority as being in Christ; though theRSV translation would open up the possibility that it is for the benefit of the man.23

The Journal of the European Penlecostal Theological Association, Vol. XVII, 1997Br~ce"~ states, "the power that wrought the cure resided in Jesus' name and theman availed himself of this power by the exercise of faith". The phrase, "diautou", could mean, "through it (name)" or "through Him (Jesus)" though Brucecomments that, "it makes no practical difference"." If it does refer to the name,then it identifies the name with the power of Jesus. In 4:10, Peter informs hisaudience that the healing was achieved in the name of Jesus.Referring back to this incident. the discussion of the Jewish religious hierarchy t(4:7) involves an identification of the power with the name, suggesting that in ,their understanding, they are synonymous. The command (4:17f) that theApostles do not speak or teach "in the name of Jesus" again suggests that theInotions of authority and power are integral to the phrase. To call upon the name1of the Lord is to invoke the protection and power of the Lord. His name functionsas a representative of his power.'"' For Luke, the name of Jesus is integral to his 1teaching for it is as a result of Christ that restoration has been achieved. Thus, the - fname or Jesus is understood to be rcpresenlative of his person, not a replacement.In Acts 9:32ff, the identity of the one providing the restoration of Aeneas isrevealed. This is the only occasion in the New Testament where the term JesusChrist is used to identify the power behind the healing. ThurstonIo' notes, "thename was a means by which the risen Jesus remained with them ... to call upon thename of Jesus ... was to acknowledge Jesus as alive and potent."Acts 16: 18 provides us with the only occasion in the New Testament in which thephrase "in the name of Jesus Christ" is used in connection with an exorcism.Again, the employment of the name appears to be to harness the power of thename bearer against the demonic influence. Its inclusion in a command (I chargeyou), followed by the obedient response of the demon (it came out), emphasisesthis connection with power.i"The power associated with the name belongs to GodIn Luke 10:17ff, the power achieved over demons by the use of the name of Jesusis equated by Jesus (v.19) as authority given to him by the Father ... over all thepower of the enemy. Marshalllo compares "the power of the enemy" with evilspirits, noting a similar statement in Testament of Levi 18.12.'07 This wouldreflect Old Testament ideas1" and more clearly identify the name (used overdemons) with the authority granted (over evil spirits). In contrast to the claim ofhis opponents that he achieves exorcisms by the power of Beelzebul, Jesusidentifies his source of power as "by the finger of God", where "finger" is to beunderstood as symbolising "power". Both "finger" and "name" are symbolicrepresentations of power.The legitimate and authoritative use of the name presumes arelationship with the name bearer i -Simply put. the person who prays in the name of Jesus is expressing trust in Jesus1..II.Keilh Warrington: The use of the name (of Jesus) in henlitlg and exorcismwith special reference to the teachings of Kenneth Haginhidher Savi~ur.~~'His power was mediated to the disciples through the name ofJesus though Dunn"' notes, "the name of Jesus could be invoked only by thosewho already stood in a relationship of discipleship to him (19:13ff)". Matthew7:22 records the importance of doing the will of God as a basis for a legitimateuse of His name.~~rtado"l identifies the New Testament miracles as being "accomplished in awholly personal relationship ... In Christian circles ... the name of Jesus ... could notbe used effectively without personal saving faith ... Access to the power of thatname was only granted to one who was living in a relationship of New Testamentfaith." If power is invested in the name itself, it becomes a basic form of magic.In Matthew 7:22, the phrase, " in your name" is used by people in order to castout demons and to perform mighty works, though Jesus rejects the apparentmiracle workers, describing them as evildoers.BrunerU2 believes that "we are in the presence of actually successful Christianworkers". He further believes that Jesus disowns them because "it is possible towork for Jesus and yet not work under him ... to be powerful for Jesus and yet notallow Jesus to be powerful in oneself'. This however, assumes the possibility ofsomeone functioning in the power and authority of Jesus, yet without hispermission. There are difficulties with this view. The importance of the will ofGod (v. 21) and obedience to Christ (vs. 24-27) would appear to preclude it.Similarly. the previous passage (vs. 15-20) introduces the reader to the danger offalse prophets who make claims but are betrayed by their own lifestyles as aresult of which they are to be rejected. The fact that Jesus emphatically states hehas never known them undermines the possibility that these are "Christianworkers". That they are described as evildoers militates against any Christianpedigree, Bruner himself questioning whether there are "any of Jesus' Beatitudespresent in their three ministries"."' This appears to be describing more than anerroneous lifestyle on the part of the people concerned. Finally, it is incongruousthat they should be described as evildoers when the activities concerned were alsoevidenced in the ministry of Jesus himself.Gundry"' assumes a reference to false prophets, "Jews or Gentiles who judaisedtheir Christianity" while Hagnetus writes "they have never in fact participated inthe Kingdom of God". Their identification as unbelievers seems most likely.However, the question remains as to whether unbelievers can achieve what theyclaim. This would credit to Satan significant powers if God is not their source.However, the quality of their claim needs to be assessed before conclusions aredrawn, for those claims may be devoid of reality, being offered simply to gainentrance into the Kingdom. The context of the verses may be a useful guide to thevalue of their claims for they are located at the conclusion to the Sermon on theMount and immediately before the final illustration which stresses the importanceof obedience to the teaching of Jesus. Insofar as the first part of the pericope (v.21) contrasts the articulation of a claim to relationship with obedience, it wouldappear that the importance of the passage is to show that verbal formulae are no

The Journal of the European PuWcostd Theological Association. Vol. XVII, 1997substitute for the righteousness taught by Jesus which is integral to a relationsh.with Jesus. They may claim relationship by slating that they use the name of 'PJesus but their deeds are evil; their pretended relationship with Jesus is no morethan that, a pretence.Despile the fact that they claim m have achieved these miracles, the text does notestablish the veracity of their claims and it may be deduced that it is little m o ~than a ruse to be accepted on "that day" (v.22). However, their claim to have bensuccessful in the use of the name of Jesus does suggest that power was perceivedas being available to those who employed the name.The threefold use of the phrase "in your name" is significant. Those concerned donot simply claim to have prophesied, cast out demons and done mighty works somuch as that they have achieved these results with his power and authority...in hisname. Whatever their claims, they are mistaken for Jesus rejects them asevildoers. Either. therefore, they have achieved these results with power fromanother source"' or they have made deceitful claims in the hope that they wouldbe guaranteed entrance to the Kingdom. the possession of such power beingassumed to be the necessary proof of relationship with Jesus. If the latter is true,it is to be assumed that they were desiring to prove their authenticity as membe~of the Kingdom on the basis of their use of the name of Jesus.Morris"' suggests that the omission of the preposition before the name of theLord may indicate that "the meaning may be 'with' the name rather than 'in' thename, in which case the claim is that they had the name as the weapon they couldwield." This is an attractive suggestion. especially as it is the only time in thecontext of healingslexorcisms that this occurs. If the evildoers are claiming morethan they had achieved in order to be accepted by Christ, they may havecondemned themselves by this inappropriate use of the term. The threefold use ofthe term "in your name" suggests that the significance and appeal of their .statement is that they have used the name of Jesus in their ministry; the ministryitself was varied and secondary; their perceived power base is primary and it is ,this that forms the basis of their threefold appeal to Jesus to accept them. That itfollows a twofold reference to Jesus, identifying him as "Lord", may emphasisetheir claim to orthodoxy. They claim to be his true followers, not because theyperform signdwonders, but that they do so in his name.In response to their claim to know him, he states that he does not know them, -assigning them to the category of evil doers. If the aorist tense has anysignificance, it may be to highlight the irregular nature of their activities. This :would then be a contrast to the present continuous participle, "doing" (v. 21),with which Jesus describes the one who will enter the Kingdom of Heaven as one 'who is continuously doing the will of the Father. -The significance of this passage appears to be to show that the use of the name ofJesus does not guarantee acceptance by him. Intellectual knowledge that is devoidof relationship results in a lack of authority being granted to use the name.Instead, the context reminds the reader that obedience to the words of Jesus is:Keith Warrington: The use of the name (of Jesus) in healing and exorcismwith special reference to the teachings of Kenneth Iiaginsuperior any demonstration of power, real or imagined. Quality of obedience,marismatic dynamics, is the basis of a relationship with Jesus.Thus, in Mark 9:38ff, Jesus allows a man to continue using his name inexorcisms. even though he is not one of the Twelve. The issue of the passage is"01 relating to the power resident in the name, but the authority for its use. As far, the disciples were concerned, the man was exorcising demons; what needed tobe was whether he was authorised so to do. The fact that Jesus allowshim to continue shows that his actions are valid.oepke"' suggests that Jesus endorses the man but remains ambivalent to ''thethat is maintained by his act. Lane"" though comments that the,ontext refers to the unauthorised use of the name not its superstitious misuse.field''^ notes that the text points to the openness of the man to Christ.However, the words of Christ (v. 41) that follow may help to clarify the reasonfor the man's success and the lack of censure by Jesus. The phrase used in verse41 denotes a personal relationship with the name bearer rather than an intellectualawareness of the identity of the name. Again, it is the establishment of arelationship with Jesus that warrants an authorised use of his name. Thus, Lane~omments,'2' "The name of Jesus declares its authentic power only when a manjoins Jesus in faith and obedience to the will of God." The significance of this+ricope to our question is that a right relationship with the name bearer providesthe basis for the authorised use of the name.The parallel account in Luke 9:49f confirms the importance of relationship toJesus as the basis for the correct use of his name. Luke clarifies the reason for theforbidding of the disciples by noting that their reason for so doing was that hewas not following (Jesus) with them, whereas Mark states it was due to his notfollowing them. Although this may be an example of Luke clarifying Mark, italso reveals that it is authority in the use of the name and not the authority of thename that is the issue, the former being established on the basis of relationship,the latter assumed. That Jesus refuses to censure the man suggests that he acceptsthe validity of the use of his name inThat person, claims Jesus, isnot an opponent. That the man was casting out demons successfully (ekballonta... present continuous participle), denotes the fact that his use of the name waslegitimate. The victorious achievement proves approval by Christ and points to anestablished relationship. An authoritative use of the name presumes a legitimaterelationship with the name bearer.Acts 19:13ff records an incident in which the name of the Lord Jesus was used byJewish exorcists to attempt an exorcism. Although the Jewish exorcists assumed aresidential power within the name, the ineffective nature of the exorcism revealsthat, for Luke, the power is not released unconditionally. Indeed, the fact that theevil spirit rejected them as people whom it did not recognise leading to a physicalconfrontation, confirms this. Although they knew the name of Jesus, they had noclaim to his authority. Their use of the name was illegitimate since there was norelationship existing with the name bearer as a result of which they were

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XVII. 1997-Keith Warrington: The use of the name (of Jesus) in healing and exorcismwith special reference to the teachings of Kenneth Haginoverpowered. Without authorisation, the name itself was powerless, resulting intheir powerlessness.The valid and effective use of the name occurs when the will of thename bearer is invokedIn the context of prayer, the activation of that authority is based on adherence tothe will of God.''' The use of the name in Jesus' guidance concerning prayerIm isto he understood as revealing the importance of the will of God in pra~er.'~ Theactivation of the authority related to the name of Jesus is based on adherence tothe will of God. "His name is the revelation of His character and nature. We havethat in us only if we abide in Christ and His words abide in us ... then our will linesup with His, and we can ask what we will and it shall be done".Iz6 Claiminghealing "in the name of the Lord" may be equated with presumption unless Godhas specifically assured the one concerned that such a claim is valid and inaccordance with his will, as a result of which, he can sanction the use of his nameain the proposal. ,That is not to suggest that the name of the Lord may only be appropriately usedin a prayer for restoration when the outcome of that prayer is known beforehand.It may be possible to understand the use of the name of the Lord being:incorporated in a prayer for restoration in those cases where the invocation isbeing presented in the recognition that it is the Lord and he alone who has thefinal authority to answer the prayer in the way that he wishes. The use of thename by the petitioner is a helpful self-reminder of that fact.The phrase "in the name of the Lord" is used in James 5:14. This is the onlyoccasion where the phrase is used in the context of a prayer for restoration. Itsmeaning is therefore to be carefully defined and its appropriate use determined.IIts most proximate occurrence is 510 where it appears to mean that the prophetsspoke with the authority of the Lord or more generally, on behalf of the Lord. If ,the identity therefore of the name bearer in 5: 14 is probably Jesus and thesignificance of the use of the name in 5: 10 and 5: 14 is suggestive of the authority + ,of Christ, the term may fit the current schema which provides the most likelymeaning of the term as being related to authoritylpower. - 2It may be shown therefore from the New Testament that the name of the Lord isused as a representation of his authority, this feature being present elsewhere inthe Bible.'" In the context of prayer, the activation of that authority is inevitablybased on adherence to his will.'" Thus. Rogge notes that, "to pray in the name ofJesus is to pray in his character and nature. It is to pray the prayer he wouldpray ... that his (Father's) will, not ours, would be done."'"Similarly, the use of the name in Jesus' guidance concerning prayerIM is to beunderstood as revealing the importance of the will of God in prayer."' To pray inhis name means to pray in accordance with his will. The name of the Lord is -therefore appropriately used when the prayer incorporating it is sanctioned orcommissioned by God,'32 for then it will effect a change."' Speaking of John28j'i214:13, WitheringtonIu defines the phrase "ask in my name" as, "asking in accordwith the character and will of Jesus".Thus, it is possible that James in 5: 14 is suggesting that the name of the Lord beused in prayer in the context of restoration not only because of its associationwith the power/authority of the Lord but also because of its relationship with hiswill. It is true that the "name" of the Lord and the "power" of the Lord oftenappear to be used synonymously in Biblical and early Christian literature,'" andthe incorporation of the name of the Lord undergirds an expectation to see hispower in operation. However, in the examples noted, there does not appear to anymanipulation or coercion on the part of the one using the name.'%Taskerl" correctly notes that the significance of the phrase in James 5 is toremind the readers that the healing occurs as a result of the Lord. It is notautomatically effected by the anointing, the presence of the Elders or theinclusion of the name of the Lord. These do not necessarily result in healing, forthat which is significant as a foundation, on which these elements are laid, is theauthority of the Lord and his willingness to activate restoration. It is for this latterreason that James is able to express confidence that the prayer will besuccessfully answered.Macnutt seems to suggest that to pray in the name of Jesus is to pray in thecontext of having received the gift of faith as a result of which, one is able to prayin the authority of Jesus and thus have absolute assurance that the prayer will beanswered positively."* In this context, he believes it is appropriate to offer aprayer of command for "the person praying already knows ... the mind of God, andso can speak in his person"."'CONCLUSIONIt is possible that the phrase "in the name of the Lord", and the alternative titles,is simply employed to designate the identity of the one who is hearing the prayer;in Acts 3:6,9:32f, this seems most likely. However, it is probable that the phraseis also included because of its association with the power and will of the Lord.Thus, it is to be expected that the sovereign authority of the Name bearer is to bedirected to the sufferer.Bietenhard equates the phrase, "in the name of the Lord, with obedience'" andseems to suggest that its use will bring about the desired result. There is nothought of a magical ritual or any coercion involved; instead, it acts as a reminderthat the power resides not in the name, to be used as one wishes, but in the namebearer.The use of the name has been used in magical contexts and to coerce the deity butthis is not reflected in the activities of the followers of Jesus as described in theNew Testament, and the revelation of the failure so to do in Acts 19:13ffconfirms this.The connection with a singular aspect of God and, in particular, his power and

-The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association. Vol. XVII, 1997-Keith Warrington: The use of the natne (of Jesus) in healing and exorcismwith special reference to the teachings of Kenneth Haginauthority seems to provide the most appropriate setting for most of the uses of thename of the Lord. The legitimate presentation of the name assumes a context inwhich it guarantees a restoration that is in keeping with the will of God as a resultof which, he will grant the release of his power to effect the desiredtransformation.A nutnber of reasons may be offered for the contemporary use of the name ofJesus in contexts of healing and exorcism. For some, it is employed because of abelief that it is to be an integral part of the restoration process. For others, it isused with the meaning, "in the will oflpower of' on the basis of a belief that suchrestoration is guaranteed; therefore, the name may always be appliedunconditionally to situations of suffering and exorcism. Some accept the latterproposition, but restrict it to exorcisms. Still others see the term as identifyingthesource of the power without deriving from its use any guarantee of restoration.Finally, some prefer to use it when, on the basis of a gift of faith or assurancefrom God, the use of the term is appropriately and legitimately employed, foralthough they reject the notion of unconditional healing for all Christians, attimes, it may be God's plan to heal, whereupon the use of the name is arecognition of the fact that the one employing it is aware of his will and seeks toplay hislher part in achieving it.EndnotesDarragh, R. E., 111 Defence r$ His Word, ((London: Elim Publishing House (1932) 38, 70;Banks, M. Healing Revolution, (Basingstoke: Marshalls (1985) 54, 85, 138, 148, 151;Dinsdale. E. "Ointment", Study Hour, (March 15, 1949) 59f.' so Willis, L. J., "Faith in His name," Elirn Evangel, (July 4, 1964) 429f.' Jeffreys. G.. The Miraculous Foursquare Gospel-Doctrinal, (London: Elim 1920) 8.Hurtado, L. W. "Healing and Related Factors". Paraclete, 4.2 (1970) 24.' Banks, M. Divine Health i.v.fi)ryou. (nd. np) 7Acts 3:6,l6; 4: 10; 934.' Jn. 14:13f; 16:24.' Hurtado (L, "Miracles ... Pagan and Christian," Paraclete. 4.4 (1970) 15f.Mt. 7:22, Mk. 9:38ff. Lk. 9:49f. 10: 17-20. Acts 16: 18. 19: 13.I" Acts 3: l ff, 9:32ff.'I Jas. 5: l3ff." Dibelius (M. James. Philadelphia: Fortress Press (1976) 253) points to the improbability ofthe variant reading of B which omits " the Lord". Similarly unlikely is the variant "JesusChrist", Nestle-Aland noting only a few witnesses. The reason for such a change wasprobably to clearly identify the term " the Lord " as Jesus Christ.I' Mk. 9:38; 16:17; Lk. 10:17; Acts 3:6;4:10.12; 5:41; 16:18." Hem. Sim 9.14.5; 9.28.2; hen. Ad. Haer. 2.6.2; 2.32.5; Origen Contra Celsus, 1.6.Deut. 28: 10; Josh. 99; 2 Sam. 6:2,l8; 1 Kgs. 3:2; 1 Chmn. 2W.19: Ps. 7: 17; Prov. 18: 10;Isa. 18:7; Joel 2:26; Mic. 5:4; Zeph. 3: 12.l6 Rietenhnrd, H. T/teological Dictionnry of the New Testanrertt (TDNT), Kittel, G.. Friedrich,G. (eds) Grand Rapids: Eerdmans (1964) 5.257.His authoritylpower ... Mk. 938; Lk. 9:49; Acts4:7,10; Phil. 2:9k Heb. 1:4; IQM.11.2.3; De Op.Mwt. 133; L& All. 2:18; 3:87,95,191; De Clter. 55.56.His property ... P. Oxy. 2.247.3 1; P. Ryl. 2.174.23; Moulton, J. H., Milligan, G.The V~~cabrrlary of the Greek New Testnrttertt illustrated frontthe Papyri and other Non-Literary Sources (MM).( 1930) 45 1.Wink, W. Nnrthg The Powers, Philadelphia: Fortress Press (1984) I 21) states that the nameis "the part representing the whole".I' Thurston. B. Spiritual Li/e in /he Eorly Cl~itrcli. (Minneapolis: Fortress 1993) 36.'"Dunn, J. D. G., Jesirs and the Sl~irit, (London: SCM 1975) 164, 177; Cullmann, 0.. Prayer inthe New Tesmrnent. (London: SCM 1995) 10; Unger, M. F. "Divine Healing". RibliotltecaSacra, 128 (July, 197 1) 236.I" Gen. 4:26; 12%; 1 Kgs. 18:24; 2 Kgs. 5:Il; Ps. 114 (1 16):4; Joel 232; Zeph. 3:9; Jn. 16:24;Acts 2:2 1 ; 4: 12; Rom. 10: 13.'' Didache 10.2; 12.1; Justin Apol. 65.3; Ign. Eph. 1.3; Ony. 4.2.?'Bietenhard. TDNT5.243. Jayne W. A. The Healing Gorls ofAnciertt Civilim~tion, (New York:University Books 1967) 107." QM 11.2; Origen Contra Celsus, 4.33f; Bietenhard, TDNT, 5.253; Davies. T. W. Magic,Divination and Dentr~nology, (New York: Ktav 1969) 62f." Thurston, Spiritual Life .... 39.Acts 3:6; 4:7.10.'-' TDNT, 5.243.Heitmuller, W. Int Natrlen Jesu. (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht 1905)." Trachtenberg, J. Jenidz Magic and Sicperstition, (1939) 79f; Goodenough, E. R, JewisltSyn~htls in the Graeco-Rontan Period 2. (New York: Pantheon Books. 1953-1965) 161;Ogilvie. R. M., The Rotnans and their God.s. (Chatto and Windus 1969) 24ff; Nock, A. D."Paul and the Magus" in Essays on Religion and the Ancient World 1 (ed.) Stewart, Z.(Cambridge: Harvard University Press 1972) 190f; Deissman, A. Bible Studies. (Edinburgh:T. & T. Clark 1903) 288; Pulleyn (S. "The Power of Names in Classical Greek Religion",Classical Quarterly. 44.1 (1994) 17-25) questions this view as far as Greek religion isconcerned, though concedes such was believed in Egyptian religion and the Magical Papyri( 19).Gen. 32:29 (?); Acts 4:7; 1 Enoch 69 13-21.25; See Sharot. S.. Messiani.~~n. My.vtici.sttt andMagic. A Sociological Analysis (#Jewish Religious Movenlents, (Chapel Hill: University ofNorth Carolina Press 1982) 42.-Y Trachtenberg, Jewish Magic ..., 78- 103; Bietenhard, TDNT 25 1 ; Dawson, G. G. Healing:Pagan and Cltrisrian. (London :SPCK 1935) 98; Yamauchi. E. Magic or Miracle? Diseases.Dentons and Exorcisrns in Gospel Perspectives 6 (eds) Wenham, D., Blomberg, C.(Sheffield:. JSOT Press 1986) 132; Grether, 0.. "Name und Wort Gottes im AT," ZA W 64(1934) 59; Simon, M., Verus Israel, (Oxford: Oxford University Press 1986) 343-353;Schiffman. L. H. "A Forty two letter Divine Name in the Aramaic Magic Bowls." BIJS 1(1973) 97-102; pace Lauterbach. J. Z. "The Belief in the Power of the word." HUCA 14(1939) 301 -302." Thurston. Spiritual Life .... 36.

