jepta 2001 21 - European Pentecostal Theological Association

Vol XXI 

THE JOURNAL OF THE 

EUROPEAN PENTECOSTAL 

THEOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION

The Journal of the European Pentecostal 

Theological Association 

Editorial Policy 

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association is published 

annually by the European Pentecostal Theological Association. The views 

expressed in the Journal are not necessarily those of the Association. Articles and 

book reviews are welcomed. Contributions may be sent to the Editor, Keith 

Warrington B.A., M.Phil., Ph.D., Regents Theological College, London Road, 

Nantwich, Cheshire, CW5 6LW, England. Tel: 01270 615405. Fax: 01270 

610013. E Mail: keith.wamngton@regents-tc.ac.uk 

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ISSN: 0774 6210

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XXI, 2001 

CONTENTS 

ARTICLES 

Cecil M. Robeck, Jr. 

Roman Catholic-Pentecostal Dialogue: Some Pentecostal Assumptions 

Huibert Zegwaart 

The Place of the Church in the Economy of Salvation: Roman Catholic 

and Pentecostal Perspectives: Room for Rapprochement 

Walter Hollenweger 

Pentecostalism, Past, Present and Future 

Neil Hudson 

The Earliest Days of British Pentecostalism 

Jim Robinson 

Arthur Booth-Clibborn: Pentecostal Patriarch 

Valdis Teraudkalns 

Pentecostalism in the Baltics: Historical ~itros~ection 

Rodica Pandrea 

A Historical and Theological Analysis of the Pentecostal 

Church in Romania 

BOOK REVIEWS 

Foreword 

This edition of JEPTA includes a collection of articles mainly relating to 

historical issues concerning Pentecostalism. Each of them, in their own way, 

offers comment and analysis on issues important to Pentecostals in differing 

cultures and geographical contexts. 

The first of these articles is a discussion between Walter Hollenweger and Neil 

Hudson in which the former responds to questions offered by the latter 

concerning the pilgrimage of Pentecostalism in Europe. Two further historical 

articles by Valdus Teraudkalns and Rodica Pandrea are concentrated on 

analytical surveys of the development of Pentecostalism within countries which 

have recently rediscovered themselves after years of inclusion within the USSR, 

namely the Baltic States and Romania. Neil Hudson explores the beginnings of 

British Pentecostalism while Jim Robinson offers part of his PhD research 

relating to one of the British Pentecostal pioneers, Arthur Booth-Clibborn. 

Papers presented at the 2001 EPTA Conference concentrated on dialogues with 

other Christian groups and two of these presentations are printed in this volume. 

They were provided by Me1 Robeck and Huibert Zegwaart and both relate to 

developing dialogue between the Roman Catholic Church and Pentecostals. 

I hope you find the articles stimulating. The next volume will offer papers 

concentrating on the much neglected area by Pentecostals of Ethics. 

Keith Warrington 

Editor

Roman Catholic-Pentecostal Dialogue: 

Some Pentecostal Assumptions 


It is an honor for me to have been invited to address the members of the European 

Pentecostal Theological Association during the first year of the third "Christian" 

millennium.' It is an honor, because I am not a citizen of Europe, though over the 

past decade I have averaged about six weeks a year in Europe. It is an honor, 

because I have subscribed to the EPTA Bulletin, now the Journal of the European 

Pentecostal Theological Association from the time of its inception, and I have 

read your papers and listened in on your conversations for two decades. I have 

learned a great deal from you and I am thankful to have had that opportunity. 

It is also an honor to be asked to address you on the topic of the International 

Roman Catholic-Pentecostal Dialogue. I have been a member of that Dialogue 

since 1985, and I have served as co-chair of the Dialogue since 1992. Through 

my years of involvement with the Dialogue, I have found that Pentecostals as 

well as many Evangelicals have questions about it, some of which are based upon 

a genuine interest in these discussions. Others are based upon ignorance of the 

situation, or they arise out of personal pain, or out of fear of what might be its 

outcome. It is my hope that in this short presentation I will be able to answer 

some of your questions about why I am involved in this Dialogue. I also hope 

that this short introduction will facilitate a fruitful discussion concerning the 

Dialogue itself, and perhaps raise interest on the part of other European 

Pentecostal groups becoming part of that discussion. 

As we begin our time together, I want you to understand four things about me. 

First, I am a committed classical Pentecostal both by experience and by tradition. 

I do not make any apologies for being Pentecostal, nor will I compromise on the 

core essentials of what it means for me. I believe that my Pentecostal experience 

and training have contributed significantly to my ability to serve successfully in 

the International Roman Catholic-Pentecostal Dialogue and elsewhere in the 

global Church. It is Pentecostals who brought me to faith, Pentecostals who have 

nurtured me in my faith my entire life, and Pentecostals who taught me that 

regardless of the personal cost involved, I was to be faithful to whatever call God 

gave to me. The latter part has been the most difficult to live out, especially 

when Pentecostals have not always understood the call that God has given to me, 

or even agreed that God could have given such a call. In any case, I have tried to 

be faithful to my heritage, and 1 have allowed my leaders to discern, with me, 

what God has said to me regarding my call to ecumenical ministry. 