T ~ C Journal of the European Pentecoslal Theological Association, Vol. XVII, 19977 Keith Warrington: The use of the name (of Jesus) in healing and exorcismwith special reference to the teachings of Kenneth Hagin" W. R., Per.sona1 Speech-Ethics in the Epistle of Janres, (Tuhingen: Mohr 1995) 261. 3842,48f. 54f, 59f.'?ibid41f." ibid 48f" ibid 54f.'"bid 59f ... Sheb. 43; 36a; Ket. 72a; San. 11% though Rabbinic literature does record storiesreflecting the popular magical ideas relating to the superstitious belief that the power inGod's name could be harnessed and used without his permission being granted (ExR. 1:3~LevR. 32:4; EcclR. 3: 1 I ; j. Yoma 40d; Tos. Mak. 5: 10..in Ancient Egypt. (London H. & S. 1963) 40; Cavendish, R.. A History of Magic, (London:~~idenfeld and Nicholson. 1977) 10; Ferguson, J., Tlre Relisions of the Ronron Etrll)ire,(Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1970) 158f..u See Sorensen. J. P., "The argument in Ancient Egyptian Magical Formulae," AO, 45 (1984)17.s Graf (F, "Prayer in Magic and Religious Ritual," in Magika Hiera, (eds) Faraone. C. Obbink,D., (Oxford: Oxford University Press. 1991) 195)) notes that the magician functions "as anisolated individual".r B. Kam. 185a; Keth. 105a. 152b refer to the suitability of payment.Thiselton, A. C.. "The supposed power of words in the Biblical Writings," JTS 25 (1974)$1 P.G.M. l3.914-IOOI; I8b. 1-7; 35. 1-15.283-298. .r Gnf, "Prayer...", 190." e.g. I Sam. 20:42.i1 r p.G.M. 13.425ff.Margalioth. M.. Sepher-ha-Razinr: The Book of Mysteries, (trans) Morgan, M. A. (Atlanta: m TOS. Hull. 2.22f. j. Shab. 14.4.14a. j. Ab. Zar. 2.2.40d, 41a. b. Ab. Zar. 27b.Scholars Press 1983).-61 WM 4.3019-3030 ..." adjure you by the God of the Hebrews, Jesu."" Betz, H. D., Magical Papyri in 'I'ranslation, (Chicago: University of Chicago Press 1986)" Hurtado, L., One God One Lord, (London: SCM. 1988) 1 10.xxiii-xxviii.' e.g.s P.G.M. 3.40,41,159f,275,40Q 4. 1210,3010-3030. P.G.M. 57.27 (dated 70-150 C.E.) isthe only example of pre 2nd century literature though it relates to a love charm.41 Ex. 20:7; Deut. 5: 1 1.4' Smith, M., Jesus the Magician. (San Francisco: Harper & Row 1978) 109; Also, Hull, J. M.,Hellenistic Magic, and the Synoptic Tradirion, (London: SCM 1974); Garrett. R., "Light on adark s~bject" in Religion, Science and Magic. (cds) Neusner, J., Frerichs, E. S., Flesher, P. V.Bmett. C. K., The New Tesrarnew Background: Selected Docurtrenrs. (London: SPCK, 1961). 3Ir/ a P.G.M. 4. 3080.31 1 1-3114; 12. l3O-l32.l4 I-144.317C 35. 1-42. See Sabourin. L.i "Hellenistic and Rabbinic Miracle," BTB 2.3. (1972) 306; Nilsson, M., Greek Piety, (NewYork: W. W. Norton, 1969)175; Butler, E. M., Ritrtal Magic, (Cambridge: CambridgefUniversity Press. 1949) 3-5; Rivers, W. H. R.. Medicine, Mogic and Religion, (London,i,1924) 4; Mnir, L.. An It~troducrion to Social A~~rhropology, (Oxford: Clarendon. 1972) 225;iM.. (Oxford: Oxford University Press 1989) 144-153.1Gnf ("Prayer...". 194) accepts the presence of coercion in magical praxis, but questions itsKee. H. C., Mirade in the Early Cl~rktiati World, (New Haven: Yale University Press 1983)- frequency.288. * See Kee, Medicine ... 126; Such a proposed distinction is criticised by Betz ( H. D.. "Magic" Though see b. Sanh 43a. Tos. Hulin 2.22f. and Mystery in the Greek Magical Papyri." in Magika Hiera (xli); Neusner, J.. "Science andMagic: Miracle and Magic in Formative Judaism: The System and the Difference" in-I" Gamt. op.cit. 1144. . Religiun, Science.., 61R Aune, D. "Magic in Early Christianity," 23 1 ANRW I1 1510; Nock,* Segal, A., "Hellenistic Magic: Some Questions of definition" in Studies in Gnosticisrrl and ' A. D., "Paul and the Magus," in Evsay.v on Religion and rhe Ancienr World, (ed) Stewart, Z.k *Hellenisric Religions, (eds) van den Broek, R., Vermaseren, M. J., (Leiden: Brill, 1982) 351.(Cambridge: Hmvard University Press, 1972) 314; Faraone. C., "The Agonistic Context ofGreek Binding Spells", in Magika Hiera. 6.I- EarlyEx. 22: 18; Lev. 1931; Deut. 18:lO-12; 2 Kgs. 9:22; Isa. 2:6; Jer. 27:9; Ezek. 13:17f; Mal.35. a Goodenough, Jewish Sytnbols. .. 158.'* B. San. 167 a, b. I Ola; cp. Shab. 161 a. 6 1 b; See also JE 12:703ff, 706f. " P.G.M. 1.216; 3.635-665; 4.2344-2345; 7.690-692. Ghalioungi, Magic 23.Arnobius Ad. Gent. 1.4346; Lactantius Divin. Inst. 14.15. ' Gen. 17: 1; Ex. 6:2.'' P.G.M. 3.1 19f; 4.3255-3274; P. D. M. 14.18; See Burris, E.. Taboo, Magic, Spirbs .....If*in ,.Betz ("Magic and Mystery...", 255) similarly contrasts magic and the mystery religions.,Roman Religion, (New York: MacMillan, 1931) 181; Yamauchi, "Magic or Miracle ...," 107f., Arnobius. Adv. Nut. 1.44 "Christ did all he did without any paraphernalia, without the" P.G.M. 4.3 125-3171.3 172-3208; 5.70-95; 7.385-389. 1 1-416,417-422,505-528. observance of any ritual or formula but only through the power of his name." Cf. Lactantius," P.G.M. 7.400-404; 9. 1 -14; 13.74-89.504-507,905-911, 14-995; See O'Keefe, D. L., StolenDiv. Inst. 4.15.9.Lighming: The Capird Sdal Theory

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XVII. 1997" Hagin, K., Seven Things you should know about Divine Healing. (Tulsa: KHM, 1979) 39." Hagin, The Nanre .... 14; Bible Prayer Study Course. (Tulsa: KHM, nd). 22; Prevailing Prayerto Peace, (Tulsa: KHM, 1974). 19.'Vhe Believer's ..., 22.'' Bible Prayer ..., 43; Prevnilitrg ..., 9." The Name .... 14.'"bid. 38.Hagin. What to do when Faith seems weak und victory Io~t, (Tulsa: KHM. 1979) 76." ibid. 14; Bible Prayer ..., 22; Prevailing .... 19." The Name .... 17" ibirl, 22" ibirl, 48,75, 103f. 1 17. 120, 121" The Name.., 19" Hagin, The Believer's .... 22" Hagin, The Name ..., 74; also John 14:13 (Prevailing .... 72)." Hagin, The Believer's ..., 23; Bible Prayer ..., 1 15; Seven Things ..., 37." The Nanle .... 73" Hagin, The Believer's .... 22; Seven Things ..., 38."' Hagin, K. E., Plead Your Casc, (Tulsa: KHM 1979) 9.'' The Name ..., 75" ibid. 1 17" ibid, 138" ibid, 148f"' ibid, I4 Iibid, 44.59'' ibid. 97" Wink. W. Narning the Powers, I (Philadelphia: Fortress. 1984) 22." Bruce, F. F.. The Acts of the Apodes. Greek Text with Introduction and Comnrentary.(Leicester: Apollos, 1990) 137.IU' ibid, 142.It" RSV.''12 Bruce, F. F., The Book ofActs, (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans. 1975) 89."" Bruce, Acts (Gk.) 142.I"' I Sam. 17:45; Ps. 106:8, Thurston, Spiritual Life ..., 39."" Spiritual Life .... 42f."'Marshall, I. H.. The Gospel vf Luke New International Greek Text Co)ti~~zentary, (Exeterer:Paternoster Press, 1978).ID' See also T. Sim. 6.6, T. Zeb. 9.8.""See also Gen. 3:15; Is. 11:8; Ps. 90:13 LXX.Keith Warrington: The use of the name (of Jesus) in healing and exorcismwith special reference to the teachings of Kenneth tfaginIt" Munn. G. L., "The Importance of Praying in the Name of Christ". Sodrwestern Journal (fTlreology, 38. 3 (Summer 1996) 43.1111 Jesus ..., 165; Cullmann, Prayer .... 101."I "Miracles ..." 1Sf.11' 1. 286; Davies and Allison (Matthew. 1.715) believe that they are "in the Christian camp"insofar as they call Jesus "Lord, Lord".11' I. 287.11' 133."' I. 188; Richards. J. The Question of Healing Services. (London: Daybreak. 1989) 47; Patte(D. The Gospel according to Mattlrew, Philadelphia: Fortress. 1987) 100) states "they haveonly acknowledged and shared in his authority as miracle worker; they have onlyacknowledged and shared in his power".""ee Matt. 24:24; 2 Thess. 29; Rev. 13: 13- IS.I" Morris, L., Tlte Gospel According to Matthew, (Leicester: IVP, 1992) 180."ROepke. A., TWNT3.213.Lnne. W.. The Gospel According to Mark, (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1974) 343.I" Cranfield, C. E. B. Tlte Gospel According to St. Mark, (Cambridge: CUP, 1963) 3 10."' Lane, Mark. 343.Ferguson (E, Dearonology of the Early Christian World, (Lampeter: Edwin Mellen Press,1984)15) suggests the success of the exorcist "may have been allowed by God in order toenhance the reputation and respect for the name of Jesus". This provides more problems thananswers. If the lifestyle of the person concerned was not in keeping with the desires of thename bearer. the reputation of the latter would be damaged; also, the danger of such a view isthat it opens the possibility of the name being understood magically or sacramentally; instead,the fundamental importance of relationship with the name bearer should be recognised asproviding the authoritative value of the name.'"Tee (A.. Pentecostal Doctrine, (ed) Brewster. P. S., (Cheltenham: Grenehurst Press, 1976)203) notes, 'there is nothing clockwork or mechanical about payer ... no one can ask for thisor that ... and think that, by adding at the end of the sentence "in the name of Jesus", whateverthey request or demand is going to take place forthwith ... The owner of the name mustauthorise it."'I4 Jn. 14: l3f; 15: 16; 16:24,26.Jn. 5: 14f.'16 Assemblies of God, "Our position on Divine Healing", Poraclete, 9.2 (1975) 12; "Ask in Myname". (anon.) Elinr Evangel (Nov. 2. 1963) 695."' Deut. 185.22; 1 Sam. 17:45; 1 Chron. 21: 19; 2 Chron. 33: 18; Jer. 1 1:21; Matt. 2 1 9; Lk.13:35; Acts 36; Col. 3: 17. Authoritative statements are quoted in the Talmud "in the nameof' other Rabbis (b. Ber. 9a, 12b, 29b.).2 Chron. 265; Jn. 15~7; Jas. 1:25; I Jn. 3:22; 5:14f; Munn. ''The Importmce ...". 43.'" Rogge. L. P., "The relationship between the Sacrament of Anointing the sick and the Charismof Healing within the Catholic Charismatic Renewal", unpubl. Ph. D. Union TheologicalSeminary in New York (1984) 406.I"" Jn. 14: 13f; 15: 16; 1624.26.

The Journal of the European Pmlecoslal Theological Association, Vol. XVII. 1997"I I Jn. 5: 14f. Vaughan (R.. Soinis ,fir Healing. (Derby: Anglican Renewal Ministries. 1991)72) illustrates prayer for healing as being a blank cheque offered to Jesus which He will onlysign it if it is in agreement with His will.'I Ex. 5:22f; Deut. 18: 18f."' See b. Yeb. 45b; Zeb. 4b.134John '.s..., 250."'2 Kgs. 2:24; Ps. 117 (1 18): IOff, 26; Matt. 7:22; Lk. 10:17; Acts 3:6.16; 4:7,10; 16:18; Eus.Hist. 1.3.7; Just. Dial. 30.30; Origen Contra Celsrrs 1.6,25,67; 3.24; Ath. De Inc. 50.4;Thurston (Spiritual LiJe..... 38) writes "Power and name are parallel concepts.""6S~ Mussner, F. W., Der Jakobusbrief, Herders Theologischer Kommentar zum,NeuenTestament 13.1 (New York: Freiburg. 1964) 221 ; Grether, 0.. Nanre und Wori Gortes itn AT.Beihefte zur Zeitschrift fur die Altestamentliche Wissenschaft 64 (Giessen, 1934) 183;Thistelton (A. C., 'The Supposed Power of Words in the Biblical Writings." ITS. 25 (1974)291) states "If the words themselves have the power, God is redundant to the scene." Rather,Thurston (Spiritual Life.... 38) noces ''The name of Jesus shows its power only where onejoins Jesus in faith and obedience.""'Tasker, K. V. G.. The General Epistle of James London: Tyndale (1956) 130f; So alsoNielsen. H. K., Heilung und Verkundiptng. (Leiden: Brill. 1986) 2 1 1.'" MacNutt. F., Healing. (Notre Dame: Ave Maria Press. 1974) 127.'." ibid. 128.In TDNT. 225.Afro-Caribbean Pentecostalism in BritainJoel EdwardsLet me begin with a qualification of the title: in the interest of politicalcorrectness, I need to change the title to "African-Caribbean Pentecostalism".This is not merely semantics, but a recognition of the linguistic developments ofthe past forty years which reflects the powerful transition in self-definition andidentity for Caribbeans. Whilst it does not specifically represent the vocabulary ofthe Black Church, it is nonetheless an essential element of the cultural and sociopoliticalmilieu which has shaped the spiritual subconsciousness of the BlackChurch. Blacks started off as "Coloured" or "West Indians". They then becameAfro-Caribbeans before the contemporary inclusive African-Caribbean.As an introductory aside, the notion of Black Christianity in Britain must includethe wider spectrum of African Aladura Churches - many of which would not restcomfortably with more orthodox trinitarianism - and the growing neo-PentecostalAfrican independent churches which have mushroomed over the last ten years.The Black Pentecostalism of the UK straddles the American-based internationalmovements of trinitarian Pentecostalism, its plethora of splinter groups andindependent churches through to the "Jesus Only" Oneness congregations.For the purpose of this paper, I will stay within the boundaries of the African-Caribbean Pentecostalism of the "older" groups within the trinitarian traditions. Iwill attempt to draw an outline of some of the distinguishing cultural and socialtrends for Black Britain without which Black British Pentecostalism couldbecome an incomprehensible theological misfit or a caricature of animatedworship without intelligent analysis. I then hope to conclude with a briefsummary of the Pentecostal distinctives it struggles to hold in tension against itssocial context.WELCOME HOME BROTHERThe arrival of the Windrush signalled a new wave of immigrants but not thefirst. A combination of poor economic conditions in the Caribbean and theshortage of labour in the UK attracted thousands of Caribbeans and theCommonwealth citizens to assist the "Mother Country" and to improve their owncircumstances at the same time. By 1961, 238,000 West Indians were resident inBritain: this was the highest total of any collection of West Indians outsideJamaica which then had a total population of 1,609,814. The 1971 British Censusrecorded 220,000 West Indians born in the Caribbean and 223,000 born in theUK.Pnper presented by Rev Joel Edwards, UK Director of the Evangelical Alliance, at the Pentecostal andCharismatic Research Fellowship Conference. Regents Theological College. Nantwich. Cheshire.England in December 1997.

~h.e Journal of the European Penlecostal Theological Association, Vol. XVII, 1997Joel Edwards: Afro-Caribbean Pentecostalism in BritainBlack people who inadvertently responded to an invitation to urbanisationpervaded certain sections of unskilled labour. In 1970, 78% of National HealthScrvice ancillary workers were Black. As early as 1965, London Transportemployed 3,000 Barbadians alone.It was against this background that thousands of committed Christians came fromthe Caribbean. In those early days of the Caribbean Christian Diaspora, mythsand aspirations about the "Mother Country" abounded. England was the place ofaffluence where Caribbeans came in order to apply themselves to the acquisitionof wealth obtainable over a five year period and to beat a hasty retreat to a sunsoakedvilla! It is hard to imagine the intensity of the patriotism with which they"came over".But Caribbeans also came with distinct apprehensions about "Mother". Englandbecame regarded as the place where Christians came to die. The pre-Renewalecclesiastical landscape of the 1950's and 1960's provided little attraction to theCaribbean Christians, most of whom were in fact members of the historicdenominations. From the mid nineteenth century, 3 1 % of church goers in theCaribbean were Church of England, 29% were Wesleyan Methodists and 17%were Baptists. Even by the 1960's, Pentecostalism, which is popularly associatedwith Black Christianity, was still a minority group and regarded as a sect bysocial scientists!'The 1989 Pocketbook of Statistics for Jamaica showed that 71 % of Jamaicansregularly attended church2 and Clifford Hill's pioneering study of West Indianchurches in 1961 also suggested that 69% of the population in the Caribbeanattended church whereas only 4% of West Indians in London were regular churchgoers in 1963."~ comparison, the 1989 Jamaican survey, mentioned above,estimated that out of the total population of 2,190,400 in 1982, 4 1 % were activeChristians. This pattern was underlined by Calley's study which also showed thata smaller percentage of West Indians attended the established churches even inareas where Caribbeans resided in relatively significant numbers.' England, Hillconcluded, did not turn out to be the Mecca of Christianity and he was convincedthat "this was a major cause of many migrants lapse of faith ..."."The newly arrived Caribbean Christian community of the 1950's and 1960'sparticipated in the struggles and traumas associated with any immigrant group ina minority situation. It sought for shelter under the canopy of the existing churchstructures and found little that resonated with its own expression of Christianity.This was not always a result of hostile rejection or polite indifference - althoughthese reactions contributed to the deterioration of faith amongst Caribbeans - butwas also the result of a mismatch of cultural responses and an incongruitybetween the secularised formalities of many churches and the simple fervour ofCaribbean Christianity.Calley identified 80 West Indian churches in Britain by 19616 and in the mainthese were Pentecostal churches. It is a misrepresentation of Black Churchgrowth to surmise that the inception and development of these groups were dueprimarily to rejection by "white churches". Many "white churches" made heroic38attempts to accommodate others with whom they were totally unfamiliar and whohad an identity entirely distinct from their English Pentecostal counterparts. AsDr. Selwyn Arnold insisted during an interview, Black churches were not broughtinto being entirely as a result of racism. This would make them entirely acommunity by default. Black churches came into being to fulfil spiritual socialand cultural needs which would otherwise have gone unmet.THE SEEDS OF DEVELOPMENTImmigration had a direct impact on the development of the Caribbean Church inits formative years. Roswith Gerloff's study highlights the fact that the majorchurch groups were formulated between 1953 - 1960, prior to the restrictionsimposed by the 1962 Race Relations Act? However, the early immigrants weretotally committed to an indiscriminate approach to evangelism which sweptacross all cultural boundaries even though it had more cultural affinity withCaribbeans.Many Caribbean Christians saw themselves as missionaries," and soon came toidentify God's purposes in their arrival. Black non-Christians formed small socialnetworks. The Black Christian community was thrown against itself. The Churchbecame a safe and familiar haven of rest. But this was not a negative existence. Itprovided affirmation, social and cultural identity and a place where they would beeducated. The Church offered a place for spiritual sustenance and vitality. TheCaribbean Church community provided the greatest and most life-supportingcontext for its existence in a hostile or alien environment, not through acontemplative exegetical framework but through "vital" theology which gavemeaning to lives which were often marginalised. Within the community of thesaints, life in the "world" could be reassessed and people were given the will tosurvive on Monday morning.Body ministry and the "priesthood of all believers" was expressed, rather thanthought through systematically. In this community, the testimony of the illiteratewas potentially as liberating as the sermon from the preacher. Even with somerestrictions, women had freedom to preach and exercise leadership. This is not tosay that Black women ministers had an easy passage as 10 Smith has shown inher own autobiography." However, the Caribbean Church, as a celebrationcommunity rather than sacramental community, has always been less preoccupiedwith fine-tuning theological nuances and has consequently had a far moreliberating effect on individuals, bestowing a sense of worth and personalaffirmation on those who would otherwise go unnoticed.This personal enhancement was also buttressed by the holiness theology ofclassical Pentecostalism which is the theological bedrock of CaribbeanChristianity in the UK. It expressed and expresses itself in a demand for personalsanctification and challenged African-Caribbeans in a secular environmentconcerning moral indifference and ethical ambiguities. At the heart of Blackpreaching was the expectation of the Second Coming. Eschatology was not a part

The Journal of the Eumpean Penlecostal Theological Association. Vol. XVII, 1997Joel Edwards: Afro-Carihbean Pen~ecostalism in Britainof rhc liturgical vocabulary but it was inalienable from church life.I0 Added tothis, the Pentecostal heritage, from which the majority of Caribbean Christiansdrew their strength, held within it the potential for its future devcloprnent. Beforechurch growth systems were popularised in the UK, Black Pentecostalism had astrong code of expectancy which included statistical growth. Pentecostalism wasof course committed to the idea of "signs following believers" and "spiritualresults". It was perhaps inadvertently, an alternative, intuitive church growthscience which required visible proof of the life of Christ in the worshippingcommunity.Things were supposed to happen when people met with a living God, andworshipped in Spirit and truth, and the claims of the Good News were expectedto produce optimism and growth in the most derelict and desperate conditions inpost war Britain. To that extent. African-Caribbean Pentecostalism is anempirical belief-system.INNER CITY SAINTSWith over 90% of the UK population living in urban areas, CaribbeanChristianity has been called to participate as partners in the salting of the cities.MARC Europe's 1989 Survey Christian England has shown that African-Caribbean Christianity thrives in the urban areas where Black churches arealmost exclusively located. There is a real sense in which African-Caribbeans arewhere the people live. Its impact as salt and light has not been politicised. It istrue that until recent years, its involvement on the social and political front wasnoticeably absent and this left it open to charges of irrelevance and politicalindifference.Today, the presence of many Black church groups is making significantcontributions to the life of its own community in comparison with the widerchurch community. Black activists who challenge Black Christians about theabsence of a British-grown Martin Luther King or Jessie Jackson haveoverlooked a vital point: it took the Church in the United States over 200 years toproduce Martin Luther King! But they also overlook the fact that effectiveness isnot always measurable by political manoeuvres or radical slogans. Salt and lightmakes little noise. Ordinary men and women, many of whom were unskilled,were ill-equipped to relate to and interact effectively with the complexities ofBritish political and socio-economic realities. Their energies were spent insurviving the lethal doses of economic deprivation, marginalisation, institutionaland personal racism which has been part of their daily diet in urban Britain.THE STAGES OF CHURCH GROWTHIn my own view, the African-Caribbean Church has experienced four periods oftransition since the 1950's. Curiously, Gerloffs work has identified six periods ofdevelopment between 1952 to 1990 although she has not given clearchronological stages in each case."The Inception of the Black ChurchI would identify this stage as being between 1950 to 1965. If a caricature ispermissible, it is what I regard as the "suitcase Church" (the "grip Church" inCaribbean vernacular) which typified the short term immigrant perception of theChurch community. Most members of the African-Caribbean community sawthemselves as visitors. They were indeed strangers and pilgrims and content to beso. This "early Church" certainly had no long-term objectives and at the earliestpoint in this period, evangelism was a reflex response borne out of an intensecommitment to Christ.For many Caribbeans, the sense of gripping greyness which greeted thesepioneers was summed up by Ira Brooks in his book. Attotlter- Gentlenlat~ to theMinistry, describing his arrival in 1956:"Only minutes had passed since I stepped out of the taxi, but the weight ofmy battered suitcase and the cold wind had forced me to release my holdon the luggage. I stuck my burning fingers into the pockets of my overcoatand paced backwards and forwards to ensure that blood was stillcirculating in my veins."12At least Ira Brooks had an overcoat. Many did not. The traumas of job and roomhunting, the unfamiliar cold, strange surroundings and fish and chips fromnewspapers was the stuff of which homesickness was made. When the CaribbeanChristian sung:"I've got a longing, I'm homesick to goto a land without heartache no sorrow, no woe.There's nothing but trouble in this world belowI've got a longing I'm homesick to go",he was doing what is now better known as contextualising his theologicalframework. This was the survival Church.The Period of ConsolidationBetween 1960 - 1975, the Caribbean community in the UK began to think longterm. By 1960, Cyril Osbourne's "Keep Britain White" campaign, the NottingHill disturbances, parliamentarian Enoch Powell's "rivers of blood" speeches andsuccessive Immigration Acts of 1962, 1965, 1968 and 197 1 gradually closed thedoor of opportunity on Caribbeans travelling to the UK.This was also the period when the Caribbean Church grew. Immigration certainlystimulated its growth but did not account for the whole story. Between 1960 -1975, the African Caribbean Church experienced significant growth. During thisperiod, many churches developed their infrastructure and began to think longterm. The New Testament Church of God opened its first full time Bible School

The Journal of the European Rntecostal Theologicnl Association, Vol. XVII. 1997Joel Edwards: Afro-Caribbean Pentecostakm in Britainin Birmingham in 1963. Growing congregations bought derelict churchproperties, upgraded their ministerial status and established national headquartersand autonomy. This was the stage of the "letter-head" Church. African-CaribbeanChristians were "here to stay".Towards the latter stages, a keen interest in social and political issues began todevelop. A second generation of indigenous Blacks emerged to challenge andagitate the founders of Black Christianity in the UK. Fanned by the flames ofBlack conscious Movements from the United States, Black youngsters wereemerging from the classrooms to ask questions of their parents and pastors.Simultaneously, the relativism of the British culture rose up to test the dogmatismof their parents' "Caribbeanisms". Funk music and jazz, new dress codes,alternative ethical norms and contradicting perceptions about disciplineexacerbated the generation gap in African-Caribbean homes. The breakdown ofthe tenuous family unit had begun.'"n many homes, overcrowding and poorhousing, parents working long, unsociable hours and a great gulf between thechild's education and the parents' familiarity with the educational system didlittle to bridge the gulf and provide a bond between the two. The examples ofmuch Black under-achievement which appeared in published statistics during the1980's were sown during this time.The clash of cultures began to rage in the Caribbean Church during this time. Forall concerned, it was a painful but natural development. The struggle wasintensified because there were few people able to identify and articulate theproblems and those who may have had the skills to do so often lacked officialstatus. Many young African-Caribbeans, sad and disillusioned, left the churchesin pursuit of an identity with which they could relate. Rastafarianism claimedsome. Others simply fell by the wayside opting out of the church culture in orderto redefine themselves in the light of their political and social context.The Period of InitiationIronically, even during some of the most difficult periods of CaribbeanChristianity in Britain, the Church was experiencing overall growth. The surveyby MARC Europe identifies a 20% growth in the African-Caribbean Churchbetween 1975-79. This third period of transition then, 1975 - 198518, was acrucial stage of indigenisation for Black churches in Britain.The accumulated impact of racism became all too evident by this stage. Withinthe wider Black community, voices rose in protest at injustice and racism. TheCommission for Racial Equality instituted in 1976 to replace the toothlessCommunity Relations Commission, provided a flow of information whichdemonstrated the need for change. Racism was rife in the major institutions andreflected itself in employment, housing, education and the criminal justicesystem. A 1980 report on education in London showed that 59% of childrendeemed to be educationally subnormal were Black. The Swann Report of 1985was merely an extended exercise in confirming what many African-Caribbeansalready knew. Over 20% of young adult prisoners in 1982 were Black while some40% of children in care were Black.This is the context in which the Caribbean Church hegan a conscious attempt torelate to the social realities during the late 1970's and 1980's. Churches extendedtheir youth programmes to include the wider community through senior citizensclubs, supplementary schools and the like, working with local councils and grantaiding bodies in order to obtain financial assistance. Political awareness hadbegun.Organisations from within the Black Church began to appear. The Afro WestIndian United Council of Churches (AWUCOC) was launched in 1976. In its1984 handbook, AWUCOC was confident that "the lead taken by the Blackchurches is like a light in a very dark tunnel, orfering to a downtrodden anddepressed people hope in this world, and salvation in the world to come.""Increased community involvement brought a new level of relevance to manychurches. This was the "business card" Church.The Period of Dynamic 'hansitionOver the last ten years, African-Caribbeans in Britain have undergone a period ofdynamic transition. The search for identity has continued, particularly for youngBlacks. It would appear that the romantic appeal of Rastafarianism is losing itsgrip on the Black youth culture and being replaced by the African AmericanMuslim influence. Black people can no longer be automatically associated withworking class status. The African and African-Caribbean community in Britainhas dared to believe, against all the odds, that it can dream bigger dreams. In1992, David Smith, a senior Fellow of the Policy Studies Institute, believed thatwithin twenty years, Black children would be better educated than whitechildren.'>Within the Black community in Britain, the crisis of identification is on. It is thechallenge to retain cultural continuity with an African-ness which is neitheridealistic or a blind radicalism which by-passes common sense. Invariably, Blackradicalism becomes incensed by blatant injustice to the point where Blackness ismore important than the preservation of our humanity and a God-given dignity.Such an attitude leads to a polemic existence where all one's energy is spent in astruggle to survive. It ceases to be living and becomes a constant effort to resistsuffocation. Bitterness. even with just cause, becomes the self victimisation of apeople who for far too long have been held captive by others, but the prisonerimprisons himself in a righteous cause. As the editor of the Black Americanmagazine, Essence wrote, "We must define ourselves by the best that is in us, notthe worst that has been done to us."I6The Black Church in Britain is the most coherent expression of the African-Caribbean community. It is far more influential than is commonly recognised bysecular society. Its work of preservation, social and economic maintenance often

The Journal of the European Penlecoslal Theological Associarion, Vol. XVII, 1997Joel Edwards: Afro-Caribbean Pentecostalism in Britaingoes unheralded. Its intrinsic strength, moral lead and numerical presence has, Ibelieve, earned the respect of many influential bodies. Whilst Caribbean andAfrican churches experience an element of insulation from non-Christian Blacks,this does not entirely disqualify them from adequately reflecting the needs andprogress of Black people in Britain today.The challenge to a proper identification is a matter of some urgency for Africanand African-Caribbean churches as we approach the twenty first century." Thereis, of course, a place for a legitimate Black consciousness without a reverence ofBlackness. Blackness is no more sacred than "whiteness". The struggle, whichmay bc given poetic licence and described as a Black struggle, has to do with aunited opposition to particular acts of anti-human behaviour aimed at people whoare Black. This appreciation means that one is able to entertain anyone else whowishes to join in the struggle. Even a former oppressor may become an ally. Thiswas certainly one of the important features of Martin Luther King's approach.Racism is no respector of institutions and John Root's article, Racisnl in theChurch of England, is a timely reminder of that.'' His work reflects on the Churchof England's "Seeds of Hope" report, published in October 1991. Basically, thereport concluded that in many places, "there is only tolerance where there shouldbe welcome and appreciation". This means that the struggle which many African-Caribbean churches face in dealing with injustices within the historic churchesshares common features with racism in secular institutions, or indeedPentecostalism which emanates from the United States and relates directly tomany African-Caribbeans in Britain. The battle is the same, even if the terrain isdifferent.Within the African-Caribbean Church, many other challenges confront us.Second and third generation of Black Christians are participating in an upwardlymobileculture within the Church. A rising professionalism has become veryevident within many of our larger church groups. Within another generation, it isconceivable that the Black Church will no longer be synonymous with workingclass deprivation. The old idea of "redemption and lift" appears to have visitedBlack Britain. Champions of the Black Church poverty cause may have to seekan alternative vocation.Increasingly, there is a demand for a more cerebral celebration and thecontemplative mode. Perhaps this is necessary for survival. The African-Caribbean Church, which has so far impacted only African-Caribbeans in themain, is therefore faced with its own identity crisis. The African and CaribbeanEvangelical Alliance's theological study group has dedicated a number ofworkshops examining this issue which faces the Black Church at a critical time inits development. In a multi-cultural society, African-Caribbean Christians areengaged in a vital debate to identify the implications of being regarded as a Blackled Church. The label bequeathed to us by white researchers has been whollyadopted by some sections of the African-Caribbean Church in Britain and flatlyrejected by others. The label is of course meant to be descriptive, rather thanprescriptive.At a 1991 ministers conference in Birmingham, Trevor Hall, a Black senior civilservant with the Home Office, declared his anxiety that, given present trends,African-Caribbeans were now "an endangered species". If this is true, it has veryserious implications for African and Caribbean churches in terms of their witness,evangelism and worship culture over the next twenty years. Indeed the PopulationCensus of 1993, showed that of all distinct ethnic groups, Caribbeans declined by5% between 1980-1991. The current challenge facing African-Caribbeans inBritain is the need to maintain an identity which is true to its African-Caribbeanheritage without becoming a cultural irrelevance to other sections of thecommunity. To a degree, Black people have achieved this in popular music, insports and in significant changes on the British oral tradition. The same challengefaces Black Christians both within the historic churches and those who belong tothe Black Church community.For African-Caribbeans and all ethnic groups in Britain, the situation is far morecomplex. Faced with its own internal cultural shifts, the Black Christiancommunity must also reach out to a confused culture experiencing the social,spiritual and political convulsions of post-modernity. Here, the absolute values ofBlack Holiness Pentecostalism faces an acute learning curve as it develops avocabulary with which to speak with relevance to the fragmented consciousnessof a post-Christian society.Caught between the tensions of European solidarity and discussions about selfdetermination in Wales, Scotland and Ireland, Black individuals are constantlybeing forced against themselves for a clearer self-identity. The test may well bemore sophisticated than deciding which cricket team to support (as a seniorConservative politician once suggested), but it may be a useful place to start formany people.African-Caribbean Pentecostalism has undoubtedly experienced a transition in itstheological emphases. It is one of the contemporary models of the synergismbetween life-experience and a changing theological accent. Straddling the fourstages from inception to dynamic transition, Black British Pentecostalism hasmetamorphosed from a theology of prohibitives to an uncertain theology ofpossibilities.THEOLOGY OF PROHIBITIVESIts early theological confidence was fixed in the confidence of the holiness codewhich fed on a combination of the fortress Diaspora mentality as much as theholiness code of latent Methodism passed on to Black Pentecostals lhrough theprohibitive mind set of a Southern States culture.This theology of prohibitives had great strengths. It resisted the dead formalism ofsecularised Christianity in early postChristian Britain. It insisted that, no matterwho said otherwise - or why - the Bible was the Word of God. Prohibition

The Journal of tlic European Pentecostal Theological Association. Vol. XVII, 1997Joel Edwards: Afro-Caribbean Pentecostalism in Britainthcology had a pre-occupation with the detection of "sin" and tended to resisttheological speculations which accommodated human weakness or compromisedholiness. It was scrupulous in drawing a line of continuity between belief andbehaviour in such a way that it meticulously vetted all definitions ofentertainment which appeared to contravene its code of conduct. There is littleroom for customised Christianity or privatised ethics in this theologicalframework.But then, there was also the sense of awe which was a distinguishing mark ofPentecostalism. This climate fostered a thcology of tr-anscendent immanencewhich had a dual emphasis. In the first instance, Black Pentecostals worshipped aliving God, ever present and ever on the look-out for unholiness. It was typifiedin the anti-sin slogans of the preacher and the holy dread of "alter calls"following the preached word. It was sustained by the immediacy of the narrativepreaching style and the worship culture which was primarily celebratory ratherthan cerebral. God was not present to be studied, but in the midst to beworshipped. Moreover, there is in this theological posture, a sitting on the edge ofone's seat position in worship. In this environment, the Cross may beconfrontational or comforting, but it always tends to be immediate.'"Better get right with God Come and do it nowUnder the Cross of Jesus - Lay your burdens down.Better get right with God Come and do it nowGet right, get right - Better get right with God.But trarrscertdent inintanertce was also other-worldly. It belonged to the world ofthe eschatos. It would be folly to suggest that this was entirely negative. Indeed itwas the underscoring of the power of the Parousia for those marginalised onearth. Jesus is therefore the "soon-coming King" who is not a millennium awaybut "just behind the door". Consequently, worship takes place in the light of theKingdom, not necessarily in the shadow of the paxrn Pentecostalism insists thatthe Parousia, properly understood, is the power of present preservation not thedispensing of opiates."To be a person who would be quick to define this kind of perspective onliberation as an opiate I would suggest that the analysis of blackeschatology as merely compensatory is too superficial ... it is the divinefuture that breaks into their social existence bestowing wholeness in thepresent situation of pain and suffering ... ''.2'Transcendent imntanertce insists on the best of both worlds. It says thattomorrow's God is here today. The theology of prohibitives was an important,though imperfect element in the development of African-CaribbeanPentecostalism. It provided fixed points of reference for cultural definition,spiritual health and guidelines in the twilight zone of moral uncertainties.THEOLOGY OF POSSIBILITIESAs Black Pentecostalism engages with the wider Christian community andquietly absorbs thc values of Britain's culture of questioning, the tide oftheological certainty is turning. The brave new world of theological possibilitieshas dawned upon us. African-Caribbean Pentecostals share with thc internationalPentecostal Church those features of Pentecostalism which remaindistinguishable: a literalist approach to Scripture, the baptism of the Holy Spirit,tongues and spiritual gifts, healing, spontaneity in worship, inspirationalpreaching and confrontation with evil spiritual powers, church government whichpreserves the role of the pastor and elders in positions of authority andaccountability and the preservation of the Ordinances.Black Pentecostals are equally susceptible to the winds of change whichsometimes demand "order" at the expense of spontaneity, or question traditionalnorms on Millennia1 views with scholarly scrutiny. It is probably true to say thatless Pentecostals are "willing to die" for a position on "initial evidence" than usedto be the case, or indeed give it much conscious theological reflection.Undoubtedly, the theology of possibilities has a rather more enlightenedrespectability about it which views the theological landscape with a more openendedcertainty than was previously the case. In an environment where Elim andthe Assemblies of God, on occasions, jointly worship and train ministers, wherethe Pentecostal Fellowship of North America was dismantled and reappeared asthe Pentecostal and Charismatic Fellowship of North America, whereCharismatics and Pentecostals sometimes seem indistinguishable, BlackPentecostals work within ecumenical structures and the Pope is not necessarilyrequired to be the Anti-Christ, Pentecostalism may well be in its subsequentdrafts of a theology of possibilities. In this scheme of things, the theologicalaccent changes from Parousia and shifts to the present.Like all other Christian groups. African-Caribbean Pentecostals share in thechallenges of our changing times. For the Black Christian Community, thisprocess of dynamic transition presents more complex challenges as it etches outits identity both within the social fabric of a changing society and Church whilstmaintaining a theological accent which is true to its cultural-Pentecostal heritagebut which is relevant for its present development.Endnotes' Malcolm J. C. Calley, Godf People. West lndinn Petrteco.rm1 Sects in Englatrd, (London:Oxford University Press, 1965.' Timothy and Dorothy Monsma (July 1990).' Christopher Hill, West Indian Migrants nnd the London Churches, (London lnslitute ofRaceRelationship: OUP, 1963).

The Journal of the European Pcnrecosral Theological Association, Vol. XVII, 1997' Calley, ibid. 1 19. Hc shows for example that:1958 1961Birmingham 20,000 Black population 10inCofEHuddersfield 2,000 Black population 5inCofELeeds 2.000 Black population OinCofELondon 40,000 Black population 69inCofEManchester 4.500 Black population 20inCofEFigures also show a much higher percentage of Seventh Day Adventists' Hill. ibid. 6." Calley, ibid.' Roswith Gerloff, A Pleafir British Black Theologies. The Black Church Movenrertt in Britainand its trarrsatlantic cirltural and tlteological in~erncrion, 1, 56, (Frankfurt: Peter Lang 1992).* See Philip Mohabir, Builrling Bridges, (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1989).' lo Smith, An Ebony Cro.vs."' Cone. God rfthe Oppressed, (London: SPCK) 159." Ibid. 55-60.'' In Brooks, Another Gentlenman to the Ministry, 9.I" S. E. Arnold, Fro111 Scepticise~ to Hope. Grove Books, 40.I' A Handbook of the Afro-West Indian Council of Churches. (Centre forCaribbean Studies, 1984) 9.I' Melanie Philips, "Surely you can't be the barrister?", Guardian. (Wed, I July 1992) 21.l6 Essence. 23.2. (June 1992) 5.Arlington Trotman, "Black Church. Black Led or What?" in Pentecostal Disrinctives: let'.^Praise Hint Again, Joel Edwards (ed) (Kingsway, 1992).'" John Root, "Racism in rhe C of E", Anvil. 9.1 (1992).Iv Edwards, Pentecostal Di. hctives ..., 74."' Ibid. 92.'ICone, God ofthe Oppressed, 159.Regent Square RevisitedEdward Irving - Precursor of the Pentecostal MovementDavid AllenFor a century and more, Edward Irving was summarily dismissed as a showman,crank, fanatic, charlatan and heretic. In recent times, however, notable championsof his cause have arisen, his most recent apologist being Graham McFarlane.'By critics and friends alike, Irving is generally regarded as an importantforerunner of Pentecostalism in both its Classic. and Charismatic manifestations.But, even though he might justly be hailed as "The Morning Star of Pentecost",2over a decade ago, Tom Smail suggested that he might well have turned all thefire-power of his oratorical big guns on Pentecostalism much as he did on thechurches and society of his own day." I have to agree; and I shall attempt, at anappropriate point, to suggest what Irving might have said of today's Charismalicscene. However, because he still remains relatively unknown and unlauded,despite the efforts of modern defenders like Strachan and McFarlane, I shallbegin with an evaluation of the man, his ministry and his then highlycontroversial teachings.HISTORICAL PREAMBLE: "How are the Mighty Fallen"The congregation of the Ecclesia Scotica, Regent Square,' London, wereastonished one Sunday in October 1831 when Miss Hall, a lady familiar to mostof them, was heard "speaking in other tongues". At the evening service that day,its congregation swelled by reports of what had happened during morningworship, Irving stoutly defended the lady and urged the congregation not to mockbut rather to regard the restoration of "tongues" as the commencement of a greatmove of the Holy Spirit.'When both glossolalia and prophecy began to be a regular occurrence, the churchtrustees, who had earlier supported their minister when he had been charged withheresy, accused him of departing from the prescribed worship of the Kirk in thathe had permitted such unlawful and outrageous utterances. And so, by theauthority of the London Presbytery, they locked out Irving and his supporters.Between 600 and 800 people followed their minister into a nearby field and,some time later, into a rented hall in Gray's Inn Road. This lock-out and exoduswas the origin of that bizarre mixture of charismatic gifts and liturgical splendourknown as "The Catholic and Apostolic Ch~rch."~The occurrences at Regent Square were greeted with universal condemnation asPaper presented by Dr David Allen at the 1996 Pentecostal and Charismtic Reseamh Fellowship.Regents Theological College, England

Tlw Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association. Vol. XVII. 1997David Allen: Regent Square RevisitedEdward l ~ing - Precursor of the Pentecostal Movementfanaticism, hysteria and wild delusion. Irving himself was summoned to appearbefore the Annan Presbytery, from whence he had received his ordination, toanswer a charge of heresy. The charge, the same as that earlier brought by hiscolleagues in London, was that he had departed from the doctrine of the Kirk inthat he had preached that Christ's human nature was fallen and not that of theunfallen Adam. The trial, a foregone conclusion, resulted in his expulsion fromthe ministry.H. R. Mackintosh commented that, "No reader of the history of the case will denythat more than one argument on which his ecclesiastical condemnation rested wasgravely docetic in its implications".'Irving died in Glasgow on 7th December, 1834, his once-great voice reduced to awhisper, his health undermined by years of controversy and the attendant stress.If he ever had cause to regret his "heresy" and "fanaticism", he never spoke of itin his final days on earth; and his last words were, "In life and in death I am theLord's."Thus ended the life of a man who had once held thousands spellbound and whohad rubbed shoulders with the most celebrated intellectuals and literati of his day.PASTOR AND PREACHERWhen Edward Irving was called to the pastorate of the Caledonian Chapel,Hatton Garden, in July 1822, it was an obscure and struggling outpost of theKirk; but, by the Spring of the following year, such were the huge crowdsflocking to hear this "Boanerges of the Temple", as Charles Lamb characterisedhim, that plans for a more commodious building - they had been shelved in leanertimes - had to be dusted off and implemented. A very imposing Gothic-revivalbuilding was eventually opened in Regent Square.It is not difficult to see why Irving so soon became a celebrity. Though he had acast in one eye - hence the nickname "Dr. Squintum" - William Hazlitt, foremostof critics, and a frequenter of the Caledonian Chapel in the late 1820s. wrote ofIrving, "His very unusual size and height are moulded into elegance by the mostadmirable symmetry of form and ease of gesture; his sable locks, his clear irongreycomplexion and firm set features, turn the raw uncouth Scotchman into thelikeness of a noble Italian picture"."Contemporary portraits such as the sketch by Joseph Slater of c. 1825 and the oilpaintingby Faithful Pack which hangs in the vestry of the present Regent SquareChurch, depict an imposing figure whose Byronic locks and ruggedhandsomeness would doubtless have had an instant fascination for fashionableLondon society. Andrew Walker comments, however, "It was not just the idlerich who came to stare, like Lady Jersey sitting on the pulpit steps, her petticoatsshowing ... It was the intelligentsia: Bentham and Coleridge. Canning and LordLiverpool, Charles Lamb and William Blake"." The young Macauley and theeven younger William Ewart Gladstone, on vacation from Cambridge and Etonboth paid visits to the chapel. Gladstone chuckled gleefully to seehis illustrious headmaster being jostled by the crowd.Irving's manner and persona certainly contributed to his popularity; but thesermons themselves held packed congregations spellbound, often lasting for anhour or an hour-and-a-half at a time. And, Sunday by Sunday, with utterdisregard of the house-rules of polite society, he denounced the materialism ofthe new industrial age, Byronic poetry, Malthusian economics, Benthamiteutilitarianism and all the "Babylonish" gods worshipped by his contemporaries.No idol or sin escaped the prophetic lash of his burning denunciations.Irving's success was, without doubt, something of a succ2s de scandale, but it isunjust to claim, as does Arnold Dallimore, that his sermons were "largely ...lectures in church history rather than an exposition of the Scriptures or thepreaching of the Gospel".Io Gordon Strachan's landmark study clearlydemonstrates that, even at the height of his popularity, Irving, as well asdenouncing contemporary evils and the Laodicean lukewarmness of the churches,preached regularly and systematically on doctrinal subjects. A series on the HolyTrinity was preached in the Autumn of 1825. These sermons were laterpublished, at the request of the elders and deacons, as The Doctrine of theIncarnation Opened in Six Serntorts (I 828).It was in the third of these lengthy sermons that Irving first suggested that, inorder to reconcile man to God, the Father "united the person of His Son to fallenflesh ...", thus sowing for himself the seeds of future ecclesiastical opprobrium.Although, at the height of his popularity, critics accused him of courtingfashionable approbation - allegedly to the neglect of the less fortunate membersof the district and congregation - the picture which emerges from Mrs. Oliphant'sbiography is very different. On one occasion, whilst assisting Chalmers inGlasgow, he visited the home of a notoriously and vociferously infidel shoemakerwhose wife attended St. John's. Irving spent most of the time talking to the manwhilst his wife sat anxiously by. A tanner's son, he had no difficulty with theconversation. When Irving left the shoemaker, completely won over, declared,"He's a sensible man, yon; he kens aboot leather!"" He was soon in church withhis wife.He was no different in London. Dallimore writes, "He loved the poor in Londonjust as he had loved the poor in Glasgow and he had always a special care andconcern for children and the elderly. To many people he seemed the very essenceof what they felt a minister should be: with a zeal like the Old Testament prophethe condemned sin ... but the penitent and suffering ever found in him a mostgracious friend"."The thousands who lined the chill streets of Glasgow in December 1834, towitness the passing of Irving's cort&ge, testified that these were not isolatedincidents, but entirely typical of the man.

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association. Vol. XVII, 1997GOD, CHRIST AND SALVATIONWhen the hierarchy of the Kirk wished to bring to heel their allegedly errant son,they did so by reviving the old charge levelled against Irving by the Londonpresbytery, a charge which had only a somewhat remote bearing on what hadprovoked the crisis at Regent Square, namely the outbreak of the charismata.Irving was accused of heresy in that he had preached, as previously noted, thatChrist's human nature was fallen. Though, in our day, it is not uncommon fortheologians to suggest that Christ was a sinner like any other human being, in the1820s, in England at least, Scopes noting "it was commonly thought and taughtthat Jesus had a perfect human nature, the nature which Adam had before hedisobeyed ... and that he was perfect in the sense of being incorruptible andincapable of sin"."In such a context, Irving's teaching was seen by many as little short ofblasphemous.F. D. E. Schleiermacher (1768-1834). whose influence on theology has beenimmense, undoubtedly "brought warmth as well as light into Protestantism"," asthe late Alec Vidler suggested; and McFarlane makes a very useful andilluminating contribution to our understanding and appreciation of Irving'stheology by comparing the much-maligned Scot with his much-lauded Germancontemporary.For both men, Christ was of paramount importance. And, says McFarlane, bothwere acutely aware of the difficulties and dangers of seeking to define the perfectmanhood of the Saviour. On the one hand, there must be "something in Christthat distinguishes him from other men"I6 - that he might properly be the object offaith - but, on the other hand, there must be "a holding fast to the view of reallyhuman conditions of life,"" if docetism was to be avoided. Furthermore, bothSchleierrnacher and Irving passionately desired to make Christ and the ChristianFaith relevant to their contemporaries. Schleiermacher, though an academictheologian, was, like Irving, an effective and popular preacher.Irving's theological reconstruction, however, is radically different from that ofSchleiermacher, as McFarlane demonstrates. Whereas Schleiermacher relegatesthe Holy Trinity to the last few pages of his magnum opus and conceives of theTrinity in purely economic terms, Irving "gives meaning to the person and workof Christ in such a way as to show God to be truly and eternally Trinity."lU Onetypical passage must suffice here, "My Christ is the Trinity manifested ... for Hedid not His own will, but that of the Father. I have the Son manifested in unitingHis Divinity to a Humanity prepared for Him by the Father ... and I have the HolySpirit manifested in subduing, restraining and conquering the evil propensities ofthe fallen manhood, thus making it an apt organ for expressing the will of theFather".'" It was expressions such as "the evil propensities of the fallen manhood"that were to prove Irving's undoing.Schleiermacher's Christ-figure is built on the concepts of urbildlichkeit andvorbildlichkeit - both of them not very easy to translate, but meaning somethingDavid Allen: Regent Square RevisitedEdward Irving - Precursor of the Pentecoslal Movementlike "the quality of being and ideal" and "the quality of being able to inspire orevoke the ideal in others" re~pectively.~~ In essence, despite his deep and sinceredevotion to Christ, the legacy of his Moravian upbringing, the uniqueness of theSaviour's Sonship lies not in His ontological identity with the Father but in thefact that Christ is the ideal of human God-consciousness.When we come to the matter of salvation, inextricably linked with Christ'sperson, Schleiermacher sees redemption, as Vidler succinctly put it, as "beingbrought out of the condition in which the consciousness of God is dimmed ... intoa condition in which it is vivid and ~trong".~' It is, of course, Christ'svorbildlichkeit which achieves this in us.By contrast, Irving has a strong and thoroughly biblical view of sin and thedevastation that it has wrought on the whole of humankind. In addition, hearguably has a deeper understanding of how the reconciliation of the Thrice Holyand sinful, alienated humanity has been accomplished than any of hiscontemporaries, Schleiermacher and Coleridge included, and many since his day.What, then, is Irving's contribution to our understanding of those inseparableSiamese twins Christology and Soteriology? With regard to Christ's Person,Irving is insistent that Christ's human nature is identical with our own. In thesame way that the Council and Creed of Nicaea affirmed that Christ washomoousios to pater, Irving affirmed time and again that Christ was "of onesubstance" with fallen humanity, emphasising, furthermore, with theCappadocians of the late fourth century, that "what is no1 assumed is notredeemede*.'*McFarlane, summarising Irving's view of the means by which God redeemsmankind through Christ, writes, "Such means are not reduced to a mere act on theCross: for Irving this would be too reductionist. It is sin that needs to be tackled,the sort of sin that the human creature has to battle with every day".'"The Son of God, in assuming our humanity, cleanses it from within. He who laidhands on the lame, the sick and the leprous, without contracting their sicknesses,touches our sick humanity and heals at the very root of the infection, McFarlanenoting "It is the entire act of the incarnation that meets the human need, notmerely the bloody transaction of crucifixion"."This view is similar to the recapitulationism of Irenaeus and, in its alignment withthe thinking of the Cappadocians, a radically different solution to the centralproblem of Christology from that of Apollinarius of Laodicea. Apollinarius'Christ has a truncated humanity and is incapable of sin; Irving's is fully humanand, though capable of sin, enabled not to sin by the power of the Spirit.Apollinarius' Christ cannot save; but Irving's is "mighty to save", by incarnation,recapitulation, substitution and, as "Our Great High Priest ... touched with thefeeling of our infirmities" (Hebrews 4: 15, KJV), by unflagging intercession onour behalf.In sum, and running the risk of being simplistic, I would suggest that, whereas

The Journal of the Eumpcan Pentecostal Theological Associalion, Vol. XVII. 1997David Allen: Regent Square RevisitedEdward Irving - Precursor of the Pentecostal MovementSchleiermacher's Christ is believable but not wholly biblical, Irving's rugged Sonof God is both believable and biblical. Perversely, and sad to record, it wasIrving's fate to become a virtual footnote whilst his German contemporarybecame a major influence on modern Protestant theology down to the presenttime.Schleiermacher may well have seemed to reconcile faith and scholarship,orthodoxy and rationalism, whilst additionally portraying Christ in a way whichhad a powerful appeal to the age of Romanticism, the chief mourners andsufferers were (to borrow from Barth)*' the Bible, the Fathers and theReformation. Irving arguably does justice to all three.IRVING AND THE MODERN CHARISMATIC MOVEMENTWe referred at the outset to Tom Smail's suggestion that Irving might have - ' ~lambasted the modern Charismatics just as fiercely as he attacked the churches :and mores of his own day. - I -LThough Irving would be deeply gratified to witness the very widespreadacceptance of his belief that the primitive charismata had dwindled through lack,of faith, rather than having been withdrawn after the initial boost that they,: ; -imparted to the Church, he would have been alarmed to have seen how much the - i. .gift of tongues has fallen into decay. He considered tongues to be the "standingsign" of the Spirit-baptism in much the same manner as Charles Fox Parham in : 'the early years of the present century. Furthermore, he valued the gift very highly.fIt serves "to make void natural speech and eloquence" and is the means by which -."God edifies the soul ... by direct communication of the Holy Gho~t*'?~ So vital isx* ,this gift, he insisted, that all believers should both seek it and regularly employ it. '.Still on the matter of the Spirit-baptism and the gifts of the Spirit, before Irving 1 .authorised tongues and prophecy at Regent Square, he had satisfied himself that- 1the outbreak of these and other gifts in the west of Scotland was authentic and 1had also engaged in a protracted period of prayer. A substantial number of his I,congregation attended these early morning times of prayer and "seeking theILord" for wisdom and guidance. Note also that he and "Sandy" Scott had, aftermuch prayer and study, come to the assured conclusion that there was no strictly1biblical reason why the gifts could not be restored. In other words, what ,,happened at Regent Square in October 1831 flowed from a theologicalunderstanding and was, they believed, thoroughly biblical in foundation. How - Idifferent is today's modus operandi, where, after strange phenomena likeroaring, uncontrollable laughter, shaking and "carpet-time" prostrations occur,ivalidation is afterwards sought from Scripture and revivals such as the Wesleyanor that which took place under the ministry of Jonathan Edwards in Northampton,Massachusetts. Such validation post eventu, in practice most attempts at it endUP being quite risible," will just not do.It was Irving's condemnation of contemporary London as a modern Babylon thatfirst drew the crowds to the humble Caledonian Chapel in Hatton Garden. Anj. ,"ordination Charge", preached at the zenith of his popularity, well illustratesboth his preoccupations and his incandescence: "I charge thee, my brother, to armthyself for the warfare which thou hast to wage ... against the materialism. thesocinianism, the deism and the Latitudinarianism which are come up against thiscity and have overflowed it unto the neck".2'Once armed, he must not be "a mere sermon-maker, committee-man or politepayer of visitswf' but rather "A prophet to cry aloud to the Ninevites, to thisBabylon, which, after enjoying the light of God so long, is now beginning to denythat it was from Christ that light did come"."I can only speculate as to what his reaction would have been to the "uncertainsound" the national Church has produced in response to the recent celebration of"Gay" Christianity held in Southwark Cathedral. Doubtless his great voice wouldhave carried all the way from Regent Square across the Thames to the SouthBank: "The whole morality of Europe serveth infidelity and is grounded onlyupon utility ... and it were better to acknowledge Paine's Age of Reason than theGospel for its standards"." His most powerful salvoes would, however, be turnedon his spiritual heirs.Sacramental minimalism which squeezes the eucharist between interminable"worship" songs, sermons that are little more than a string of anecdotes, theprophetic voice shrunk to a whisper or personal "word from the Lordx and acommercial ism, often allied to a "Prosperity Gospel", which would have madeeven John Tetzel blush. All these would surely have called forth his fiercestwrath. And, borrowing from "the donkey from Rome", the following might serveas a fitting climax to messages preached by any number of the luminaries nowadorning the charismatic firmament:"When the coin in the coffer ringsHealth, Wealth and Happiness it bringsWhen the dollar drops in the pitcherThe Evangelist is the richer".As has been shown, though Schleiermacher's Trinity is an economic one, and anappendage only to his monumental The Christiarl Faith, to Irving, the doctrine isfoundational and the core of true religion. It was also the meat and marrow of hispreaching. To his young colleague he pleads, "be thou preaching- the offices ofFather, Son and Holy Ghost in the salvation of sinners";" and what he urged onothers he himself faithfully and systematically practised.However. it is not only the soteriological aspects of the Trinity that make Irvingsuch a seminal and pioneering figure. Colin Gunton, in his inaugural lecture asProfessor of Christian Doctrine at King's College, London, drew attention to afurther important aspect of Irving's teaching on the Holy Trinity: 'The world andall in it takes its creation and recreation from the trinitarian relatedness of Father,Son and Spirit."" And this redeeming relatedness may not be reduced to a merepersonal and introspective pilgrimage toward heaven - Irving often chided theEvangelicals for this - but is the model and ground for the development of the

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association. Vol. XVII, 1997David Allen: Regent Square RevisitedEdward lrving - Precursor of the Pentecostal Movementtruly human person, the Christian koinonia and society at large. It is, I believe,the only safe, sure and Christian course to steer to avoid the Scylla and Charybdisof Enlightenment individualism and Marxist collectivi~n~.~~A close study of Irving - Strachan and McFarlane are of invaluable assistancehere - can only enrich our pulpits, our lives and our theology. And, furthermore, Iwould venture to suggest that no course in Systematic Theology or, indeed,Revival History, could be considered complete without a component devoted to"The Angel of Regent Square."One final point. Irving, as is well known, had a consuming interest ineschatology. And he, and the Albury Circle presided over by Henry Drummond,believed that the return of the Jews and the restoration of Israel were bothimminent and, indeed, pivotal in what they considered to be the true end-timeschema. Edward Irving and his early associates deserve credit for drawingattention to the important and ongoing place Israel has in the economy of God.He would be disturbed, I feel, by the relative unfashionableness of such viewswithin mainstream Pentecostalism.~Still speaking of Israel and her place in global eschatology, Peter Hocken,"' in anotherwise excellent book, in his chapter on "The Relevance of Israel", fails tomention Irving's importance in this area. Nor does he mention Irving elsewherein his tracing of the streams tributary to the modern Charismatic Movement, atestimony to the continuing neglect of Irving amongst Pentecostals andCharismatics alike.On this seventh day of December, the very day that Edward Irving passed into thepresence of his Lord - it was 1834, the year of Schleiermacher's death also - weas Evangelicals, Pentecostals and Charismatics have to confess that we havemuch to learn and much to repent of, considering the state of our nation; andpoor, much-maligned Irving has, as Colin Gunton said in the lecture referred toearlier, so much to teach us.So what, in brief, are the chief lessons to be learned? Firstly, I believe, no lessthan Josiah in the seventh century BCE, we need to rediscover and reinstate theBook (I1 Chron. 34: 14ff) and, as a matter of priority in our sound-byte society, toengage more than ever in its systematic exposition. The centrality of the Trinity,the real and entire humanity of Christ and the horse-before-the-cartnormativeness of Scripture, biblical understanding first, then experience flowingfrom it, are all important here.No less importantly, Edward Irving reminds us of the great and perennialimportance of the Eucharist (he maintained that the Holy Spirit was as much atwork in it as in regeneration, sanctification and the charismata"), the pivotal roleof "natural" Israel in the economy of God, the prophetic or "watchman" role (cf.Ezekiel 33 ) of both the Church and its ministers, the Trinity as the ground ofauthentic personhood and societal cohesion and, last but not least, the absolutenecessity for the Spirit-baptism that the Church might be "as pure as the sun andawesome as an army with banners" (Cantica 6: 10).Finally, if I might be permitted a flight of fancy, in the same year that thecelebrated Mr. Irving entered for the first time the imposing portals of the newEcclesia Scotica, in a corner of the then fashionable Regent Square, anothergenius was nearing the end of his turbulent pilgrimage. William Blake, momentsbefore he died, "burst out singing of the things he saw in Heaven" and spoke ofdeath as "no more than going out of one room into another."') I would like tothink that, even now, the two of them, the visionary painter and poet and the Johnthe Baptist of Pentecost, are enjoying together at least a foretaste of the BeatificVision and are looking forward to the day when "Jerusalem shall be builded herein England's green and pleasant land."EndnotesG. W. P. McFarlane, Christ and the Spirit - the Doctrine of the Incarttafiott according toEdward lrving (Carlisle: Paternoster, 1996). The rehabilitation of lrving began with C.Gordon Strachan. The Pentecostal Theology t,fE(l~vnrd Irving (London: D.L.T.. 1973).My own designation in D. Allen The Unfailing Sfreant - a Chari~nratic Clturclt History inOurline, (Sovereign World. 1994).On BBC Radio 3, ''The Angel of Regent Square". written and produced by Andrew Walkerand broadcast 1/12/84. That year was the 150th anniversary of Irving's death.This building was erected to house the huge congregations attracted to the CaledonianChapel. Hatton Gardens, by Irving's preaching. It was opened in 1827 but had to be pulleddown after severe damage was inflicted by German bombs in World War 11.lrving and his associated Alexander Scott had long believed that the primitive charismata hadonly dwindled and died because of unbelief. The Spirit-baptism and healing experienced byMary Campbell of Fernicarry Farm, in the parish of Roseneath, in the early Spring of 1830.confirmed their conviction and eventually led lrving to permit tongues and prophecy atRegent Square.For the origins and history of the Catholic and Apostolic Church see Columba Graham Flegg,Gathered Under Aposrles, (Clarendon Press, 1992). Irving cannot be blamed for itspeculiarities. It was, as Ronald Knox wrote. "Irving's monument but not his creation."H. R. Mackintosh, The Doctrine offhe Person r,/Chri.sr, (T. & T. Clark. 191 3) 276.Cited from Arnold Dallimore, 77ie Life of Edward Irving the Forerunner of the C/tarisniaricMovement, (Banner of Truth, 1983) 34.Andrew Walker, "Will No-one Stand Up for Edward Irving?" The Listener. 6th December,1984.Dallimore, op. cit., 34.Edward Irving. The Doctrine of the Ittcarnation Opened in Six Serntons. (pub. unknown.1827) 14 1 . My emphasis.M. 0. W. Oliphant, The Life ofEdward Irving, (Hurst & Blackett, 1865) 58.Dallimore, op. cit., p. 35.Roger Scopes, Sermon preached on Hebrews 4:15 at the church. Regent Square, 2719192.tomark the bicentenary of Irving's birth.Alec R. Vidler. The Church in an Age ofRevolution, Pelican History of the Church, Volume5, (Penguin Books, 196) 22.

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association. Vol. XVII, 1997 +.l6 Schleiermacher lecture of June 1832 cited from McFarlane, op. cit., 133.I' Ibid.'' McFarlane, op. cit., 134." Cited from Colin Gunton, "Two Dogmas Revisited: Edward Irving's Christology",Joimral of Theology. 41.3 (1988) 363.he felt was the misuse of certain gifts. See Richard Massey. Another Springtime - aBiography Do~rald Gee, (Highland. 1992). I OOff." Carlyle (ed), Collected Works ..., Vol. 1,532." Colin Gunton, "The One. the Three and the Many". delivered 14th May. 1985. King'sCollege. The Strand. London. See also his Foreword to McFarlane, op. cit., ix. x." Margaret Thatcher made herself notorious by allegedly denying that there was any such thingas society. Thatcherite Toryism is, in fact, an extreme form of such individualism as ChineseCommunism is of Marxist collectivism..'6 1 suggested reasons for the decline of what I called "traditional" Pentecostal eschatology inD. Allen. "Yahweh and the Harley Davidson", a paper given at the joint ElimIAOGTheological Conference. The Hayes. Swanwick. November 1995." Peter Hocken, The Strategy (#the Spirit? (Eagle Books, 1996).See the "Ordination Charge" referred to on p. I I and noted in 28 above. Irving's doctrine ofthe Eucharist is very much that of Calvin i.e. that the virtues of the Ascended Christ aremediated to the faithful by the agency of the Holy Spirit." Cited from Peter Ackroyd, Blake. (Minerva) 389.In memor of Christ's Sacrifice:Roots and Shoots o f Elim's Eucharistic ExpressionRichard Bicknell' For a summary of Schleiermacher's Christology see A. McGrath. T/te Making (f ModernGer111nn Christology, (Zondervan. 1987) 4 1 ff.In his book, The Pentecostals, Walter Hollenweger comments on the importance" Alec Vidler, op. cit.. 25. of the breaking of bread for Pentecostalism, "the service of the Lord's Supper is" The Cappadocians, Basil the Great and the two Gregories, employed the expression in the central point of Pentecostal worship."l Given the importance of the Supper inopposition to Apollinarianism.pelltecostali~m, an investigation of Elim's own understanding and practice is" McFarlane, op. cit., 136. warran" Ibid. ~hus, it is the hope of the present writer to illuminate and present something of" Karl Barth, The Tlieology ~fScI~leierrrraclier, trans. G. Bromiley. (Eerdmans, 1982) 205.- , Elim's theology and practice regarding the Lord's Supper.' It must be admitted,'" Irving's Second Sermon on the Incarnation cited from Strachan, op. cit., 104.however, at the outset that this is no easy task. The amount of literature producedI by Elim over the years is sparse." Further, access to any other information" Mary Pytches claim that roaring like a lion signalled that the Church was arising in powerand majesty like the "King of the Beasts" is an all-too-typical example.regarding the Supper seems to he via Elim's 'oral tradition'.'* G. Carlyle (ed), Collected Work off2ward Irving, (Alex Strahan, 1864) Vol. 1,529.- Ii Another problem arises when one tries to illuminate the practice of the Lord's-"' Ibid.I Supper, past and present, in the Elim churches themselves. One can find little of' Ibid., 537.value in the way of transcripts of services, except perhaps those that recordI ., attendance at the various Communion services..' Thus, again, one relies on finding.I1 Edward Irving. Babylon & Infidelity Foredoonled (.$God, (Wm. Collins. 1828) 246.eye witnesses in order to identify those elements which have changed, and that.'' Pentecostal pioneer Donald Gee parted company with, for example. Howard Carter over what - which have remained static. Needless to say, a study of this kind will probablyi , notdo justice to all the information that is 'out there'.-- 1 However, the present writer is confident that various trends regarding the practiceof the Supper can be illuminated, and a valuable insight into Elim's theology ofI! the Supper can he gleaned from the few sources that are available.' \4 -ROOTS1 Elim's theology and practice of the Lord's Supper did not arise in a vacuum. Its/main elements were 'supplied* through other denominational structures, whichhad themselves been born into a long line of tradition reaching back to theI, Reformation and beyond. 'Pentecostalism' and 'Eucharistic theology' came toElim via different roads, and in different circumstances.t IIThe roots of Elim's Eucharistic faith and practice are to be found in the ProtestantReformed Tradition that sprang from the Reformation theology and practice ofZwingli and Calvin.' Within this Reformed tradition, stand the Nonconformist2churches, themselves arising out of Puritanism and Pietism as "dissenters" whorejected the Institutional Church.' The Nonconformist bodies of the nineteenthcentury in Britain are represented by the Methodists, Baptists, Presbyterians,Congregationalists,' and the Plymouth Brethren.'As will be argued, it is most probably the latter two of these Movements that havesupplied the building blocks for the 'construction' of Elim's theology and

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XVII, 1997practice regarding the Lord's Supper.There is a discernible linear progression in the Protestant Reformed tradition,ideas are often passed on, thoughts are often repeated. Thus, in order to gain afuller picture of Elim's Eucharistic identity, it will be useful to examine in somedetail the Eucharistic theology of the Protestant Reformed tradition from Zwinglithrough to Brethrenism. Against this backdrop, parallels between Elim's teachingand practice should then become apparent, and this will hopefully also serve tominimalise repetition at a later stage.ZwingliAs with the other Reformers, Zwingli vehemently rejected the Catholic notion ofsacrifice in the mass as "blasphemy".6 Christ had "once offered himself as asacrifice," this being for "eternity a perpetually enduring and efficacious sacrificefor the sin of all believers".' Thus, the elements are symbolic representations ofChrist's body and blood. Similarly, the words of institution are symbolic, just asI Corinthians 10:4 uses symbolic language.' Zwingli contemptuously speaks of"childish ideas of corporal eating, such as might find acceptance among thecannibals".'The "natural" body of Christ, since the flesh is of no avail, cannot bewhat is meant by the words of institution, he argued.I0This led Zwingli to deny that the Eucharist could convey salvific power: it is"false religion" that eating the bread can blot out sins." Zwingli's denial ofsalvific power is not a denial of divine action in the Eucharist, for by faith, theaction of God flows "into us invisibly ... feeding the soul".'2 Thus, the Lutheranaccusation that the 'gift' (divine action) is lost is unjustifiable,'Vor the Reformerclearly saw in the Supper "something which by its inherent power can set a manfree".H As Zwingli explained, "When you come to the Lord's supper ... when youshare with the brethren, which are the symbolic body of Christ, then, in a truesense you eat sacramentally ... doing inwardly what you undertake outwardly.Then will be strengthened the faith to which you bear witnes~".'~It is clear, therefore, that Zwingli cannot be charged with neglecting the aspect ofmystery," or of proposing a "chilly rationalistic religion" in which there is "noroom ... for the mystical communion between man and God".I7 For though Christis not present in the emblems. to those that eat in faith. Christ is "truly,sacramentally, and mysteriously present in the s~pper,"'~ communing with thecelebrant. It is true, however, that Zwingli also maintained strongly the symbolicnature of the Supper, in which faith was paramount; "the bread which Christspeaks of is this, that Christ was for our sake offered up to death,"I9 the "food... isfaith".=The "central aspect" of Zwingli's Eucharist, argues Brilioth, was the notion ofmem~rial.~' In the Supper, "Christians make commemoration of their salvationthrough Christ's death", and also "pledge themselves to his ~ervice".~ Thus, as amemorial, it was a "sign", an "act of confession ... of a share in ~alvation".~' TheRichard Ilkknell: In memory of Christ's Sacrifice:Roots and Shoots of Elim's Euchar~st~c ExpressionSupper renews "with remembrance what Christ has done for us."" thus renewingthe believer's union with Christ and with others - its action being effected incommemoration.25 As an act of fellowship it was a thanksgi~ing,~%nd asthanksgiving for the death of Christ it was a memorial. Thus, for Zwingli, theideas of fellowship, thanksgiving, and memorial are inextricably linked; these arealso the major 'planks' of his Eucharistic theology.CalvinIn his desire to escape from Zwingli's "bare idea of an act in memory of theLord's death," Calvin forced the Memorial-aspect of the Eucharist into theba~kground.~' However, Calvin explored, more thoroughly, the notion ofsacrament as a "Divine act, and means of grace".2x Thus, as a 'sign' of the truth,"the thing signified is surely present," and with the 'symbol' one may he assuredthat "the body itself is also given to us"." The pivotal aspect of Calvin's- Eucharistic theology is that of Communion-fellowship:"Verily we shall have gained a wonderful benefit from communion, if thisthought is thereby impressed and engraved in our souls: that none of ourbrethren can be insulted, mocked, laughed at, despised, or in any waydishonoured, but that we at the same time insult, mock, laugh at anddespise Christ; that we cannot separate ourselves from the brethrenwithout separating ourselves from Christ; and that Christ cannot be lovedby us unless we love him in the brethren ... For what stronger incentivecould have been used to awaken in us mutual love than that Christ, ingiving himself for us, should not merely by his example move us to selfdevotionfor one another's sake, but should give himself to be ours incommon and make us to be one in himself?""'The sacrament does not merely symbolise the unity of the believers, but as the"Lord works within us through his Holy Spirit to fulfil his command", he whopartakes finds in them "a good means of grace and help, causing us to increaseand go forward ... in love"." In the Supper, Christ's physical body is extended tothe believer, who not only partakes spiritually but also of flesh and b100d.'~Further, the communion of Christ's body is bestowed by the Spirit's power; bythe Spirit. "we are lifted up to heaven with our eyes and mind lo seek Christthere.'By the same Spirit, dhrist comes down to us to quicken our souls by thesubstance of his flesh and his blood"." Thus, although Christ is absent in body, alocal presence in the emblems is not necessary for participation in Christ's flesh;'locally' Christ's body is in heaven, and "the Spirit alone causes us to possessChrist completely and have him dwelling in us"." Thus, for Calvin, Christ had"substituted the Holy Spirit ... to supply the defect of his absence" when he left hisdisciples? In his theology of the sacraments, Calvin is clearly a theologian, "notof human experience, but of the Holy S~irit".~/ Thus, it is from these two Eucharistic expressions, emphasising on the one handmemorialism, and on the other communion-fellowship, that the Protestant

1, -The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XVII, 1997iRichard Bicknell: In memory of Chist's Sacrifice:Roots and Shoots of Elim's Eucharisltc Expressionit 4. ThanksgivingCongregationalism.!- -5. The Communion. the bread and wine being administeredBased loosely on the 'Savoy Declaration' of 1658, the early CongregationalistsF - separately ... and carried to the pews by the deaconsdeveloped a moderately Calvinistic view of the Supper that expressed the "real6. Prayer? "Lbut spiritual nature of the sacramental gifts"." Two views of the Supper emerge7. Hymn>C

I ne Journal or the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XVII. 1997IRichard Ricknell: In memory of Christ's Sacrifice:Roots and Shoots of Elim's Eucharistic Expressio~lpresent, would guide them in audible participation," by his Spirit." However,through the influence of J. N. Darby, the Brethren Movement eventually split intotwo, the Darbyist or Exclusive Brethren, and the Open Brethren." In the 1880's.there was a further 'splinter' group known as 'Needed Truth.' who sought tobring certain restrictions to the practice of the Lord's Supper, ironically, "refusingother than their own members a place at the Lord's table"." However, the vastmajority of Open Brethren maintained their original "open" principle^.^' G. C. D.Howley has described their regular practice: "Their most distinctive gathering isthe weekly breaking of bread, when there is freedom for brethren to lead inthanksgiving and prayer, or to partake in some way on the central purpose of theservice, the remembrance of Christ in the Lord's Supper".' A brief glimpse of aBrethren Communion service, circa 1860, is given in E. Gosse, Father atid Son( 1907):"My father preached, standing at a desk; or celebrated the communion infront of a deal [redwood] table, with a white napkin spread over it. Only :+those who had given evidence of acceptance of the theory of simple faithin their atonement through the blood of Jesus were admitted to thecommunion, or, as it was called. 'the Breaking of Bread.' No one should'break bread' until he or she had been bapti~ed."~~iThe Brethren, actively sought the "restoration of New Testament Christianity9'*" = Ie~pecially regarding the Lord's Supper, and thus, they celebrated the Supper in isimple fashion, in the prcscnce of the Lord, for 'where two or three are gathered'(Mt. 18:20) Christ was deemed to be there also.1ElimGeorge Jeffreys is recognised as being the founder of the Elim; thus, he must bethe starting point for any discussion concerning Elim's Eucharistic faith and1practice. There are two discernible areas of influence, regarding Eucharistic$8understanding, that could have acted upon Jeffreys. The first was his upbringingas a young Christian in Congregationalism, the second, his brief time at thePentecostal Missionary Union Bible School at Preston.::George Jeffreys (born 1889). was born to Thomas and Keda Jeffreys of Maesteg.South Wales.' For a number of years, the Jeffreys family attended DuffrynChapel, Caerau, an Independent (Congregational) Chapel. A house move took thefamily out of the vicinity of Duffryn Chapel to another Congregational Chapel,that of Siloh Independent Chapel, Nantyffyllon. With some 97,647 attendantsrecorded (circa 1861). the dominant voice in the valleys was ~on~re~ationalism.~It was most probably within Congregationalism that Jeffreys experienced his firstCommunion, probably in the usual Congregational style, and thereafter probably'once a month'. Whilst at Siloh Independent, under he ministry of GlasnantJones, "fifteen year old George made a commitment" to God. and subsequentlyinvolved himself in the work of the Chapekm During his work at the Chapel, theminister. Glasnant Jones, took particular interest in him. "I was privileged to give''ihim his early religious tuition and a splendid scholar he was," commented Jones."~t would probably he too much to suggest that Jeffreys took his Eucharistictheology from Jones' instruction; he may however have received some insightinto the significance of the Supper. Dale's sacramental principles would probablyhave held little sway in the Congregational Chapels of Jeffreys' upbringing,partly because they had been outmoded by the later Declaration of Fai~h,'~ andalso because the memorialism of the latter better suited the evangelistic thrust ofWelsh Congregationalism. However, the Congregational Eucharistic type, thewords that were said at the time of the giving of the elements, the structure andmood of these meetings, would no doubt have left an impression upon Jeffreys.One can only take a guess as to how much of an impact the CongregationalismEucharist had upon Jeffreys. One thing is certain, that which he had 'inherited'from Congregationalism would complement that which he was lo receive at thePentecostal Missionary Union Bible School, Preston.In September of 1912, the Pentecostal Missionary Union received an applicationfrom George Jeffreys for further training.'"n November of the same year,Jeffreys entered the P. M. U. "finishing school for men students in Pre~ton,"'~remaining there for only a "very short time"." Whilst at the school, Jeffreys cameunder the tuition of Thomas Myerscough, an estate agent, and "leader of a devoutcompany of Bible students who had been associated with the Brethren for manyyears.16 Boulton writes concerning Jeffreys' teacher, "the name of ThomasMyerscough stands in many Christian circles as a synonym for sound, sanescriptural exposition of the word of It is most probably through ThomasMyerscough that much of the Brethren heritage concerning the practice of theSupper passed through to Elim?8 There was a number of other students at theschool, most of whom were involved in the formative years of Elim, all of whomwould no doubt display something of the influence of Thomas Myerscough inlater years. Boulton records that, "George Jeffreys' fellow students included Mr.W. F. P. Burton and Mr. Jas. Salter. the God-honoured pioneers of the CongoEvangelistic Mission, Percy N. Corry, dean of the Elim Bible College, and PastorE. J. Philips, the secretary general of this famous allian~e".~' Of these mentioned.George Jeffreys was to set in place Elim's 'Fundamental' doctrines," W. F. P.Burton later wrote a series of Bible talks on the Lord's Supper, called What MeatrYe By These Stones, Elim's only complete work on the subject:' and Percy Corrywas to influence many through Elim's own Bible school in Clapham?2Thus, the influence of Thomas Myerscough not only fell upon George Jeffreys,but also a number of other 'key players', all of whom were active in theformation of the Elim Foursquare Gospel Alliance. The true extent ofMyerscough's influence on Elim's theology has yet to be discovered.SHOOTS: ELIM'S UNDERSTANDING OF THE SUPPERAlthough Elim's Eucharistic roots extend retrospectively into the 'rich' ProtestantReformed Tradition, Elim's Eucharistic faith and practice is by no means as

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association. Vol. XVII. 1997developed as that of its predecessors. Thus, Hollenweger's comment that "there isno fully developed eucharistic doctrine in the Pentecostal movement"' as a whole,can also be seen to be true of Elim. Further, Hollenwcgcr has correctly observedthat when statements regarding the Lord's Supper are ventured, "it is ... onZwinglian lines as a memorial of Jesus' death".2MemorialismCertainly, in Elim the notion of commemorating of the death of Christ has beenconstantly emphasised. In Elim's original 'Fundamentals' written by GeorgeJeffreys, the notion of commemoration is the reason given for the observance ofthe Supper. "We believe in the ... partaking of the bread and wine in memory ofthe Lord's death".' Thus, what is to be remembered primarilv is the passion ofChrist, but not only that, for as Burton-Haynes has explained, "the Lord'stable ...p oints back to that life of perfect devotion to the Father's will and thedcath which is its consummation".J Thus, the "next time you take your place atHis table," W. Ron Jones explains, "do not just remember one aspect of His life,but rather all He was, all He still is!"> The recollection of the death of Jesus isbrought into sharp focus in Tom Walker's article, "Why Communion?':"As He instituted the communion service, leading His followers in thefirst such remembrance feast ... Jesus pleaded 'remember me', and thuspulled at the heart strings of every true believer. Such an appeal at such atime, cannot be ignored. Is there any reason sufficient to warrant aChristian's disobedience? Imagine if our Lord were there, right beforeyou, His nail-pierced hands outstretched, asking you, begging you,pleading with you, commanding you, 'Remember me'.lY6Wilson has commented that, "the partaking of the bread and wine is understoodsimply as a memorial ... and complements the extreme emphasis on the death ofJesus as the paramount item of the Christian faith".7 The Communion service is,therefore, often seen as a reflection of the believer's initial response to thepreaching of the 'Cross', as in Zwingli. As Ron Jones has explained, "His tablecarried us back to the most vital moment in our lives, the moment when Jesusbecame real to us".# The Elim Lay Preachers Handbook, (1946) has made thisconnection clearer still. The notion of commemoration is connected with that of'covenant'; thus, in the act of remembering Christ's death "you renew by that actyour covenant relationship with God"." The Supper is therefore not only "a Feastof recollection," explained H. Burton-Haynes, but also, a "pledge of UndyingAffection".'"However, in practice, Elim has tended to remove from the notion ofcommemoration all other associated ideas focusing solely on the idea ofcommemoration of Christ's historical death, as John Lancaster has commented,"we have tended to see communion as 'merely' a memorial" of Christ's death."Even the idea of remembrance seems to have been stripped of its force, as Hillshas explained, when "we... say that we are 'remembering' an event whichRichard Bicknell: In memory of Christ's Sacrifice:Roots and Shoots of Elirn's Eucharistic Expressionoccurred in history ... we have misunderstood our Lord's words when he said "Dothis in remembrance of me".I2 It is not a merely a remembering of a past event butrather an "affectionate calling of the person Himself to mind"." C. M. Robeckcomments more widely concerning this matter:"The term for 'remembrance' (anamnesi) has in Pentecostal circles lostmuch of its original power having been diluted to the role of depictingcommunion as merely a memorial. The term originally conveyed the ideaof bringing into remembrance in such a way as to enter into its reality farmore than merely remembering it as a past event".lJSome might be tempted to claim a Zwinglian basis for this radical rnemorialis~n;'~however, this view represents a reduction of Zwingli's 'bare commemoration.'For Zwingli, the notion of remembrance (memoria) was more than retrospection,it was realisation, that is "the authentic presence of the suffering of the Lordm1"which is clearly not comparable to the Elim Eucharist.Just Bread and Wine?Elim's extreme memorialism is complemented by a purely symbolic view of theelements. Thus, the materials used in the Communion are referred to as"emblems"u and "symb~ls"'~ or simply "bread and liquid,"19 rather than "host" or"body and blood". Further, symbolic terminology is actively retained in Elim, inorder to exclude sacramentalism. Thus, if they are seen as "pure symbol^"^ andnothing more, the bread and wine cannot become the physical body and blood ofChrist.Similarly, Elim's use of 'ordinance' is seen to exclude the opposite notion of'sacrament.' As Hills has suggested, the use of the term 'sacrament' is generallyavoided for it "conveys the thought that grace is somehow conveyed to therecipient through the rite itself'." Conversely, the term ordinance was eniployedby those churches "not wishing to convey the notion that they leaned towards theCatholic po~ition".~~ Thus, much of Elim's discussion concerning the nature ofthe emblems is fuelled by their anti-sacramental stance, "the wine in the cupcontinues after communion to be precisely the same fluid as before ... its chemicalconstituents do not change one iota"." Given the fact that the emblems are puresymbols, it matters little that real bread and wine are used. Thus, crackers areused instead of unleavened bread, and blackcurrant juice in the place offermented wine.The decision to use unfermented juice in the Supper has in the past beensupported 'Biblically.' W. F. P. Burton (1946) interpreted the reference inMatthew 26:29 as "grape juice ... it certainly could not have been fermented wine,"exclaimed Burton.- This position has been further supported on the grounds that"the word 'wine' nowhere occurs in any of the narratives of the in~titution".~'This was taken as precedent for not using real wine. However, underlying thisview was the fundamental belief that for the Christian to partake of alcohol was

The Journal of the European Penlccostal Theological Association, Vol. XVII. 1997somehow wrong. Alcohol was to be associated with pre-conversion. "Smokingand drinking had ceased. Though I had five or six gallons of home-made wine inthe house at the time of my conversion, yet all this found its way down the sink,"wrote an early Elim con~ert.~"his stance, however, was not completelyarbitrary, but was primarily a response to alcoholism. Thus, for an Elim church touse fermented wine would not only "contravene a doctrine of total abstinence."but would also "provide a working premise for alcoholism"." The comment of H.D. Hunter is noteworthy:"In the socio-economic stratum and cultural climate of earlyPentecostalism it was easier to deny any possible connection to thedreaded practice of drinking. At the same time, the historical reality of thefirst Eucharist need not be denied nor pressed too far. It seems that theearly church's use of unleavened bread and fermented wine wassomething of a historical accident.""However, this position has been challenged of late, by a number of emergingPentecostal scholars outside of Elim," and by some in Elim itself. The formerDirector of Studies at Elim Bible College, Julian Ward, has commented that "weare not Biblical when we serve up" fruit juice, "it should be wine"."The Presence of ChristIn keeping with the symbolic nature of the bread and wine, the notion of the 'realpresence' of Christ in the emblems is seen as 'unscriptural'." Thus, both theCatholic position of transubstantiation and the Lutheran view ofconsubstantiation, wherein Christ is said to be present "in, under and with" theelements, are reje~ted:'~"Suffice it to say that we do not hold with either of these doctrines. Webelieve, according to the Word of God and the experience of millions, thatmen receive Christ only when they accept Him by faith as their allsufficientSavi~ur".'~Christ's body, therefore, "is not localised in the bread and the wine"." Rather, heis present "in the dynamic activity of the Holy Spirit"." As Burton-Haynes hasargued, "in the communion service He manifests Himself by the power of theHoly Spirit, and in this way the feast becomes a communion of the body of Christand the Blood of Christw.% Thus, it is not the 'real presence' but the "realisedpresence of Jesus that makes the feast"."Elim's writers exhort their congregations to expect Christ himself to be at theCommunion service with the following comments, "In His own ordinance He isever pre~ent";~ "He is as really there, as He was at the table of remembrance",""He will be there, will you?'.'" Thus, the Supper has been seen as a specific"point of enc~unter"~' and a "divine contact point",42 in which Christ isencountered in a specific way. In the Elint Evatigel, April 16th, 1937, reportingon the Easter Monday celebrations at the Albert Hall, testimony concerning thisRichard Ilicknell: In memory of Christ's Sacrifice:Roots and Shoots of Elim's Eucharislic Expressionlpresence' is given,"It was fitting that this wonderful Foursquare Demonstration should bebrought to a close by a massive Communion service. This was a hallowedtime, and the PRESENCE OF THE LORD was so mighty that it seemedas though we had all been transported into heaven. 'I forgot I was on thisearth,' whispered one of the ministers who sat by my side. Whatatmosphere! What power! What blessing!".'"The experience of the presence of Christ was not just confined to 'special'meetings:"When the hour fixed for the Sunday morning meeting arrived, the Elimtabernacle had very few vacant seats, and there was an air of eagerexpectancy as the Convener, Pastor George Jeffreys, and speakers,together with the members of the Elim band filed out of the minor hall andtook their places on and around the pulpit. Expectancy changed to joyfulassurance as the meeting proceeded. All seemed to be sublimely consciousof the Divine Presence, as successive prayers and praises ascended fromadoring hearts to the throne of power"."Since Christ is not in the emblems and thus reception of Christ cannot be via theemblems, il may be argued that Christ is not received in the Elim Communionservice. However, this is not the case, for reception of Christ is emphasised; "Wedo not 'tune into the infinite"', argued George Canty; rather, "we receive Christ,just that"." W. J. Maybin, writing in the Elint Evangel in 1974, argued that sinceChrist was 'spiritually' present in the Supper, participation in the Supper musttherefore involve a "spiritual reception of Christ".& Maybin draws on theWestminster Confession in order to illustrate his argument: "by faith they receiveunto themselves Christ crucified, and all the benefits of His death"." Thus, for anumber in Elim, the Supper is where the human and divine meet in Communion,"it is the focal point of fellowship with Christ".J8However, even though the Supper is regarded as a 'divine contact point', or an'encounter', the presence of Christ is not in any way limited to it, for Christ'spresence is expected to be manifested at other times, not just in the Supper.Donald Gee's report regarding his trip to Elim in the early twenties, is illustrativeof this point:"The closing week-end was spent at Ballymena; on every hand we hadbeen assured of a good time here, and we were not disappointed. From thevery first, when we had a brief time of prayer before the open-air meetingon Saturday evening, right through the meetings on Sunday, there was arare sense of His presen~e".~Whilst Gee's testimony might be slightly ambiguous, a similar report, this timefrom E. C. W. Boulton, suggests that "a sense of Christ's presence" is notcontingent on a Eucharistic context at all:

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XVII, 1997"Sunday evening arrived, and the stewards wcrc husv in the endeavollrfind accommodation for the people ... And now the actual service is in fullswing. Soon the happy throng is just bathed in Holy Ghost song. A glanceat the faces of the singers is sufficient to reveal how deeply thcy feel thetruths that they sing. Their beaming eyes and radiant faces providesconvincing evidences of the earnestness which holds them. Listen! theyare singing:"I stand amazed in the presenceOf Jesus the Nazarene,And wonder how He could love me,A sinner, condemned, un~lean".~Thus, there seems to be grounds for confusion regarding exactly how Christ'spresence in the Supper is different from his presence at other times. Although oneis told that it is during the Supper "that the Lord draws the closest"," the'experiences' recorded above seem to show that there is some ambiguityregarding this matter.'All the Benefits of His Death'For Elim, communion with Christ in the Supper is thought to bring a number ofbenefits for the believer who partakes. Thus, Hollenweger's comment that"Pentecostals expect ;.. the strengthening of their inner being, strength ineveryday temptations and healing from sicknes~":~ in the Supper, rings true ofElim. There is in the Supper "opportunity for the revitalisation of our spirituallives"," commented Elim minister Colin Dye. Percy Parker, author of the ElimBible College Correspondence School notes of past years, earlier explainedfurther this notion of revitalisation and restoration, "Our hungry hearts are richlyfilled, our sinful lives are marvellously rested and restored, and our yearninghopes are completely fed"." Thus, although the Communion service takes dacetrequently, and the material emblems are not enough to "satisfy physical hungerfor one hour," yet, curiously, this "feast satisfied the hunger of the spiritindefinitely"?This 'strengthening' is not necessarily effected through the rubrics and setting ofthe service itself; rather, it is the presence of Christ in the believer that is thesource of this strength. As Dye has explained, "communion is like food in ourspiritual lives. Christ communicates His life to us. We are spiritually strengthenedand our experience of Christ is nouri~hed".~ This notion is also taken up. in theElinl Lay Preachers Hat~dbook, "He becomes part and parcel of our very life andnature, strengthening and sustaining us by the imparted inward nourishment ofHis presence in our soul^".^'However, that which is said to be the specific action of the Supper, revitalisation,restoration, and strengthening of faith, is not restricted to the Supper. Many of thehymns and choruses that have been sung in earlier years by Elim members--Richard ISicknell: In memory of Christ's Sacrifice:Roots and Shoots of Elim's Eucharistic Expressionexpress the opinion that refreshing and revitalisation, in fact everything that the/ chriStian needs, can be found in Christ,I!1, "All that I want is in Jesus,1. He satisfies - Joy He supplies,1Life would be worthless without Him,1;IAll things in Jesus I find."%'bFurther, in communion with Christ the believer can find solace at any time,t,"'Come and dine,' the master calleth,'Come and dine,'t, You may feast at Jesus' table all the time,He who feeds the multitude,Turned the water into wine,t.To the hungry - - calleth now "Come and dine."'."Thus, it is hard to imagine what "special" role can be accorded to the ElimEucharist, if indeed all of the benefits of thc Supper can be gained at any othertime, and in differing circumstances, simply through communion with Christ.There is little discernible difference in effect between a Communion service andany other service; both have exactly the same potential to supply exactly the sameneeds of the believer, for in both, communion with Christ is assured - for "wheretwo or three are gathered", Christ is there also (Matt. 18:20).There is also the suggestion that physical healing can be obtained for thecommunicants. Thus, it is not uncommon to hear the one officiating at the Supperto proclaim that "there is healing at the This claim has led Hills toprompt a re-evaluation of Elim's understanding of the Supper. Thus Hills hassuggested that "it would be easier to accept the proposition that the Supper is onlya memorial, if pastors dropped the practice of informing worshippers that 'thereis healing at the table', which is generally a reference to physical healing"."'Elim's understanding of the elements as purely symbolic is contradicted in thereference to healing. Thus Hills has highlighted the problem, "if healing isavailable at the table, what is its specific source, is it present in the emblems wetake? Surely not, for we have been told that they are only bread and ~ine".~/ Thus, Hills has promoted a continuity of approach to the table. If Elim is anti-: sacramentalist, promoting a symbolic table in memory of Christ's passion, then$ references to the availability of healing ought to be clarified to remove any hint of% sacramentalism. Unqualified references to healing in and through the Supper,Pb-igive an altogether different message, as Hills has argued, "We are left with theimpression that there is an added 'something' present at the communion which isnot necessarily recognisable at other points in the service*'.'I?.dHowever, one thing that is clearly not available, (about which there is no% ambiguity) in Elim's presentation of the Supper, is salvific grace. The Suppercannot save. Canty has stated that, "we achieve salvation through the physical act4 of Christ dying, and we acquire it through the normal channels of

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XVII, 1997communication".@ It is "through the broken body of our saviour" upon the cross,not through the Supper that "we are one with Him"? comments Walker. Thus,whilst God can use the Supper "to confirm powerfully in your heart everythingthat is symbolised by the bread and the wine," partaking itself "does not actuallybring you forgiveness or healing,"* as Dye has recently argued. The Communion,therefore, is for the believer only.The ParticipantsThe Elim Lay Preachers Handbook informs the reader that participation .in theSupper is, "only for those who have entered the New Covenant. The NewCovenant is conversion: a change of life, of heart and of mind, a blotting out ofour sins, and a coming to know the Lord"."'The action of the Supper itself is seen to confirm that only the 'regenerated'should partake. Thus, it may be argued that only believers can have the covenantbond between themselves and Christ reinforced, though the "cup of the newco~enant",~ and only those who are in fellowship with Christ can have thatfellowship strengthened.@' Not only is it necessary for those participating to be"saved", but they must also have been baptised in water, as Burton has explained,"we find that believers, in touch with their Lord had their rightful place at thetable: those who had received his word and were bapti~ed".~~Elim's Communion table has always traditionally been open to other believers,including non-members of Elim. There has been considerable emphasis on themaintenance of the 'open' table, an opinion which probably comes directly fromthe heart and foundations of Brethrenism itself. Thus, in 1946. Burton imploredhis readers, "Don't let us divide, I of the Congregationalists. 1 of the Disciples ofChrist, 1 of the Foursquare Gospel churches. Let us realise that there is one Lord,One Church, one faith ... and that we are 'ALL ONE IN CHRIST JESUS"'."In the late fifties, Wilson noted that "the Elim communion table is not restrictedto Elim people"72 for "any 'born again' believer, Elimite or not, is welcomed"?"This viewpoint is again emphasised some years later, by Walker, who instructedanyone officiating at an Elim Communion service "to make abundantly clear thatany born-again Christian is welcome to share in the services"." Thus, accordingto Des Cartwright, the official historian of Elim, Elim has always maintained aso-called "open table"."A number of writers in Elim, however, have leant towards the notion of a closedtable. Maybin appeared to be advocating a 'less open' table than perhaps otherswould writing, "the New Testament makes it part of the regular worship of thechurch (Acts 20:7) and Paul warns against unworthy participation, and all theseimply that it is intended only for the converted and ~onsistent believe^".^^ Itappears that Maybin's ideal would be to exclude 'inconsistent' Christians, aposition which would probably best be enforced by the exclusion of nonmembers,that is, those who do not 'consistently' attend. Further, according toiRichard Bicknell: In memory of Christ's Sacrifice:Roots and Shoots of Elim's Eucharistic Expressionbin, those desiring participation should only be allowed access. "providedthat their lives are being lived in accordance with scriptural standard^".^' This,however, would prove difficult to enforce.ian article by Burton-Haynes, regarding the 'breaking of bread,' the eligibility1I of is dealt with under the heading 'The Requirements of the Lord'sj ~~ble'." That there are certain requirements for participation is clear from thej ~~solernn injunction attached to the observance of the Lord's Supper",?' that is,1 that a man "examine himself'. From this, "we see that the Lord's Table reauires aof the bread and the/ wine;"a the criterion by which believers ought to judge themselves is threefold.iI rFirstly, the communicant needs to adopt "a penitential faith","' or in other words,a repentant attitude. Secondly. the "old leaven must be purged out ... for the Lord'sTable requires a sanctified life," declared Haynes, "We must never sit down atthe Lord's Table knowingly practising sin ... Before approaching the Table, let usprayerfully examine our hearts, asking the Lord to reveal if there be any evil way4 in us and to cleanse us from all unrighteou~ness".~~1 Thirdly, "we should come together with the supreme thought of ministering unto2,4? the Lord, not merely with a view of receiving something from Him,"x1 for the"Lord's Table requires a worshipping heart".aHowever, these views require something of the believer prior to hislherparticipation in the Supper, in one way or another, contradicting that which theSupper is thought to supply. Thus, believers are assumed to be spiritually"'strong", as it were, before they can be spiritually strengthened in the Supper; tobe free from sin, before they can be "restored". Hills has dealt briefly with theproblem of participation in his paper on the ordinances? in which he hasrecognised the problem of enforcing the above ideals:"Though very clear instructions are laid down in I Corinthians I I, as tohow we ought to observe the supper and who may be allowed toparticipate, we seem to pay much more attention to and take more careover monitoring those who present themselves for baptism, than for thosewho present themselves for communion. The emphasis is generally placedupon the necessity of the participant ensuring that he is a fit candidate forthe latter, while this rule does not seem to be equally applied to theformer. Is this because it is easier to confront the convert than those whoare mature in the faith? Or do we genuinely believe that each man isaccountable to God for himself at communion".xn'2;i The notion of personal accountability has been further developed by Walker, who:i has stated that, "the onus as to whether a person partakes or not ... is on the person-,i himself," adding, "the responsibility for deciding whether or not to partake falls$ on the worshipper"."

The Journal or ihc European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XVII, 1997Richard Uicknell: In memory of Christ's Sacrifice:Roots and Shoots of Elim's Eucharistic ExpressionHollenweger has noted this "inc~nsistency",~ which appears all the more so whenone considers that those under twelve, according to Elim's theology, can be "bornagain" and "Spirit filled", yet are often excluded on the basis of age.The Body of ChristThe notion of eating and drinking in a worthy manner, discerning the need ofothers, is central to Paul's discussion of the church as the body of Christ.However, there has been some disagreement as to the interpretation and intent ofPaul's statements. The Elim Bible Correspondence School course notes (circa1927)' written by Percy Parker, on the Lord's Supper, interpreted Paul's referenceto discerning the body as follows:"How full of warning are the words concerning eating and drinkingunworthily not discerning the Lord's body, which for one thing simplymeans that when we partake of the Lord's Supper we must not think of thesweetness or otherwise of the wine, or the dryness or freshness of thebread but of the Lord Himself, whose body was broken and whose bloodwas shed for me"."The historical context of Paul's argument has been displaced in favour of theElim understanding of the Supper as 'a memorial of Christ's death'. Thus,according to Parker, "we eat and drink unworthily when we partake withoutdiscerning the Lord's body and blood represented by the bread and wine, for wedo not show to God the death of Christ"." Symptomatic of the retrojection of20th century ideas into a first century situation is Parker's 'invention' of a falsedivision between the 'partaking of the bread and wine' and the meal itself. Thus,the Lord's Supper is represented as taking place after the actual meal,"An astonishing disorder had arisen at the communion service. Before theLord's Supper the Corinthian Christians gathered to a LOVE Feast orAgapae [his spelling] at which some ate and drank too much, while thepoor went hungry. This feast merged into the Lord's Supper which as aconsequence became disgracef~l."'~In adopting this view, Parker managed to divest the Lord's 'Supper' of its mealcontext; consequently, the Pauline references to the Church as the body of Christare altogether lost. The division between meal and Supper seems to be built upon/ false notion that in the original institution of the Supper, Jesus and the1 disciples ate the Passover meal before they took Communion together:" Further,1 parker noted that due to the Corinthian excesses, the love feasts "wereHills has written that there is "no clear procedure existing among us [Elim] as to I AFTERWARDS DISJOINED from thc Lord's S~pper",'~ and thus, on this basisthe age at which children ought to be allowed to take the emblems"." Further,jhe warns about the perils of "Fellowship teas and church socials ... a modernthere seems to be no clear guidance as to who is responsible for the young : equivalent for Love Feasts. some of which are commendable and other decidedlyperson's actions, and he writes, "One gets the impression that it depends upon the :idecision of the individual server, or the thinking of the parent, more than on theLancaster has challenged this rather submerged position, commenting that theleadership's evaluation of the spiritual condition of the Thus, the 1 ~~rd's Supper was "very much in the context of the Agape feast, where it wouldquestion that has in times past been asked of potential ministers by Elim'sseem as though it did not have that great solemnity and sacramental significance;Ministerial Selection Board in the doctrinal questionnaire form, "Who would youexclude from the communion and why?'is rather poignant."1 it was part of the whole fellowship meal'*:J8 Thus, in misinterpreting the situationithe agape feast, one can "lose sight of where Paul says 'we are onej- - loif **.Y'\ 1:According to Lancaster, the reference to not discerning the Lord's body is partlyto do with "remembering the body that was nailed to the cross," but also "takinginto account the body of which I am a member, we being one loaf, one b~dy".'~Lancaster laments over the fact that an appreciation of Paul's idea of the Churchis very often "lost sight of', especially in Pentecostalism.'"'The notion of the church as the body has perhaps been the most neglected aspectof the Supper in Elim. Thus, although statements have been made regarding theunifying nature of the Supper, the Pauline concept of the Church as the body ofChrist has largely been ignored, not least in the church situation itself. There are anumber of possible reasons for this failure to appreciate Paul's originalsentiments. Lancaster, in his book, The Spirit Filled Church, has highlighted one/r of them writing, "All too often we equate fellowship with sitting in rows in a'consecrated' building, going through certain 'spiritual' activities ... Maybe in ourpenchant for 'meetings* we have lost the value of social togethernes~".'~kFellowship and 'social togetherness' have been seen as being mutually exclusiveoccupations, the former being commendable and 'spiritual,' the latter to beavoided. Chatting to one another over a meal is seen to be as far removed fromthe original intention of the Lord's Supper as east is from west.Another possible reason for failing to understand Paul is the phrase 'the body ofChrist' itself. In the Jesucentric context of Elim, it could mean nothing else apartfrom being a reference to Jesus himself - anything less than this would beregarded as reductionism. Elim's official chorus book illustrates this'Jesucentrism'. Out of one hundred songs, over seventy overtly mention Jesusand his work on the cross; not one mention the fellowship of the church.'"Further, the lack of an adequate ecclesiology in Elim must also be to blame.Elim's original purpose was as a 'revivalist' group for the Church, not to set UPits own denominational body, though eventually the latter became necessary.'"'Developing an ecclesiology would not have been considered a priority. Thus, asan evangelistic body, individual 'salvation' through the work of Christ wasprimary, all other doctrines being unconsciously judged according to their

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XVII, 1997usefulness within this framework. Thus. the Supper was simply a declaration ofbeing born again, a recreation of the initial point of surrender of the believer toChrist, rather than incorporation into the Church.Anti-CatholicismOne of the major forces active in shaping Elim's Eucharistic expression, as inZwingli, has been their fundamental distrust of all things Catholic.Pentecostalism has traditionally regarded Rome as "antichrist". Joseph Plant'scomments in the Elim newspaper The Foursquare Revivalist, August 3rd, 1928,are typical of the Pentecostal attitude towards Catholi~ism.'~~ Rome has beendescribed as that "crestfallen harlot." being 'Self-exposed to every breath ofpropaganda of Anti~hrist".~ Finally, he calls upon God "the Almighty Spirit" to"comc forth again to awaken us, as thou didst awaken our fathers"."' This'Protestant' stand is seen in later Elim publications such as the tract WhyProtestaut? by L. C. Quest, in which the "Romish doctrine of the Mass" is citedas being one of the grounds for proudly maintaining the title 'Protestant'.'"Wilson has highlighted this position further writing, "The exegesis which Elimaccepts depicts the Roman Church as the real entity symbolised by the mother ofthe harlots, drunk on the blood of the sain &...Papacy is for Elim ... the great Evil inthe ~orld".'~'From this anti-Catholic standpoint arises much of Elim's Eucharistic -understanding. It is interesting to note that candidates applying for entry into theElim ministry are asked to distinguish between the "four main interpretations ofthe Lord's Supper", and to explain their own view." These "hopefuls'' knowbetter than to espouse any form of sacramentalism.l"A Brief Summary of Elim's Eucharistic Thought-As has been seen, the primary aspect of Elim's Eucharistic thought is thecommemoration of Christ's death. Within that commemorative context, the breadand wine are seen as symbolic representations of that body upon the cross, andnothing more. Consequently, the notion of the real presence is denied. And yet,Christ is assumed to be truly present in the Supper, communicating to theregenerated, baptised, and worthy participant, many of the benefits of his death.With little or no ecclesiastical foundation, the notion of the Church as the body ofChrist is lacking in much of Elim's interpretation of the Supper. Finally, theeffect of Elim's rejection of Catholicism was noted as a major factor in thebuilding of their 'anti-sacramental' Eucharistic expression.THE CELEBRATION OF THE SUPPERThe present practice of most Elim churches is to break bread on Sundaymornings, in the Communion service. G. F. Atter has rightly attributed thisRichard Bicknell: In memory of Christ's Sacrifice:Roots and Shoots of Elim's Eucharistic Expressionprnetice to "their Brethren ba~kground".~ Thus, that which was central to theorigin and continuance of Brethronism became part of Elim through the influenceof ~~ersco~gh, as has been argued. Certainly Elim seems to have always held aweekly Communion.'sunday Morning ...'me Sunday morning celebration of the Lord's Supper was 'part and parcel' ofthe revivalist initiatives that spawned the Elim Pentecostal Church oftoday. The work of the early revivalists is attested to by evangelical preacher andwriter, Cunningham Pike:"Believing that the time is short and the Lord soon coming, you [Elim]make quick work, baptising people by the score daily, seeing sick folkhealed, and administering Holy Communion to hundreds on Sundaymornings in this tent without seeking a bishop's license or denominationalimprimat~r."~Further, the breaking of bread was an important factor in the continuance of thisinfant church. Donald Gee's report of his visit to the Elim Tabernacle, Belfast, in1923, indicates that the breaking of bread was by then a regular feature of the-' .weekly proceedings. This usually consisted of a Thursday evening Bible study,'. Saturdays being taken up in the local centre "preaching the Gospel", with the;breaking of bread service taking place on the Sunday morning and a Gospelservice on the Sunday evening? This pattern could be found in most of the otherElim churches of Northern Ireland."By the time the first copy of the Elint Lay Preachers Handbook had rolled off the: press (1946). the weekly celebration of the Lord's Supper in the Communionservice was already 'set in stone'. Nevertheless, the handbook still addressed thequestion. "how frequently should the believers ~artake?".~ Taking the earlyChurch as a guide, once a week was seen to be "the precedent laid down (Acts20:7)" in scripture: and thus the established practice of most Elim churches at- that time was given the "blessing" of the word of God?A decade later, Wilson, in his sociological study of the Elim movement in the latefifties: identified the celebration of the Lord's Supper in the Sunday morningCommunion service as "the most important ~ervice",'~ being "essential for allbelievers"." By the end of the sixties, the importance of the Sunday morningCommunion service showed no sign of diminishing; indeed the opposite wastrue, its place being increasingly reinforced. Thus, at this time (1969). Elimminister George Canty was able to declare confidently that "Pentecostals [Elimllove the Communion service beyond all occasions"." A year or so later, anotherElim Minister, Ron Jones, attested to the continued practice of many Elimites tocelebrate the Supper, writing, "On Sunday morning thousands of Elim memberswill be meeting around the Lord's table"."Early in the eighties, the Elim Evangel printed an article by Elim minister, Tom77

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XVII, 1997Richard Bicknell: In memory of Christ's Sacrifice:Roots and Shoots of Elim's Eucharisttc Expression"I feel as if the Communion can be tagged on, almost as a 'well. we've pot. ..the end of a service, and it is over in about 5 minutesw.mReasons for this 'marginalisation' are probably numerous, though a number of--3. Words of institution, (1 Corinll4. Thanksgiving, - (thanksgiving for the bread and the wine, and for Christ's-sacrificial death)

The Journal of the European Penlecostal Tlieological Association, Vol. XVII, 1997Richard Ricknell: In memory of Christ's Sacrifice:Roots and Shoots of Elim's Eucharistic ExpressionThe Communion, the bread and the wine being administered separately ... andcarried to the pews by the deacons, (identical procedure, usually administeredby eldersJdeacons, though members are sometimes asked)Prayer, (extempore prayer, very occasionally the gift of tongues andinterpretation)Hymn, (hymn or choruses)The blessing, (occasionally a blessing, more usually a closing prayer)"The inclusion of extempore prayer is probably a reflection of the Brethrenpractice in the Supper of being "guided by the Lord, through his Spirit, in audibleparticipation"? and would seem the most natural place for the 'spoken gifts' oftongues, interpretation and prophecy to be used. It is interesting to note thatElim's Rules and Regulations for Ministers on the use of Spiritual Gifts in theChurch (1934). identified the Sunday morning Communion Service as the mostappropriate place for the operation of spiritual gifts." Some of the clearest detailsof an early Elim Communion service come from the pen of Donald Gee writingof his experiences in Belfast, Northern Ireland, and are illustrative of the use ofspiritual gifts in the context of the Supper:''The building was nearly full for the breaking of bread service on Sundaymorning, - and what refreshing liberty! The touch of God came on us allas we worshipped, and from the song of praise there broke forth the still =sweeter singing in the Spirit that has been such a wonderful feature of thisPentecostal revival all along. He whose presence makes Heaven itselfwhat it is, became a reality in our very midst; Hallel~jah!".~'Gee was careful to stress that this meeting was 'typical' of other Elim churches,Lurgan, Armagh, Portadown, that he had visited in Ireland." Thus, the 'typical'Elim service is structurally Nonconformist, but within that context, its -Pentecostal nature can be clearly seen.However, even here there is evidence of change. Lancaster has commentedrecently (1995) that now the Communion service, "differs from church to church;there isn't the same uniformity as there used to be in Elim churches. At one timeyou'd go into an Elim church ... you knew you were in an Elim church, becauseat 10 to 12 they were going to hold communion. That has changed; there's amuch greater diversity."Thus, it may be the case that the demise of the 'typical' Elim Communion isalready underway, and that a new 'pattern' may soon become evident. However,given the survival record of the Nonconformist structure, it is likely to be aroundfor a few more years.The Greatest Communion Service?The story of the Eucharist in Elim would be incomplete without reference to at ,least one of their remarkable mass-Communion services. On Easter Monday,1937, at the Royal Albert Hall, ten thousand Elim members 'rounded off' theirEaster celebrations with the breaking of bread. The Elinl Evarlgel, April 16th,1937, boasts that this was ''The Greatest Communion service in Church History",with "thirty four representative nations around the Lord's Table"." An "Eyewitness"" recorded hisfher feelings on that day:"There in the centre of that vast throng of the Lord's people was that whitesymbolic table, speaking so loudly of Christ's sacrificial and all-sufficientpassion, pointing upward to the throne and onward to the hour of adventwhen the cleaving heavens shall reveal the bride-groom-King. What asight! And what a service! As we think of it all a great and tender awe is inour hearts and a mist of tears dims our eyes. There were moments in thatsolemn service when it seemed as though we stood upon the threshold ofHis appearing; that at any moment the summons to the air, might fall uponour listening ears."'?Meetings such as these have served to highlight the importance of the Supper formany in Elim.ROOTS, SHOOTS AND CONCLUSIONSElim's Eucharistic roots extend from sixteenth century Protestantism, throughnineteenth century Nonconformity via Congregationalism and Brethrenism. Ashas been seen, the Zwinglian notion of memorialism has been taken up by Elimas the centre of their Eucharistic devotion. Other Zwingliam ideas feature heavilyin Elim's Supper including the symbolic nature of the emblems and theirpowerlessness to effect salvation, the strengthening of faith through communionwith Christ, the renewal of union with Christ and the Supper as a confession offaith.Calvin's Eucharistic theology features little in Elim's Supper. Thus, apart fromthe work of the Spirit in bringing union with Christ, there is little correspondencebetween the two. Consequently, Calvin's communion-fellowship notion and hiswell developed idea of the Church as the body of Christ are almost entirelylacking in Elim's Eucharistic faith and practice. Therefore, it is to be expectedthat Dale's notion of a sacramental 'transfer of power' would find no littleacceptance in Elim's thoughts.Later Congregationalism, however, essentially reproduced Zwinglianism, andthus probably supplied some of the raw materials from which Elim's Suppersprouted. The later Congregational type is seen reproduced in Elim's highlysymbolic celebration, and their notion of the supper as a confession of faith.Structurally, Elim's Supper draws heavily on the Congregational type, with onlya few additions, but differs from it in its frequency. The open service was seen tobe a fruit of Brethrenism, as was the weekly Sunday morning Communionservice. Thus, the shoots of Elim's Eucharistic theology are seen to extend fromthe memorialistic bed of Congregationalism and Brethrenism.80

, IK ruutlw UI me cumpesn Pentecostal Theological Associalion. Vol. XVII. 1997Richard Bicknell: In memory of Christ's Sacrifice:Roots and Shoots of Elim's Eucharistic ExpressionElim's early revivalistic initiatives seized upon the memorialism of the supper,bringing new converts 'back to the cross' in commemoration of their initialencounter with Christ every time they received the bread and the wine. Further,Elim's anti-Catholic stance served to confirm them in their mere memorialism.Thus, the commemorative nature of the Supper was further reinforced in Elim'scelebration.However, in many churches the Supper has been effectively reduced to a tokengesture, which often takes little more than five or so minutes to perform. It hasseemed as though the newer style of celebratory services have not been able tocomprehend the severity of remembering the agonising death of Jesus. Elim'sEucharistic expression has thus been weighed heavily in favour of memorialismand individualism at the expense of the communion-fellowship of the body ofChrist. It is the opinion of the writer that the minimalisation of the Supper is dueprimarily to the 'clash' between the solemnity of the typical Elim Communionservice and the newer celebration style service. This situation may be avoidedwhere there is a balanced Eucharistic theology. What is needed is not a rejectionof the notion of commemorating Christ's death, but to balance this with the -Pauline notion of the Church as the body of Christ, whilst at the same timeintegrating a meaningful theology of the work of the Spirit in the Supper. :Furthermore. a rediscovery of 'table fellowshipi may serve to educate. -contextualizing the original institution of the Supper, and would certainly boostattendance figures!Calvin's mix of communion-fellowship in the activity of the Spirit, wouldprobably provide a good starting ~oint:t, cf, bibliogmphy for the paucity of written material regarding the Lord's Supper in Elim.4~Elim has kept extensive statistics on all its churches since 1930," D. Cartwright, The G mr~~~flgefi~1.V. (Basingstoke: Marshall Pickering, 1986) 1 13.sanas.I y. Br~liolh, Eucharistic Fair11 and Practice: Evangelical and Carbolic, (London: SPCK.1930). Brilioth traces the Protestant Reformed Tradition from Zwingli through to the 19thcentury Nonconformist groups, (and it is out of these that Elim arose). pp. 153- 198.2 The word "nonconformists" was originally used to describe "dissenters" from the~~stitutional Church who refused to follow the 'Act of Uniformity' (1662). The earlier term"dissenters" was replaced by "nonconformists" which was itself partly eclipsed by the term"free churchmen". H. Sainsbury. 'Nonconformity'. Dictionary of the Cltristiarr Church.(Exeter: Paternoster Press, 1974) 714.1 K. S. Latourette, Christianity in a Revolr~tknary Age, Vol. 11, (Grand Rapids: Zondervan.- 1976) 350. comments that "English Protestant Non-conformity was overwhelmingly the.- ,product of the Puritan- Pietistic- Evangel~cal movement"., Sainsbury, 714.*' Lntourette places the Plymouth Brethren in this Nonconformist group (W).6 F. Clark, Eucharistic Sacrifie and the Refirnmtion, (Devon: Augustine Press, 198 1 ) 101.. M. Noll. Confes~io~t.~ and Catechisrrrs ofrhe Refirt~~otion. (Leicester: Apollos, 1991) 41.- * W. Barclay. The Lord's Supper, (London: SCM, 1967) 78.* Brilioth. 156.[ . Brilioth. 156.lo W. P. Stephens, The Theology Huldrych Zwingli, (Oxford: Clarendon. 1986) 223.-. Stephens. 277."We cannot separate ourselves from the brethren without separating G. tocher, Zwingli,s TIIOuglIc New Per.vpec,ive,~, id^^: E. J. Brill, 1981) 3 19.ourselves from Christ ... Christ cannot be loved by us unless we love himin the brethren.""1' &her. 3 19."The Spirit alone causes us to possess Christ completely and have him *dwelling in us."U Brilioth, 154.l7 ibid.Elim's Eucharistic faith and practice has been subject to many forces over itsbrief seventy plus year history. For the most part, it has weathered these storms,remaining largely unchanged. However, the wind of change now blows across its rn Brilioth, 155.bow, demanding a change of direction or it may be dashed against the rocks!ibid.f 'I ibid., 153.Endnotes (numerically linked to the major sections)I W. J. Hollenweger, The Pentecostals, ((London: SCM Press. 1972) 385.By "Elim". one means the Elim Evangelistic Band (1915). Elim Pentecostal Alliance (1919).Elim Foursquare Gospel Alliance (1929). Elim Pentecostal Church (1966). Examples will bedrawn from most areas, subject of course to availability of material.' "Lord's Supper" is sometimes nferrd to as the breaking of bread I Communion in Elimcircles. Whilst the variation in titles indicate technical differences in theological circles,nevertheless they ;ye used intemhangeably in Elim's discussion.,I* Stephens, 250.L' ibid." ibid.. 157." Stephens, 237.Barclay. 78.' Brilioth, 157.ibid., 165.a ibid." G. W. Bromiley, Historical Theology, (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1978) 296.

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XVII, 1997"' Brilioth, 30.'I ibid."? Bromiley, 295..I' ibid., 297." ibid., 295." ibid., 297..H ibid." Brilioth, 194.." ibid., 194..Iv ibid.. 195.I" J. Briggs & I. Sellers, Victorian Nonconforttrity, (London: Edward Arnold, 1973) 48.'I ibid." Brilioth, 195.I.' ibid.ibid." Briggs, 47.ibid." ibid.'"The Declaration was accepted by the Congregational Union of England and Wales inand continually repeated in the Congregational Year-Book." Brilioth. 195." ibid.'I Lntourette, 322.'I Brilioth. 196..'.I ibid.ibid." G. C. 0. Howley, "Plymouth Brethren", Dictionary of the Christian Churcl~, (Exeter:Paternoster, 1974) 714." ibid." ibid." ibid.Lalourette. 345."' Howley. 789.6' ibid." ibid." ibid." ibid.6J E. Gosse, "Father and Son", (1906) 139ff in D. M. Thompson, Nonconf)rtniiy in theNineteenth Century, (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1972) 167f.(6 Latourette. 345.Richard Bicknell: In memory of Christ's Sacrifice:Roots and Shoots of Elim's Eucharistic Expression67 D. Cartwright, The Grent Evnngelisrs, (Basingstoke: Marshall Pickcring, 1986) 14." ibid.En Latourette, 392.Cartwright, 18.11 ibid., 19.l2 cf. notes 43 & 48.'> Cartwright. 28.ibid., 28.ibid.. 29. Cartwright has further suggested that George Jeffreys was possibly only inattendance until February of the next year. Telephone conversation, 26th April, 1995.ibid., 28.* E. C. W. Boulton, George JefJreys: A Mi~ri.vtry orthe Miracrrlolrs. (London: Elim PublishingOffice, 1928) 13.Cartwright is emphatic in his suggestion that it is through Myerscough. and thus the Brethren,that Elim practice the breaking of bread every Sunday morning came. Telephoneconversation. 26th April, 1995.Boulton. 13." ibid., 307-8. Plate, an outline of "The Fundamentals of The Elim Foursquare GospelAlliance", by George Jeffreys." W. F. P. Burton, What Mean Ye By These Stones? (London: Victory Press, 1947). With 96pages, this is the most extensive work on the Lord's Supper printed by Elim." According to Cartwright, Corry started at Elim Bible College in 1927. Telephoneconversation. 26th April. 1995.SHOOTS: ELIMS UNDERSTANDING OF THE SUPPERHollenweger. 385.? ibid., 385.Boulton. 308.9.H. Burton-Haynes, "The Breaking of Bread'. Four E.~.sentials ofa Virile Penfecosfd Chudr.(Cheltenham: Grenehurst Press, n.d.1 13.W. Ronald Jones, "His Table", Elim Evarrgel, 60.43 (1970) 708.T. W. Walker. "Why Communion?~/ittr Evangel, 10.' B. Wilson. Sects and Srxiety, (London: Heinernann. 1961) 19.W. Ronald Jones. 708.Elim Lay Preachers Handbook, (Eastbourne: Victory Press, 1946) 102.In Burton-Haynes. 13.'I J. hncaster, Interview by Author, 14th January, 1995. Tape Recordinoranscript, Elim BibleCollege. Nantwich." T. G. Hills, The Ordinances, n.d.. Elim Headquarters, Cheltenham, 4.ibid.l4 C. M. Robeck cited in Hills, 4.

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XVII. 1997Richard Bicknell: In menlory of Christ's Sacrifice:Roots and Shoots of Elim's Eucharistic Expression" ibid.l6 Locher. 3 15.l7 A. Green. The k)rd9.v Supper. Elim Bible College. Nantwich, 8.'* 'Eye Witness", Elim Evangel. (16th April, 1937) 242.Is' Hills, I.' J. W. Ward, lrrrerview by Author, 13th January, 1995, Tape Recordinflranscript, Elim BibleCollege. Nantwich." Hills. I." ibid.'" I. Mcpherson, "The Kings Wine", Eli111 Evangel, 62. 38 (1981) 11.?' Burton, I I.?' Mcpherson, 10." Boulton, 21." H. D. Hunter. "The Ordinances". Dicriouary of Penteco.vta1 and Chari.matic Movetttents.(Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1992) 654.'' ibid.ibid." Ward, lntervieiv." J. Maybin, 'The Lord's Table", Elitt~ Evangel, 55. 35, 10." ibid." ibid." Burton-Haynes, 14." Lancaster, Interview.'" Burton-Haynes, 14." ibid." ibid.." Burton, 25." ibid., 45." Lancaster. Interview.'? C. W. Dye. "What Happens When We take Communion?', Direction, 67 (December 1994) 8." G. Francis. "Holy Ghost Revival Today". Elini Evangel. (16th April, 1937) 245.Boulton, 128." G. Canty, In My Fatlrers House, (London: Marshall, Morgan &Scott, 1969) 54.' Maybin, 10.47 ibid.'* Lancaster. 88.Boulton, 114f.J" ibid.. 129, my underlining.j1 Canty, 58.v Hollenweger, 386.

I ne Journal of Ihe European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XVII. 1997Richard Bicknell: In memory of Christ's Sacrifice:Roots and Shoots of Elim's Eucharistic Expression" Hills, 5."' ibid."I Ministerial Selection and Training Board: Doctrinal Questionnaire Form, Elim Headquarters,Cheltenham. question 8. 2.'Varker, 14." ibid." ibid., my underlining." ibid.'6 ibid. capitals are Parker's." ibid. The loss of the agape meal seems rather to be due to practical considerations, namely thegrowth in numbers of attendants making a fellowship meal impractical.* Lancaster, Interview." ibid."" ibid."" ibid.J. Lancasar, The Spirir Filled Ch~crch. (Cheltenham: Grenehurst Press, 1973) 41.'"' Hathaway, Elim Choruses, The first 100 songs were examined for these figures.'IUThe first name of Elim, that is the Elim Evangelistic Band, is illustrative of its initialrevivalistic aims.J. Plant. The F~)ur.rqttare Revivalisr. (3rd August, 1928) 1.I" ibid."" ibid."" L. Quest, Why Protestant? (Elim Bible College, Nantwich, n.d.) I.""Wilson. 1 12."" Ministerial Selection and Training Board Questionnaire, question no. 8. 2"'G. Canty, Interview by Author.111. THE CELEBRATION OF THE SUPPERAtter, G. F. Tlie Third Force, (Ontario: College Press, 1970) 35.Boulton. 1 16.ibid., 1 12.Donald Gee writes with regard to his visit to the Elim Tabernacle, Belfast (1923) that he was"glad to see the work under normal conditions and in the ordinary stride!' He reports furtherthat the week's meetings were rounded up on the Sunday with the communion service in themorning, and a gospel service in the evening.This was 'usual' as in other Irish churches. Lurgan, Armagh. Portadown, andBallymena ... ibid.. 1 13-4.The Elim Lay Preachers Handbook, 102.ibid.The Handbook however, was careful to state that there "is no definite scripture" as to howoften one should partake. explaining that some churches hold communion "once a quarter,others once a month".9 Wilson. Though printed in 1961 his study portrays information gathered in the late fifties.lo ibid., 70.ibid.I? Canty, 58.Jones. 708.Walker, 10.1, Burton-Haynes, 12.l6 ibid.1' Walker, 10.I* Lancaster, In~erview.Iv Lancaster. Penrecc~stal Doctrines, 82.Lancaster. Interview.Hills. 4." adj. suggestive of a funeral; gloomy or mournful, Collins Dictiorlnry.I' Hollenweger. 385.I' Taken from personal records of various Elim services.D. Cartwright. Telephorre Conversation, 5th May. 1995." Boulton, 113.* ibid.. 114." Lancaster. Interview." "Eye Witness". Eli111 Evangel. (16th April, 1937) 242." ibid.'* ibid. The present writer was fortunate enough to locate one of the vast congregation of thatday. This is how Mrs. J. Matthews remembers that day: "March 30th, 1937 was a verymemorable day at the Albert Hall. The hall was packed; God healed people in the morningservice; about a hundred people went through the waters of baptism in the afternoon. Theevening service was the most impressive, an awesome sight. Stillness came over the wholeplace as ushers from the gallery, balcony, three rows of boxes. the stalls and arena, took uptheir positions - at the top of the stall stairs. On cue they walked in pairs to stand in front ofthe Communion Table. On receiving the bread and wine they walked back to their post andserved the Communion to the vast congregation. A day I stilt remember fifty eight yearsafter, as I was baptised that day ."" Brilioth. 30." Bromiley. 296.

The Journal of thc European Penlecostal Theological Association. Vol. XVII, 1997Desmond W. Cartwright: The Real WigglesworthThe Real WigglesworthDesmond W. CartwrightThere are very few people who become legends in their own life time. Suchpeople are scarce in any walk of life. In Pentecostal circles they are rare if notunique. The Yorkshire plumber, Smith Wigglesworth, was one such person.At the present time, there are at least half a dozen books, as well as severalvideos, that contain information about Wigglesworth. There are very few peoplenow living who knew him well, apart from the remaining and now elderlymembers of his family. Yet, for all of the books, there remains much that has stillto be told about this remarkable and fascinating man. He deserves a major study.In his view of the Dictionary of the Perrtecostal and Charismatic Movements, theleading Catholic scholar, Kilian McDonnell rightly observed that even in such animportant book, Wigglesworth had been given little space. Though much hasbeen written, little serious investigation has been attempted. It is not possiblewithin the compass of a short paper to separate the man from the mythology butat least we may begin to lay down a few clear guidelines for some future work.To my knowledge, little or no use has been made of the early records either inprinted sources or of extant letters.THE MAKING OF THE MANLet me begin with a few statements. These may well come as a surprise even tothose who may have read about Wigglesworth. To say that Wigglesworth couldnot write is untrue.' To describe him as illiterate is to give a false picture. As I sitin front of my computer writing these words, within arms length there are morethan thirty of his handwritten letters. He wrote to Cecil Polhill, Alexander Boddy,George Jeffreys and Aimee McPherson and though his spelling was a weak pointand the punctuation was vague, the intention and thrust was always concise.Wigglesworth's early ministry in respect to divine healing, both in his ownhealing and his subsequent practice, took place before his pentecostal experiencein Sunderland in 1907. He most probably had connections with Dowie's Zionwork which had a branch in Leeds before 1900. Later, he was to link up withReader Harris2 and the Pentecostal League who also gave a place for healing intheir ministry.Bowland Street Mission, Bradford, was never a Pentecostal church though anumber of the members were. Wigglesworth had a constant battle with some ofthe leadership over this. After his wife, Polly, died in January 1913, his situationbecame more difficult. In fact, it was during a period when he was absent on apreaching tour that some of the leaders took action that resulted in Wigglesworthand his supporters being deprived of the use of Bowland Street mission. Thebuilding in the Manningham district began life as a school and subsequently (heparish Hall attached to St. Jude's Anglican Church. Built in 1867, it went throughmany different hands. Polly and Smith Wigglesworth were associated with thishall when they were linked with the work of Reader Harris and his PentecostalLeague. The League's paper, Tongues of Fire, carried notices of the BowlandStreet meetings in its pages several years before Wigglesworth visitedsunderland. It was in this same Bowland Street Mission also that the formerpublic Executioner of England, James Berry found peace through believing.' Hesubsequently travelled as an evangelist and became an ardent advocate againstthe barbarity of capital punishment. He himself had carried out the hanging ofsome 130 men. Thus, by a strange irony, Wigglesworth's name is to be found ona tract in the Chamber of Horrors at Madame Tussaud's in London. Very fewpeople now visit Bowland Street in Bradford. In the most recent video onWigglesworth it was stated that the building had been demolished.Bowland Street Mission changed hands on a number of occasions. For a time, itwas an educational institution. Later, it was a Holiness Mission. In 1919, it waspurchased as a War Memorial Hall in memory of the former members of St.Jude's parish who lost their lives in the first world war when so many of thoseknown as the "Bradford Pals" perished on the battlefields of Flanders. Itstruggled on for a time but after a dozen years it had to be sold to pay off debts of£500. In 1932, it became a Catholic club and it remains the same today. WhereWigglesworth used to pray a different spirit is now dispensed!The difficulty confronting most of those who have written about Wigglesworth isthat very few people really knew him well. He may have appeared in public as abold, even at times a brash man. The real Wigglesworth is far harder to identifyand impossible to imitate. There were a few who knew him very well, but theywere either never asked or if they were, they chose only to tell part of the story.Apart from his son-in-law Jimmy Salter (1890-1972). almost all of the otherswho knew him best were women. In fact it would be true to say thatWigglesworth was the man that he was because of the women in his life.It is not just this statement, however, but its interpretation that is more important.Some of this, and the role of his wife Polly in particular, is of course already onrecord, first in Stanley Frodsham's book, Sntith Wigglesworth: Apostle of Faith,which was not written until after Wigglesworth had died and is, therefore, heavilydependent on Alice and Jimmy Salter.There were several other ladies who were important to Wigglesworth. We areindebted to Mrs. Braithwaite who was responsible for the preservation of somany of his sermons. She was not a stenographer but she was able to take themessages down and write them out before sending them to the Pentecostalmagazines, the British Redemption Tidings or the American Pentecostal Evangel.There are many interesting biographical details to be dug out of these sermons,though place names and the identity of individuals are rare, seen in oft repeatedcases. Dates are never mentioned. This is not an unusual feature in Pentecostal

7TheJo~rnal of the Eumpeatl Pentecostal Theological Association, VOI. XVII, 1997 Desmond W. Cartwright: The Real Wigglesworthhagiography.Anyone who is acquainted with the history of MethodismJ will be awan: at leastin part of the significance that John Wesley's mother, Susanna, played in herson's life. Perhaps they are less aware of the importance, in different ways, ofSally Kirkham and Sophy Hopkey, or of Grace Murray and Mrs. Molly Vazeille.Susanna's life had a very positive effect on her son, especially in his infant years.The other ladies in different ways had quite different effects. To know about thisis to begin to understand something of the dynamic of early Methodism.It is one of the interesting speculations of history to wonder what might havehappened if John Wesley had been better able to deal with his relationships withany one of these ladies. If John had not made such a mess of things in Georgiathat he had, literally to run for his life and escape back to England, would therehave been an Aldersgate experience of May 1738? If John had married GraceMurray rather than the Swiss banker's widow Mrs. Vazeille, would he have beenaway from home so frequently? Who can say? Perhaps that is what providence isall about.What, you may ask has this got to do with Smith Wigglesworth? Well, thearchives of the Pentecostal Missionary Union reveal a hitherto unrecorded storythat has to do with Smith Wigglesworth and a certain lady. We tell this story forthe first time, not to engage in modern reductionism, which seeks to find fault inthe great and the good but rather to tell the story as it was. It is my firm belief thatthe telling of this story will enhance the standing of Wigglesworth and also be anencouragement to any who seek to recover their poise after they have stumbled. Itwas as a result of this incident that Wigglesworth was forced to resign from thePMU in 1920. As I sit writing this article, his letter of resignation lies on mydesk. It is an historic document. It should be said at the outset that SmithWigglesworth was always very proper in his dealings with the opposite sex; therewas never any suggestion of any impropriety but he was a man who could beimpetuous. Stanley Frodsham, his first biographer, adds an interesting footnote tothe story of what happened when Wigglesworth was baptised in the Holy Spiritafter Mrs. Mary Boddy laid hands on him in her husband's vicarage inSunderland on 29 October, 1907:"He received this mighty enduement in the sitting room in the vicarage of AllSaints Church, Monkwearmouth, Sunderland. A few months later, kneeling onthe same spot in the same room, when the same worker (Mrs. Alexander Boddy)laid hands on me, I received my personal Pentecost. Mrs. Boddy later related witha smile that Brother Wigglesworth did something I did not do. When he rose tohis feet, he kissed her! But Brother Wigglesworth with his pure loving heartcould do things which the rest of us dared not do"."The Pentecostal Missionary Union was formed in Sunderland in January 1909.6Amongst its leading members were Alexander Boddy, vicar of All Saints,Monkwearmouth, Sunderland and Cecil Polhill of Bedford, who was a formermissionary to China and a one-time member of the famous "Cambridge Seven".smith Wigglesworth served as a member of its ruling Council from 1915 until hisforced resignation in October, 1920.1 , The reason for that resignation was that he had expressed to a lady that he feltthat he had, "a spiritual affinity" with her. The lady, Miss Amphlett, rejected thisand wrote a letter of complaint with another unnamed lady, to Cecil Polhill whobrought it to the attention of the other members. Polhill sent her letter on to Mr.1Mundell, the London Solicitor who had been Secretary of the PMU since itsinception in 1909. They called for a meeting of the Council to discuss the issue.Included in their number was John Leech K. C. who was the leading ProsecutorIin Ireland and Rev. Alexander Boddy of Sunderland who was also trained in law.Wigglesworth himself complained that the thing was blown up by thc lady. HeI told Mr. Mundell:I. "The two women in question had joined together to ruin my work and I thoughtI Bro. Polhill would have settled the matter but not so ... I have written him a letterI- that I expect him to read to you. I have not sinned hut repent of the foolishnessand ask for mercy. God has forgiven me and for months back has been witnessing. to this ... I am not yet recovered from my over work ... I truly am sorry that Mr.Polhili should stand with the women against me. I am afraid he is not the strongI - character I have believed him to be. God bless you. Pray much before you say2 much for I do trust you my dear brother.' -, Yours in Christ,His servant,'Smith Wigglesworth".'1 , On the same day, Mr. Polhill wrote to Wigglesworth and told him that he ought, to resign from the PMU. He went on to say:"We think also that you should abstain for a prolonged season from participation. Iin the Lord's public work; and seek to retrieve your position before God and man,by a fairly long period of godly quiet living, so showing works meet forI r _' / ; repentance.- IFaithfully yoursr 'Cecil Polhili".'1 -Wigglesworth did resign but he protested to Mr. Mundell in a second letter:I "I think that Mr. Polhill has stepped over the Boundary this time they [are]I making things to appear as if I had committed fornication or adultery and I amr.innocent of those things. I have done and acted foolishly and God has forgivenme. This thing was settled in the spiritual way and after this at the church andb k -with Mr. Polhill and he ought to of [have] seen the thing through". '- Wigglesworth replied to Polhill and sent a copy of this letter to Mr. Mundell:< $-f, - "Bradford is settled and God will settle all. The good hand of God is upon me andi I will live it all down. This week God has rebuked the oppressor through hisi ..- . servant. I shall go forward dear brother and ask you to be careful that the Gospel_ .-.'

The Journal of the European Penlecostal Tlieological Associalion, Vol. XVII, 19977Desmond W. Cartwright: The Real Wigglesworthis not hindered through you that ought at this time to do unto me as you wouldwish one to do unto you. DO not trouble to send anything to sign. I signed myletter to you that [is] all,God bless. His servant,Smith Wigglesworth".As a footnote on the other side of the paper he added:"From the letter from Polhill He rules the PMU and everyone else. I think he willhave trouble later. Private I pass through London on Tuesday. I get the train toParis, Victoria Wednesday morning. Am thinking of staying at the Victoria Hotelfor the night. If you would like an interview I will see you no one else onTuesday [26th]. I could be at liberty after 4 o'clock I think. 1 have one or twothings to do.Yours faithfully,Smith Wiggle~wonh".'~In the following month, Wigglesworth, who was in Zurich at that time, wrote toMr. Mundell to tell him how he was witnessing a response to his preaching of theword of God as he had of old. In his reply, dated 22 November, 1920 Mr.Mundell informed Wigglesworth about the way that the resignation was dealtwith and he enclosed a copy of the wording as it appeared in the PMU MinuteBook."Mr. Polhill regretted having to report the resignation of Mr. Wigglesworth as aMember of the Council which he read as follows: 'I wish to resign from theCouncil of the P. M. U.. Smith Wigglesworth'. Mr. Polhill stated that thecircumstances (which he thought it would be best not to go into) under which theresignation was made, had been fully considered by him and the Hon. Secretary,and he asked the Council to accept the same and which was thereupon agreed to.Mr. Polhill stated Mr. Wigglesworth would continue to act in the same friendlymanner as hitherto to the Council and to the work of the P. M. U.. No particularswere given to the Council and your resignation was therefore accepted withoutthese being required or gone into. So far as Mr. Polhill and I are concerned wethink well in the interests of God's Kingdom that the matter should be leftentirely now for him to deal with.I need to say how much I regret this severance and much more the circumstanceswhich led to it. God always takes drastic measures in dealing with anyunrighteousness and whilst He is prepared and declares that He is Lord Godmerciful. gracious, long suffering, abundant in goodness and truth keeping mercyfor thousands, forgiving iniquity and transgression and sin, He will by no meansclear the guilty. Exodus 345. 1 take the latter important clause to mean thatwherever a sin has not been truly dealt with and confessed following truerepentance that there is still guilt to be dealt with. You may rest assured of myfellowship and prayers which I am offering up daily on your behalf, andnotwithstanding anything that has transpired our friendship will continue as,before. If you are passing through London at any time I shall always be glad tosee you here"."After that time, Wigglesworth was constantly on the move. There were regularcalls for his ministry from all over the world. These came from all parts ofEurope, from Sweden, Norway and Holland. Later. there would be letters fromNew Zealand, Australia, South Africa and the United States. When he was inSwitzerland, in July 1923, he received a letter from Lewi Pethrus in Stockholminviting him to minister at their Autumn Conventi~n.'~ The letter had enclosed adraft for £300 (such a sum would have bought a good house ten years later). Hecould not go as he was booked up for more than a year. He suggested that Georgeand Stephen Jeffreys should go in his place. They were not able to go at thesuggested time as they were anticipating going to Canada and America at thattime. They .. postponed . the visit until the following year.Smith Wigglesworth wrote to George Jeffreys in 1926, six months after thefounding of the Elim Bible College in the former Redemptorist Convent inClarence Road, Clapham, London. He had spent a short time in the College andwhen he was in London he had also spoken at the Hampstead Bible School ofHoward Carter. In this letter, he told how the students at Hampstead were, "allpacked in like fish in a box."He went on to suggest that Howard Carter and George Jeffreys should talk thething over and he even went so far as to ask Howard if he would like to be thePrincipal of the College. To this Howard replied that is just what he would like. Ido not know what George Jeffreys said in his reply as this has not been preserved.I can well imagine what his response was. He had only just acquired the collegeat the cost of over £5,000. The Assemblies of God was hardly more than twoyears old and Wigglesworth was proposing one College for the two groups. Thatis typical of the way that Wigglesworth thought. Nothing was done by half; hesaid what others only dared to think. He could be bold, sometimes frighteninglyso but he was never bad or devious. He was indeed an Apostle of Faith. Human,fallible but without doubt a man of God.Endnotes' The Donald Gee Centre at Mattersey Hall, Doncaster, England has more than thirty originalhandwritten letters from Wigglesworth as well as photocopies of other letters. None of theseletters have been used by any of those who have written books about Wigglesworth.l Mary E. Hooker, Adventures ofan Agnostic' Justin Atholl. The Reluctant Hangrnan. Tlre Story of James Berry, Executioner 1884-1892.pp. 180- 182. Pamphlet, Conversion QJatnes Berry at Botvhnd Street Mission Bra&r. n.d.' Maldwyn Edwards, My Dear Sister, Tlre Story of John Wesley and the Wonren in his Life.(Manchester, 1984).Redemption Tidings. 23.8. (April I I th. 1947) 1.

The Journal of the European Pcnlecoslal Theological Association, Vol. XVII. 19977See Peter K. Kay. Ihe Four-Fold Gospel in the Fortnatiotl, Policy and Practice oftilePet~teco.~ol Misxionory Union (PMU) (1909-1925). Unpublished M. A.. Trinity CollegeBristol, 1995.' Wiggleswollh to T. H. Mundell. October 18, 1920, PMU Archive Wigglcsworth. 1920-23.* Polhill to Wigglesworth. October 20, 1920, Polhill letters, 1910- 1929.' Wigglesworth to T. H. Mundell, October 21, 1921. PMU Archive.'" Wigglesworth to Polhill, October 21. 1920, Wigglesworth file.'I PMU Letter Book 2 pp. 264-265, Nov. 22. 1920.l2 Wigglesworth to George Jeffreys, July 3, 1923.BOOK REVIEWSStanley M. Horton, (editor) Systenratic Theology: A Pentecostal Perspective(Springfield: Logion Press, 1994) 704 pps. ISBN 0-88243-3 19-9.This books offers a very specific Pentecostal perspective on systematic theology:that of the American Assemblies of God (AIG). Its twenty contributors are withone exception faculty members of U. S. A/G institutions, and even [he exception(David Lim) is American-trained. This is understandable given that the avowedpurpose of the book is to provide a systematic theology for students at theseNorth American AIG institutions.The volume does cover the entire range of systematic theology, beginning withthe historical background of American Pentecostal (AIG) theologicaldevelopment (Gary B. McGee), and theological prolegomena (James H. Railey,Jr.). The other sixteen chapters focus on specific topics: God's Inspired Word(John R. Higgins), The One True God (Russell E. Joyner). The Holy Trinity(Kerry D. McRoberts). Created Spirit Beings (Carolyn Denise Baker and FrankD. Macchia), The Creation of the Universe and Humankind (Timothy Runyon),The Origin, Nature, and Consequences of Sin (Bruce R. Marino), The Lord JesusChrist (David R. Nichols), The Saving Work of Christ (Daniel B. Pecota), TheHoly Spirit (Mark D. McLean), The Holy Spirit and Sanctification (Timothy P.Jenney), The Baptism in the Holy Spirit (John W. Wyckoff), Spiritual Gifts(David Lim), Divine Healing (Vernon Purdy), The New Testament Church(Michael L. Dusing), The Mission of the Church (Byron D. Klaus), and The LastThings (Stanley M. Horton). Each chapter concludes with study questions for thestudent.This Systematic Theology is an important step forward for Pentecostalscholarship in at least two ways. First, even in being thoroughly biblical in itsapproach, it does at least present differing interpretations of the Scripture insteadof simply asserting the Pentecostal alternative. Second, in engaging andespecially drawing from non-Pentecostal theological sources, the book isevidence of the ongoing maturation of Pentecostal theology from an isolationistto a more ecumenical framework. Notable is the dialogue with and employmentof Evangelical theology throughout this volume.Yet even these advances raise questions about the current state of Pentecostaltheology. In being so closely aligned with Evangelical theology, one wonderswhether or not Pentecostalism has lost some of its distinctive edge. Except forchapters eleven to fifteen when pneumatological topics and divine healing aretaken up, the approach and contents of the book are scarcely distinguishable fromthat of contemporary Evangelicalism. The discussion of the person and work ofChrist, for example, is dominated by a Logos-Christology to the almost completeneglect of Spirit-Christology. The mode of argumentation throughout the book isrationalistic and with the frequent citation of the Bible as proof texts reflects theconstriction of the Enlightenment paradigm of reason so prevalent in Evangelical

- -The Journal of the European Penlecoslal Theological Association. Vol. XVII, 19977 Book Reviewstheology. The fact that the volume does not take up at any length hermeneuticalor methodological issues central to contemporary theological discussion showsthat North American Pentecostals have yet to self-critically reflect on the place oftheir own tradition vis a vis modernity. Pentecostalism was an eruption preciselyagainst such impeding modes of thinking, and this volume raises the question ofwhether or not the North American Pentecostal alliance with the NationalAssociation of Evangelicals has not at least up to this point had an adverse effecton Pentecostal theologising.So while this Systematic Theology does bring out the fact that there arealternative interpretations of the Bible, ultimately student-readers are not led intoa critical engagement with the broader theological tradition, nor have they beenwell equipped for apologetics outside their immediate North AmericanPentecostal-Charismatic-Evangelical cultural circle.Amos YongB. W. Winter and A. D. Clarke. Acts in its First Centu~y Setting: Ancient LiterarySetting, Vol. I (Carlisle: Paternoster Press) 473 pp.In "Acts and the Ancient Historical Monograph", Darryl W. Palmer sets out to,show Acts' literary genre is that of a historical monograph. Modern study hasiaccorded this term to certain antiquitous Greek and Roman writings which aretypified by dealing with a specific issue or period and also may be limited in- %length. It would seem that to argue that Acts is best regarded as a historical' -monograph, firstly it must be established that Luke and Acts should beconsidered as separate literary forms. Yet Palmer only briefly debates theidifficulties encountered when the combined work of Luke-Acts has previouslybeen classified and fails to exploit or substantiate the necessary differencesfundamental to his presented hypotheses.IThe author further posits that a historical monograph emphasises one maincharacter at the expense of others. However this feature during the discussionbecomes watered down, eventually allowing that Acts exhibits a sequential chainof primary characters (Peter, Stephen, Philip, and Paul as missionary leaders) in ,service of its theme. From a layman's literary perspective it would seem that the;Gospel of Luke, with the one central character of Jesus. actually fits thiscategorisation better.;- 1In chapter 2. "Acts and Ancient Intellectual Biography", L. C. A. Alexander reexaminesCharles Talbot's twenty year old proposal that the clue to the two-foldstructure of Luke-Acts can be found in the compendium of philosophic,biography, which goes under the name Diogenes Laenius. Alexander takesITalbot's thesis as a starting point for the examination of Acts on a comparative,basis with ancient biography and concludes that at the narrative level there are asmany differences as similarities stating of DL, "it is hard to believe that any work'-1of this type could have been Luke's literary model". The reason for thisis that Talbot's suspect premise which places Luke in a literarytradition behind DL would require that tradition to be radically different from theLives as they are presented. Of this Alexander finds no evidence.Alexander concludes with a rather interesting argument that unlike Luke, Paulinenarrative is however, continuously informed and shaped by the template providedby the biographical tradition relating to Socrates.In chapter 3, "Acts and Biblical History", Brian S. Rosner proposes that there isevidence that in writing Acts, Luke used traditional Jewish language and modelsas evidenced in the Old Testament. This comparative study is undertaken underfour categories, language, themes, models and theology. The problem is that inunder ten pages the examples cited and depth of study appears a little short ofsubstance. The real point of interest is in Rosner's conclusion where he flirts withthe idea that Luke perceived himself to be writing scripture. Again however thisis brief and extremely tenuous. To regard the book of Acts as some kind ofcontinuation and development of the sacred writings of Israel's history, drawingtogether the entire salvation history seems to be the construction of a bridge toofar.In chapter 4, "The Motif of Fulfilment and the Purpose of Luke-Acts", DavidPeterson begins by showing that both Jewish and Hellenistic readers would befamiliar with the idea that divine necessity controls human history. This providesthe platform for their universal consideration of the theme of Acts to be that ofhistory's course being determined by the fulfilment of oracles/prophecies.Specific language which identifies this fulfilment motif occurs throughout Luke-Acts on one hundred and fifteen occasions. Based upon this fact, Peterson arguedthat Luke's specific focus is on the fulfilment of prophecies from the OldTestament as well as prophecies from contemporary figures such as Jesus, Pauland angelic messengers. Luke's purpose is therefore deemed to be an attempt toshow Christian readers how to interpret the events he records, to draw out theimplications appropriately and to make a confident appeal lo theircontemporaries. An interesting and well argued thesis.In chapter 5, Richard Bauckham discusses "The Acts of Paul as a Sequel toActs". This chapter is anything but lightweight. For some fifty pages the authorargues that the apocryphal book, the Acts of Paul - a narrative about Paul, shouldbe examined for historicity not from a comparison with the Acts of the Apostlesbut from one made with 2 Timothy, I and 2 Corinthians and I Clement. This thenexplains the apparent complete lack of relationship between the Acts of Paul andthe book of Acts. This leads Bauckham to consider the genre of the apocryphalActs and the problems with historic theories which place them either as aretalogyor novel. He quite reasonably demonstrates that the genre of such literature is infact both more biographical and fictional, and in a round about way suggests thatthe apocryphal Acts are in fact closer in genre to the book of Acts than themainstream of scholarship has supposed.

-AThe Journal of the European Penlecostol Theological Association, Vol. XVII, 19977Book ReviewsThe following chapter is by Alanna Nobbs "Acts and Subsequent Ecclesiastical :Histories". Eusebius in the preface to his Ekclesiastical History claims originalityfor his attempt to write a narrative history of the church from the time of Jesus.The author of this chapter argues that whilst Eusebius may not have consciouslymodelled his history of the church on the book of Acts he is irrevocablyinfluenced by Acts as a source of history, event though he primarily viewed it asscripture. Nobbs shows the themes selected by Eusebius and the interpretation hebrings to how God acts in history are very close to those found in Acts. Further,his use of Philo and Josephus to corroborate the evidence of Acts demonstrates 'his desire to convince others of its veracity.In "Acts and the 'Former Treaties"', Howard Marshall surveys the scholarshipwhich has examined the literary relationship between the Gospel of Luke and theActs of the Apostles. The theories include I) Separate works by two differentauthors; 2) Separate works by the same author; 3) A two part work composed as awhole; 4) One continuous work, later separated into two parts. It is Marshall'sconsidered opinion that the Gospel and Acts are intended to be read as two partsof the one unified work based on evidence from I) the prologues of both books;2) the evidence of material in the Gospel as a whole; and 3) the ending of theGospel.The final part of this chapter is given over to the implications that this brings tothe understanding of Acts of which by far the most significant is that Luke-Acts -appears to be 'a unique work among Christian writers and to have no closesecular precedents'.The chapter, "Acts and the Pauline Corpus I: Ancient Literary Parallels", by T.Hillard, A. Nobbs and B. Winter, provides case studies on Cicero. Favorinus andJulian, each of which contains biographical material from their contemporariestogether with writings from their own hands. The purpose of this study is to placein a wider context the relationship between the book of Acts biographicalaccounts of the Apostle Paul and his own written testimony contained within theepistles (Chapter 9: Acts and the Pauline Corpus 11). The result of these casestudies is almost predictable, the biographical material is obviously constructedfrom the author's particular angle which invariably throws up the issues ofconsistency andlor historicity of sources.David Wenham in, "Acts and the Pauline Corpus 11: Ancient Literary Parallels", -examines the parallels between the 'biographical' material of Acts relating to theApostle Paul and his own letters. It begins with Paul's conversion and its :background paying particular attention to Acts I 1, 15 and Galatians 2. However, :Wenham quite clearly states that it is not his intention to present any particular'conclusions as to what the comparison between the Paul of Acts and the Paul of Jthe Epistles implies for the study of the book of Acts. This is a littledisappointing, however the evidence is presented scrupulously and excellent Iexplanations of the times widely differing scholarly views upon that evidence aregiven with great clarity. Wenham leaves the clear impression that whilst-- ,, ;'attempting t sit on the fence regarding the historicity of the Acts account of Paul,he is in fact a supporter of the scholarly integrity of the author of Acts.conrad Gempf "Public Speaking and Published Accounts" argues that therecording of public speeches in the ancient world was different from today'sapproach which is typified by verbatim accounts of what has been said. He arguesthat the modern approach used to establish the historicity of these events whichuses the categories of 'accurate' versus 'invention' is in fact errant. Theseaccounts should be regarded as either 'faithful' or 'unfaithful' to the historicalevent. Gempf suggests that public speeches used in recorded ancient history had atwo pronged goal: being appropriate to the historical event as a whole and beingappropriate to the historical work as a whole and the author of Luke-Acts morethan likely pursued both of these goals. There is a whiff of duplicity in Gempf sthesis. On the one hand he argues that historicity should be judged by'faithfulness' to the historical event, yet at the same time suggests that editorialconcerns for the written work as a whole may compromise this integrity.Bruce W. Winter "Official Proceedings and the Forensic Speeches in Acts 24-26". sets out to demonstrate that extant non-literary forensic speeches made inRoman courts, similar to those made in Acts 24-26, can enable us to better placethose official proceedings in that particular ancient literary genre by a formcritical analysis. His method is to I) discussing non-literary legal documents andthe protocol of recording forensic proceedings; 2) subjecting specific non-literaryforensic sources which were composed according to the form laid out inrhetorical handbooks to a form critical examination; 3) applying the fruits ofthese to speeches of Tertullus and Paul; and (4) by providing a comparableliterary example. Winter's analysis of the rhetoric used in Acts 24-26 isparticularly interesting, if at times a little eisegetical.In "Acts Against the Background of Classical Rhetoric", Philip E. Satterthwaiteargues that the literary techniques of Acts reveal that its author Luke 'heavilyinfluenced' by classical rhetorical conventions. This thesis opens with a brief butenlightening survey of the role of classical rhetoric in the Greco-Roman culture.This is followed by a comparative study of Acts and Classical Rhetoric under theheadings I) 'InventionlArrangement' and 2) 'Style'.However, the purpose of the rhetorical critical method is to uncover the patternsof argumentation utilised by the author to persuade his audience. Further, thosepatterns of argumentation are fundamental to the existence of the literarydocument under scrutiny and generally form the bulk of the content. YetSatterthwaite fails to establish clearly that the author of Acts is engaged primarilyin such rhetoric and appears to fall back into the methodology of older literarycritical techniques which examine occasional pericopes rather than a holisticapproach to the entire literary work.However, it would be fair to say that this work shows that Luke was aware of theconventions of classical rhetoric and used them occasionally and whereappropriate.

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XVII, 1997Rook ReviewsThe final chapter of this book, "Chapter 13: Acts and the Modern LiteraryApproaches" by F. Scott Spencer, may possibly have been better placed as anintroduction. Here Scott Spencer examines the most significant literaryapproaches to Acts, which have been predominantly typified as a constituent ofLuke-Acts, of the past 25 years.The author demonstrates the trend of this scholarship has been a move away fromthe historical critical methods to composition criticism, narrative critical andreader response methods, all of which are dependent on secular literary theory.However, this comparative study reveals that whilst the modem scholarship doesretain elements of investigation into the historical and cultural setting of Actsthere has been a significant shift in interpretative focus from author and event, theconcerns of historical criticism, to text and reader.When considering the modern trend in the literary approaches to other Biblicalmaterial, Scott Spencer's analysis is not a particularly surprising revelation. Yetthis chapter serves very well as an introduction for the as yet uninitiated Actsscholar, providing a wise bibliography for further study.Andrew JacobsSherry Sherrod DuPree, Africati-Anier-icati Holiness Pentecostal Moventent: AnAtrtlotated Bibliography (New York: Garland Publishing House, 1996) 650 pp.Until the work of Sherry DuPree, African-American Holiness Pentecostalismremained a bibliographic and prosopographical wasteland, even for those scholarswho recognised the contributions of that tradition to the larger contexts ofAmerican Pentecostalism and to the expressions of Pentecostalism around theworld. Both the documents and the people who constructed them did not enter thepervue of academic or state institutions. The churches and denominational centreswere too tentatively fixed on the American landscape to be afforded the luxury ofdocumenting their lives and ministries to inform later generations. The stories ofthe vital and strategic roles of African-American Holiness denominations inAmerican religion are only now being available to scholars, due in no small partto the work of DuPree. Her first contribution was the important BibliographicalDictionary of African-American Holiness Pentecostals, 1880-1990, (Washington,D. C.: Middle Atlantic Regional Press, 1989). There she provided, frequently forthe first time, prosopographical information on major figures of AfricanAmerican Holiness Pentecostalism gleaned from official documents, obituaries,oral history interviews and occasional printed sources. DuPree's publicationssignificantly complement, but in no way replace the work of Charles E. Jones,Black Holitiess: A Guide to the Study of the Black Participation in WesleyanPetfectionistic and Glossolalic Pentecostal Movements (ATLA BibliographicSeries; Metuchen: Scarecrow Press, 1987).The present volume constitutes an effort to provide a selective bibliographicintroduction to the phenomenon. Anyone expecting a complete bibliography onAfrican-American Holiness Pentecostalism will be disappointed. The 3,027 itemschosen for annotations do not include many items that are widely known. Forexample, no books of theologians such as G. T. Haywood and Charles Sims arecited. Few religious education materials are cited despite the importance of thesein the intellectual formation of the traditions. However, the volume providesaccess to selected material in a variety of genre: books, periodicals, dissertations.theses, phonograph records, audio tapes, music books, religious plays, films,television programmes and archival resources. There are lists of references inWorkers' Progress Administration Reports (Depression era work for unemployedacademics!), lists of materials from declassified FBI reports on African-AmericanPentecostal leaders (including C. H. Mason) and newspaper articles. It is clearthat the scholar of African-American Holiness Pentecostalism must live by morethan books! It is also clear, from the partial list of relevant repositories (pps. Ivii-Ivix), that one who would research this tradition must be prepared to travel.From an examination of the massive compilation emerges both a sense ofamazement at the extensive resources documentary of this religious tradition andan awareness of the gaps in our resources. A tradition that was thought to beundocumented has been proven otherwise. However, when one divides the 475organisations listed (pps. 547-567) into the 3,027 entries, it is clear that even thismassive assemblage of material gives but modest access to a very complextradition. Not all of the denominations mentioned are African-American, butevery major metropolitan area in the U.S.A. has dozens if not hundreds ofindependent African-American congregations and fledgling denominations of 5-50 congregations which are not included here. Also, most of the periodicalsappear not to have survived. Even the early periodical publication of G. T.Haywood, Voice in the Wilderness, appears to have largely disappeared. Manylocal radio and television programmes have not been archived.The annotations vary significantly in both length and adequacy. However, theoverall result provides unparalleled access to the African-American HolinessPentecostal churches. The volume will long be a standard research tool forscholars of the Holiness and Pentecostal movements in the U.S.A. The gapsmentioned above do not detract in any way from DuPree's achievement but aresuggestions for further research, preservation and expansion of the project ofdocumenting the heritage of this important segment of the Christian community.David BundyKarsten Ekorness, 'Sanltaler' met T. B. Barratt (Oslo: Filadel fiaforlaget, 199 1 )284 pp. ISBN: 82-534-0758-0.This volume is a welcome addition to the literature attempting to involve thecontemporary Pentecostal Churches with their roots and seminal theologians. Theauthor has taken the style of an interview or "conversations" with Thomas Ball

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association. Vol. XVII. 19977Rook ReviewsBarratt (1862- 1940) allowing Barratt to respond in his own words from themultitude of publications from his own hand. Many of the citations are from thecollected works volumes, Minneutgave (Oslo: Fiiadelfiaforlaget, 1949- 1952) andfrom his memoirs. Erindringer (ed. with postscript by Solveig Barratt Lange;Oslo: Filadelfiaforlaget, 1942) which is an expansion of the earlier work inEnglish, When the Fire Fell and an Ourlitte of My Life (Oslo: Alfons Hansen &Sonner, 1927). The citations from Barratt's oeuvre are not documented and so thescholar who picks up an interesting item from the "conversations", will have theadditional delight of searching in the works of Barratt, most of which are notincluded in the Minneutgave.Despite the shortcomings fro the scholarly connoisseur, the volume is winsomeand will hopefully attract a wide reading. It does give a reasonable introduction tothe life and work of Barratt. After brief presentations about different segments ofBarratt's life up to 1907, with special attention to the Bynzissiotl, and the eventssurrounding Barratt's experience of the "baptism of the Holy Spirit", the volumeproceeds to discuss questions of seminal importance in the life of the fledglingPentecostal churches of Norway (and elsewhere in Europe). The comments areorganised topically, discussing issues such as Pentecostal ecumenism and unity,baptism, Spirit baptism, the structure of the local church, the nature of the New- -.Testament church, leadership within the local church, the character of theministry, the role of the elders in evangelism, the ministry of women, missions,and foreign missions, the nature of the fallen human nature, holiness, and the roleof Jesus. Occasionally, the introductory questions for the individual chaptersprovide historical background and, therefore, insight into the situations whichproduced Barratt's comments on the particular issue. Each subject, however, iscleverly chosen to address present day concerns and so the book can be seen, in amanner Barratt would have appreciated, as another example of NorwegianPentecostal belletristics!Ekorness is to be congratulated for this winsome introduction to one of the majorformative figures of early Pentecostalism. It is to be hoped that the volume findswide circulation and that other prominent individuals are accorded similartreatment around the world. There is perhaps no more effective way to enablelaity and clergy alike to remember the "testimonies" of the "saints" whoestablished the parameters of the possible within the Pentecostal traditions.David BundyLarry McQueen, Joel atld the Spirit: The Cry of a Prophetic Hermeneutic,Sheffield : Sheffield Academic Press 1995) 125 pp.The title of this work gives the impression that its main concern is that ofhermeneutics. This is to a certain extent true. The main thrust of the work is,however, a call of American Pentecostalism to rediscover its roots and experiencea renewing of the Spirit in line with the spiritual refreshing promised in the bookof Joel..&-The work falls into three main sections. Firstly, the author investigates the,ignificance of the promise of the Spirit in its original post-exilic context. Hecontends that the book of Joel can be seen as having three distinct movements:lament, salvation, and judgement. These three movements are held to shape theof the outpouring of the Spirit : lament is the sine qua non of receivingthe Spirit; the Spirit is the sign and means of salvation; and the outpouring of theS~irit is indicative of approaching judgement.Secondly, the author examines the motifs in Joel as employed by New Testamentwriters. Not surprisingly he begins with Luke's account of the day of Pentecostand the direct quotation of Joel's prophecy by Peter. The three themes found inJoel are also present in Acts though their order is changed; salvation, evidencedin the outpouring of the Spirit occurs in the context of judgement and issues in acall to repentance.Before interfacing his findings with trends in contemporary AmericanPentecostalism, the author surveys the thematic and theological influence of Joelon other New Testament writings. The influence of Joel's presentation of thepromise and reception of the Spirit is held to be ubiquitous.- Having drawn attention to the prominence of the book of Joel and its message ofspiritual refreshing for early American Pentecostalism, the author proceeds toi-echo the observation of D. William Faupel that contemporary Pentecostalism is ata crossroads and must either revision or travel the road of Evangelicalism. Henotes the loss of eschatological orientation in contemporary Pentecostalism andI1miits attendant spirituality. His remedy is a rediscovery of lament which he believesis prerequisite for a renewing of the Spirit.The author's exposition of the texts concerned with this work is detailed andpainstaking. His efforts to relate Joel's prophecy to contemporary Pcntecoslalismthrough the lens of the New Testament fuses his undoubted strengths andconcerns as preacher and theologian.t The reviewer took issue with the author's conclusions at a number of points. Forexample, it seemed there was a danger that the influence of Joel on New. IA Testament writers was being stressed at the expense of other Old Testament1prophets (e.g. Jeremiah or Ezekiel). And the lament/salvation transition asparadigmatic of the believer's spiritual development seemed forced.- ,!,iThe description of early Pentecostalism seemed rather idyllic; some of us canremember much "lamenting" and an obsession with the end that might accountfor the reaction against these elements of the faith of the fathers that both shapedC Aand were shaped by sectarian rigidity. Regarding the hermeneutical approach1adopted in this work some might feel that the use of the term "dialectic" has toomany Hegelian connotations to be appropriate to Pentecostal hermeneutics.% jThat being said there is much in this work that will provoke and challenge.Preliminary remarks on the current hetmeneutical thought within Pentecostalism-. and the admission that he is approaching the text as a Pentecostal withi 1 05

The Journal of the European Penrecos~al Theological Associarion, Vol. XVII, 1997TBook ReviewsPentecostal presuppositions is a refreshing departure from the professeddetachment from confessional or ecclesiological bias with which biblical scholarswittingly or otherwise bolster the strength of their arguments.A final chapter relating the author's own testimony concerning the Spirit's workin his own experience during the time in which he was researching his subject isboth deeply moving and to some extent bears out his hcrmeneutical convictionthat "the dialectic of text and reader is shaped by the dialectic of reader and Spiritwhich is informed by the text." (p. 1 12).How much this work adds to Pentecostal hermeneutics in terms of conceptual orphilosophical development is debatable. What it does provide is a working modelof a Pentecostal hermeneutic and for this we should be grateful.James GlassD. Middlemiss, inlerpretitig Charisnzatic Experience (London: SCM, 1996) 278PP-David Middlemiss was a Baptist minister for eight years during which timevarious charismatic phenomena occurred in his church. The nature of theseoccurrences led him to examine the interpretation placed upon the experiencesand to ask the incredibly important question of how one can be sure that whenpeople claim to have experienced an encounter with God they really have. Thequest led him to undertake doctoral research and this book is the fruit of the yearsof study at Glasgow University.He begins the book by examining the characteristics of Charismatic groups.Throughout the book, he uses the term 'enthusiastic' to define the groups herefers to. He is using this term in its original sense, i.e. those who are blindlyfanatically holding to a viewpoint. In the seventeenth century, to be termed anenthusiast was a term of abuse. He suggests that the nature of enthusiastic groups,and therefore, the Charismatic Movement, is that they are restorationist, resistedby mainstream churches, schismatic, adherents of supernaturalism, believers inthe possibility of transformation, holiness groups, pietistic, with an impatience ofgrace, users of the gifts of the Spirit, theocratics, retreatants from the prevailingculture into a separate community, Adventists and people who emphasise thepresence of abnormal phenomena. His task is to challenge the members of suchgroups to determine how they can be sure that it is God that is being experienced,and not some alternative phenomena, e.g. hypnotism. He acknowledges thedifficulty of such an task since such assessment is generally either offensive, ordefensive, but either way is always biased.On this journey of discovery he examines the various epistemological criteria onoffer, passing over Lockean empiricism on the grounds that ultimately it excludesso much that nothing of any significance can remain; Leibniz's Rationalism isdismissed since a logical extension of his theory rules out his own criteria;Swinburne's theory of rationalism is similarly inadequate since it cannot provideindubitable conclusions. Wolterstoff's 'particularism' encompassed in the phrase&experiences are innocent until proved guilty' is examined but then rejected onthe grounds that it leads to too many paradoxes being able to coexist.After examining these theories, he rests on Basil Mitchell's theory of'probability' as being the one that is possibly of most value in determiningspiritual experiences. This takes account of the cumulation of evidence ratherthan concentrating on any single criterion. Therefore, an alleged spiritualexperience cannot be determined solely on the basis of any of the followingcriteria: whether it is unusual, provides a sense of well-being, leads to materialprosperity, leads to healing, is successful, or is paralleled in other contexts. He' , likens this use of cumulative argument to a series of leaky buckets. A row ofleaky buckets are useless, as are each of these single criteria. However, a series of, leaky buckets that are placed inside each other will hold water, however damagedeach bucket may be individually. His view is that this approach is valuable sinceit is able to appraise an entire collection of factors, and taken together can providesome measure of verification.So is it convincing? Middlemiss certainly is able to raise the right questions, but?.1 ultimately the answers he provides are inevitably tentative. The book closes with' an acknowledgement that since so much data is hidden we will sometimes needto retreat into an attitude of 'Kantian humility', aware, in the words of Tractatus,.I- Sheffield Academic Press 1994), 221 pp.,- J. Rodman Williams is a leading theologian of the Charismatic Movement. HeAhas taught at a number of schools and written widely. His three volume Renewal1Theology (now available in one volume) is a major achievement. These essaysi,commemorate his 75th birthday and his 50th year of ordination to the ChristianA. :Iministry of the Presbyterian Church, U. S. A. Included are a picture, two. i11071

The Journal of the European Pentecosti~l Theological Association. Vol. XVII, 1997Book Reviewsappreciations, a curriculum vitae, a select bibliography from 1949-1993, indexesof references and authors, and thirteen essays in the areas of theology, churchhistory, Old and New Testament by respected scholars. It is impossible to do eachessay justice separately. A major point by each author must suffice.Lederle draws attention to the importance of worldview, explicating theworldview congenial to charismatics in contrast to fatalistic stoicism, but alsorejecting idealistic extremism. Pinnock profiles the Spirit as a distinct Person inthe Godhead viewed as a society. Sullivan discusses the laying on of hands,stressing that nothing is imparted by the hands except acceptance, while thegesture is a prayer to God. Burgess deplores the loss of roots in the Holinesstradition. Synan points out that the doctrine of tongues as initial evidence servedas a focal point and end to be achieved.Watts offers brief studies of three portions: Isaiah 32: 15; 57-63; Ezekiel 36-39.Wessels draws on the book of Jeremiah for perspectives on social justice. Davidsargues that "only the presence of the Holy Spirit as an experiential reality makes,the New Testament ethic possible", illustrated by the use of wealth. Fee offers ' 'exegetical and theological reflections on Ephesians 430. Holman addresses thetwo images of Paul (Acts with Paul arguing versus his epistles where he speaks inthe Spirit). Hij shows that both are true. Horner argues that the idioms "eis telos"and "eis to panteles" are extensive rather than temporal, although being saved"completely" includes for ever. Turner examines the "Spirit of Prophecy" in .Jewish writings, arguing that they (and Luke) do ascribe ethical influence to the -Spirit (contra Menzies). Wilson examines Revelation 19:10, arguing for theretaining of the definite article in translation, because "the prophecy" refers to the . rcontents of John's book". He takes "spirit" here to mean "essence or substance"fgiving the meaning: Testimony to Jesus is what this book is. This was alreadyconcluded by H. Alford. All the articles are worthy of their recipient and modelsfor students. The book should be in all our libraries, and relevant articles could be;cited in courses.John I. Karsten !Ulf Sundblad. Frdn Postilla rill Pocket. Den svenska frikyrkligherenslirrerarurhisroria cirka 1830-1980 (Helsingborg: BokHuset, 1995). 25 1 pp. ISBN ! .i9 1-87228-04- 1.Normally bibliographers are content to compile bibliographies but rarely havemade the effort to interpret the trends within a given cultural context. Thisremarkable and important volume does just that. It is not a bibliography althoughit is rich with bibliographic information that is otherwise difficult to find. It is ahistory of religious publishing within Sweden with a focus on the Free Churches(non state churches, which until recently distinguished them from the then statesupported Lutheran Church of Sweden). Thus, there are chapters which deal with- 4the Pentecostal Churches as well as the Baptist Church, Methodists, RomanCatholics, Svenska Missionsforbundet, the Bibeltrogna Vanner, the SundaySchool Movement (Sondagsskolfijrening) and ijrebro Mission, the Free Baptists,Svenska Alliansmission, the Salvation Army (Fralsingsarmtn), the SwedishSalvation Army (Svenska Fralsingsarmtn) and the Holiness Movement Church(Helgelseforbundet). Some attention was given to the Seventh Day AdventistChurch as well as the Mormons and Jehovah's Witnesses. It is noted (p. 15) thatone particular title by Ellen White [Vagen till Kristus] sold over 250,000 copiesin Sweden!The thesis of the volume is that the trends of publication, taken together withother social factors, indicate the relative prosperity and vigour of particulartraditions. The arrival of the Free Churches, other than the reimplantation of theCatholic Church, began with the Methodists in the mid nineteenth century. In thecase of the Methodists, George Scott began a publishing tradition whichcontinues until today, albeit more modestly now. Other traditions developed asimports or indigenous movements, often influenced by the publications sent backto Sweden by expatriates in Europe or North America. The periodicals provided aliaison between small congregations spread across the Swedish landscape. Thebooks served audiences, both within and outside the particular tradition, byproviding articulations of belief structures and defining the identity andspirituality of the group. The research on which this book is based examinedmore than 20,000 titles published by adherents of thirteen denominations ofwhich 7,000 were published by presses not owned by the particulardenomination.The most important section of the volume to the readers of this journal is thesection on the Pentecostal churches. It is noted that the Pentecostal churches drawupon a wide range of earlier literature, especially from the Pietist tradition, butalso the Adventists and the Methodists. The latter was mediated through Barratt,but, unmentioned by Sundblad, other Methodist writers and Salvation Armyfigures were important. Significant attention (pps. 184- 186) is given to LewiPethrus. Publications from his first book (Jesus komer, 1912) to the series ofsermons on "Jesus, Carpenter of Nazareth" from his retirement period arediscussed. No sales numbers are mentioned nor does Sundblad provide thenumber of copies printed of any particular book. Perhaps these statistics werelarenot available.The second Pentecostal author mentioned is Sven Lidman (pps. 186- 189). Whilerelatively unknown by scholars outside Sweden, Lidman had extraordinaryinfluence in Swedish literary society before his conversion to Pentecostalism.Within the Movement he served as co-editor with Pethrus of the EvangeliiHarold before becoming alienated from Pethrus in 1948. He published anextensive bibliography of sermons, novels, poems, hymns and theologicaltreatises. A complete bibliography of his compositions is being compiled. Whenhe published his autobiography in the 1950's. this quickly sold more than 20,000

The Journal of the European Penlecoslal Theological Associalion. Vol. XVII, 1997Bonk Reviewscopies.Similar attcntion is given to A.P. Franklin (pps. 190-192) who, like Lidman,came into conflict with Pethrus over issues of polity and policy. Although heattained significant influence through his writings in Evatgelii Harold, the role ofhis books remains unclear. One matter which is not addressed by Sundblad is thequality of the paper on which the volumes are printed. Books by Lidman andPethrus are normally in quite good condition. Every copy of a volume byFranklin that I have seen is a brittle, quickly-decomposing relic! Other authorssuch as the historian and theologian Gustav E. Soderholm, Otto Witt, J.T.Segerlund (pseudonym: Nike), Einar Ekberg, Oscar Haglund, Einar Gustaffssonare among those mentioned. Especially Soderholm deserves more attention thathas been provided here.Among the circa 2000 publications of the Pentecostal press examined for thisstudy, materials identified as theology (the criteria by which a volume isclassified is not made clear) holds the pride of place with 60% of the productionwith the following categories in descending numbers of publications: (I) youthand children's books; (2) novels; (3) biography; (4) memoirs andlor Festschriftvolumes; (5) music or poetry; and, (6) miscellaneous.Sundblad's work is an essential tool for dealing with a number of vexinghistoriographical questions. One of these is the development and subsequent roleof a minority religious tradition in a new culture. How can one measure theinfluence of a group other than the traditional resorting to raw numbers ofadherents? It is especially difficult to ascertain influence in countries where thecivil prerogatives of a state Church made it difficult if not impossible for peopleto join a "new" religious group. The data provided by Sundblad provides a wayof estimating that influence. Certainly as one does a comparative analysis of thepublishing records of the various free Church denominations, clear differences inpublishing patterns appear.Another difficult issue is the intercultural transfer and indigenization of religiousideas. In the case of Sweden. the initial impulses came both from within Swedishtraditions (Holiness Movement and 0rebro Mission) and from the work of T. B.Barratt. There was always extensive contact with a wide range of Norwegian,American, British and German Holiness and Pentecostal sources. One source ofunderstanding the adaptation of foreign influences is through the records oftranslations. However, in Europe, this is a very fragile enterprise because of themulti-lingual abilities of so many.One of the problems that still remains to be addressed is what may be designatedcross-over publishing. For example, Swedish Pentecostal presses have published,from an early date, volumes written by people from outside the tradition.Volumes by Pentecostal authors have frequently been published by, non-Pentecostal publishers. It is my observation that the latter trend is accelerating ata rapid pace with perhaps the preponderance of Swedish Pentecostal writingsbeing published outside the Movement. The volume of Sundblad provides certainclues to the parameters of the problem, but not yet sufficient data to analyse theimpact of these practices on the Movement.The work of Sundblad is an important contribution to the historiography of theSwedish Pentecostal Movements. It can provide a model for analysing the historyand trends of other Pentecostal traditions around the world. It is certainly aparadigm that can be applied throughout Europe. It is a magnificent achievementat the level of technique and accuracy. There are very few cases of mistakenidentity or of bibliographic error. It is to be hoped that Sundblad will continue toshare his unparalleled knowledge of free church publishing in Sweden.David BundyLief Svensson, Den viixande fiirsamlingett (0rebro: Evangeliipress. 1987). 167pp. ISBN: 9 1 7038 458 4.This volume applies "Church Growth Methods" as developed at Evangelicalseminaries in the U. S. A., particularly Fuller Theological Seminary in California,to the social realities facing the Pentecostal churches in Sweden. The SwedishPentecostal churches are in a situation similar to those throughout Europe. Theyare, unlike the state churches, holding their own against the pressures ofsecularisation, but little beyond biological growth has happened during the lasttwo decades. It is promising, that unlike the Assemblies of God in the U.S.A.which is experiencing a similar situation but continues to manipulate statistics todisguise the problem, Svensson has decided to face the reality of the situation andproffer solutions (cfr. the analysis of the U.S. situation by E. Blumhofer and P.Tinlin, "Decade of Decline or Harvest? Dilemmas of the Assemblies of God",Christian Century 108 (10- 17 July 1991 ), 684-687). Svensson, graduate of theUniversity of Lund, is already known to readers of EPTA Bulletin as author ofthe remarkable work on practical pneumatology, Andes Nya Liv (Stockholm:Forlaget Filadelfia, 1984) [cf. EPTA BUUETIN 3 (1984). 100- 1021.Perhaps a few words about the development of church growth methodologies areappropriate. The beginnings of the method are traceable to the work of WilliamTaylor in India and Latin America from 1870- 1884. He worked to establish theoptimal social profile for a congregation which might be established in light ofsocio-economic and cultural realities. This was picked up by anotherWesleyanMoliness Methodist missionary to India, whose career was inspired byTaylor, in the early decades of this century to provide a basis for analysing the"mass movements" conversions under the aegis of the National Christian Councilof India. This missionary, J. Waskom Pickett, befriended the Disciples of Christmissionary, Donald McGavem when the latter was discouraged and on the vergeof quitting.After the missionaries were asked to leave India, McGavern returned to theU.S.A. where main-line churches showed no interest in his ideas. After several

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XVII. 1997Book Reviewsyears of teaching and writing at Northwest Christian College in Eugene, Oregon,U.S.A., McGavern was invited to be Dean of the School of World Mission atFuller Theological Seminary where Evangelicals and para-church groups eagerlyadopted, albeit uncritically, the theories as McGavern articulated them.Therefore, it is not unexpected that these ideas should be seen to contain a partialsolution to the problems facing Pentecostal churches in Sweden, and granted,many of the ideas are good ones. Svensson, after a quick presentation of theSwedish situation, discusses planning, leadership development, mobilisation ofmembers, fellowship groups and evangelisation methods. Unfortunately, in thesesections, most of the examples are taken from situations in the U.S.A. and.SouthKorea where the cultural situations are very different from in Sweden. The ninthchapter (pp. 146-154) presents brief analyses of three Swedish Pentecostalchurches which have grown significantly during the last two decades: Varberg,Kungalv and the Botkyrka Pingstforsamling. What is needed is to examinecarefully the relationship between the experience of the three churches describedand the ideas of the church growth theorists expounded in the earlier chapters.The final chapter suggests foci around which a programme could be developed toencourage growing churches.This volume is a first rate exposition of church growth theory. It is carefullycrafted and well written. The author has wisely avoided the "growth is the onlygood" syndrome of much of North American Evangelical and Pentecostalappropriations of the theory. It is to be hoped that this book will stimulate othersto look carefully at the present experience of the Swedish (and other) Pentecostalchurches and examine the possibilities for evangelism and growth.There are several avenues that this research might take. The first is historical:what were factors in the growth of the Swedish Pentecostal churches up to the1970's? What were factors that led to a slowing of that growth, and in someareas, a decline of the communities? Here the volume of Lars Samuelsson,Vackelsens viigar: Pittgstrorelsetts frantviixt i Lyckele och Arvidsjaur socknarfrom it1 ca. 1940 (Skrifter utgivna av Svenska Kyrkohistoriska foreningen, I1 Nyfoljd, 39; Uppsalla: n.p. 1983) [see the review by D. Bundy, EPTA BUUETIN 3(1984). 58-63] can perhaps serve as a model. Another area needing research willbe social-psychological studies which examine the present readiness andwillingness of Swedish Pentecostal congregations to grow and offer guidelines toexpand the possibilities.David BundyArthur A. Vogel, God, prayer and healitig. Living with God itt a world like ours,(Leominster: Fowler Wright BookdGracewing; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans 1995).127 pp. ISBN 08028 07860.This is a theologically oriented treatise concerning healing rooted in the actualexperience of living with the possibility of the death of a son suffering fromlymphatic cancer. The volume reflects the eight week period of anxiety andquestions concerning prayer and God whilst the author's son was in intensivecare.He begins by revealing his awareness of the complexities surrounding prayer forhealing noting "that the healing ministry is often advocated with a simplicity thatmakes it unreal ... certainly if conviction is purchased at the price of denyingreality. Clarity is always achieved by elimination" (8). Nevertheless he isconvinced that prayer for healing is beneficial.In chapter 2, he dialogues with the issue of chance, concluding that "we caninitiate change as well as undergo it and react to it ... we are the ones whocompose the music of our lives from the notes that events make available to us"(14).He develops the thinking of depth psychology - that there is a person who is morecomplete beneath the one who is often perceived exteriorly. This being the caseand since, he argues, that the spontaneous, as opposed to the calculated, actionbest defines and reflects that inner person, to become responsible agents demandsthat we have the opportunity to make decisions. "That is the only way personscan live" (20). Morality can only be developed through personal judgements, andthat demands that life offers the unexpected ... even those elements perceived tobe accidents.In chapter 3, he explores the impact that accidents have on one's life. Headdresses the issues of the unexpected and arbitrary nature of such events. In thefollowing chapter, he investigates the difference between knowing the presenceof God and knowing intellectually about God: knowing that He is present, ratherthan that He exists, Such personal awareness is vital to one's life in this world ofchange and uncertainty.In chapter 5, he begins with the premise that "no player can master the game oflife"; the issue to be debated is "How are we to get through life?'(55). Theanswer is again fundamentally located in an attempt to discover God's presencein our lives, a feature that is our greatest resource to enable us to get through life.This demands trust in God whatever. Our integrity is maintained byacknowledging our problems, not pretending they don't exist. God's integrity ismaintained, despite the problems by his unique perspective on life (Rom. 9:20).From chapter 6 on, he attempts to understand something of God's perspective onsuffering, though acknowledging it is, to a large degree, impossible. Hisconclusions lie in his belief that it is more "consistent for believers to say thatGod wills all things - some for reasons we cannot understand - than to say thatthere are some things God cannot will and has no control over." (86). Thisenables him to look for the immediacy of God's presence everywhere since Godcannot will anything impersonally. There is comfort here though the impact ofthe Fall seems to be marginalised. The positive impact, however, is that

Tlie Journal of tile European Pentecostal Theological Association. Vol. XVII. 1997"apprehending the divine presence in the world literally makes a new world forGod's presence is always creative" (86). This acceptance that everything thatoccurs is, to a large measure, a result of God's will does not answer all thequestions, but does result in the presence of God in the question and Hisresources to support during it. As a result, he states, "we live our fullest liveswhen we freely will God's will." (88)He nevertheless advocates prayer for healing, though the latter is defined not as"physical well-being" necessarily; rather, "to be healed is to be restored to awholeness of being that involves spiritual orientation, acceptance, and integration- and that may occur even if a disease is not cured" (101).His final comment is a gem and encapsulates the heart of the book. ''To acceptGod's gift of himself to us is freely to will his will for us; our freely willingGod's free will for us is our true life. In that life, we are at once ultimatelyspontaneous and ultimately secure - no matter what happens to us in the world."(1 27).Vogel takes us on a journey of discovery but it is a slow one and at timesponderously so. Although believers are too ready to look for quick and cosyanswers to the issue of suffering, I fear many who need them most will not finishthe course.His writing style is, at times, a little obscure. or should I say, detailed in itscomplexity. This makes for quite difficult reading at times, another reasonwhereby many believers will find his message one with which they are not able tointeract. This is unfortunate for in interacting with crucial and mysterious issues,he offers new hope, valuable because it is theocentric.Keith WarringtonTHE EUROPEAN PENTECOSTAL THEOLOGICAL ASSOCIATIONHistoryThe European Pentecostal Theological Association was founded in 1979 as a Fellowshipof those actively engaged in Pentecostal education or ministerial training in Europe.Membership is open both to individuals and institutions who agree with EPTA's purposesand share its convictions. Many of Europe's finest Bible Colleges are included in EPTA'smembership.Purposes of EPTAI. To promote excellence and effectiveness in Pentecostal scholarship,ministerial education and theological literature.2. To foster exchange, fellowship and co-operation between member institutionsand individuals.3. To foster exchange and fellowship between the Association and otherassociations with similar objectives and commitments.4. To strengthen the testimony of Jesus Christ and His Church in Europe and tobring glory to God in all actions and concerns..EPTA ConferencesEach year the Association holds its annual conference at a different venue, usually in thefacilities of a member institution. These meetings, in addition to the necessary business,include papers, seminars and discussions that stimulate theological discussion andencourage an interchange of ideas and information.East-Europe CommitteeThis committee was established in 1989 to encourage and assist the development oftheological education and ministerial training in Eastern Europe. The committee seeks tolink the resources and teachers within the Association with those churches or colleges inEastern Europe that require them. The committee also seeks to raise financial support fordelegates from bstern Europe to attend EPTA conferences.Membership of EPTAMembership enquiries should be addressed to the SecretaryITreasurer.Chairman:Daid Petts Ph.D.,Mattemy Hail.Mnttersey.Nr. Doncaster.S. Yorkshire DNlO SHDVice Chairman:Jozeph Brenkus.Trieda SNP 73.0401 1 Kosice.Czech Rep.Tel: 42-95424577Secretaryfi'reasurcr:Mathias Wenk.Anemonenweg 4.7062 Rudersberg,Gmny