Second, I am by training, a historical-theologian. I focused my studies in the 

' Paper presented at the EPTA Conference, Bucharest, Romania, April 2001.

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vot. XXI. 2001 

ASSUMPTION 2 

In any discussion with the Roman Catholic Church, all concerns, both 

Pentecostal and Roman Catholic, must be taken seriously. 

It would be unfair to our Pentecostal sisters and brothers who hold such positions, 

' and it would be dishonest to any Dialogue partners, if we did not take their 

understandings and concerns seriously. We cannot simply dismiss them as 

irrelevant even if we do not share their concerns. We cannot simply dismiss them 

as misunderstandings and fears that do not need to be addressed. They need to be 

taken as seriously as we would take any of our own fears, concerns, or ideas 

based upon what we believe to be the facts. We owe them that because we are 

part of a community in which what one person or group of people does have an 

impact upon how all the rest of them live. As Paul reminds us, "If one part 

, suffers, every part suffers with it; if one part is honored, every part rejoices with 

it."' 

The unfortunate thing is that those who hold such positions have frequently asked 

that their interests and concerns not be represented in the Dialogue. As I have 

thought about the reasons behind that request I have come to two conclusions. 

First, these people are not willing to have their interests represented in the 

Dialogue because they do not want the Dialogue to exist. "Come ye out and be 

ye separate (2 Corinthians 6:17)" is still their cry. What is missing from the 

justification for using this verse, however, is the context in which the Apostle 

placed it. It came in the midst of a discussion regarding idol worship and 

unbelievers, not fellow believers. My question to those who defend their position 

in this way, and refuse to allow others in the Body of Christ to present their larger 

concerns would be, "Do you have that right" personally do not believe that 

they do because they have not yet understood those that they choose to criticize. 

The second reason why they may not wish to have their interests represented has 

to do with our own integrity as Pentecostal sisters and brothers. They may 

believe that we will not do justice to their concerns. They do not trust us. We 

have not been persecuted and, therefore they believe, we will not be able to carry 

with us the intensity of feeling, even the outrage that such a persecution deserves. 

Or perhaps they believe that we will not be fair in our representations of their 

concerns. We might simply dismiss them as ideas unworthy of discussion, or we 

might make fun of them in their absence, or worse, they worry that we might 

commit them to think or act differently than they currently do. Our commitment 

to ecumenical Dialogue, regardless of who the partner is, demands that we take 

all the concerns of those within our own community with complete seriousness. 

' 1 Corinthians 12:26. 

Roman Catholic-Pentecostal Dia1ogue:Some Pentecostal Assumptions: 


We can dismiss their concerns only when we have finally and ultimately 

demonstrated to those who hold them, that they are misplaced concerns. And we 

cannot afford to make light of such concerns because our sisters and brothers 

genuinely hold them. Such concerns ultimately question the integrity of our 

relationship with them. It is critical that internal discussions with those who are 

closest to us, discussions such as this one take place, so that equally important 

external discussions can also take place. It is also important to note that this 

Dialogue has no binding authority. The churches would have to "receive" the 

work officially in order for that to happen. That being said, I believe that those 

who refuse to allow participation or representation in the Dialogue when it exists, 

not only do themselves a disservice, they do the Lord and the Lord's Church a 

disservice. It is also true that those of us who are involved in this Dialogue hope 

that it will have some impact on our churches. 

ASSUMPTION 3 

There is only one Church and it is our business as members of that Church 

to do our best "to maintain the unity of the Spirit in the bond of peace." 

I would like for us to keep a passage of scripture in the forefront as I address this 

assumption, because I believe that this passage provides us with a model of how 

we are to live as Christians. It is Ephesians 4: 1-6. 

1, therefore, a prisoner for the Lord, beg you to lead a life 

worthy of the calling to which you have been called, with all 

lowliness and meekness, with patience, forbearing one another 

in love, eager to maintain the unity of the Spirit in the bond of 

peace. There is one body and one Spirit, just as you were 

called to the one hope that belongs to your call, one Lord, one 

faith, one baptism, one God and Father of us all, who is above 

all and through all and in all. 

The New Testament is where we are first introduced to the Church. Indeed, it is 

Jesus who first introduces us to the concept of the Church in His famous 

announcement in Matthew 16:18, " upon this rock I will build my church, and 

the gates of Hades will not overcome it." It is in the Epistles, however, where we 

see the idea of the Church expanded into something that is tangible, and such 

expansion takes place no more fully than in the Pauline epistles. 

It is in the Epistles that the Church is introduced to us through a variety of images 

and metaphors. It is described as the Body of Christ (Romans 12:4-5; 1 

Corinthians 12:12-27; Ephesians 4:4, 12), the Bride of Christ (Matthew 9:15; 2 

Corinthians 11:2), and in the Petrine epistle, as the People of God (1 Peter 2:9- 

10). There are a host of other scriptural metaphors as well. No matter how we 

describe it, no matter what language that is used in the New Testament regarding 

the Church, it always comes out the same. There is only one Church. If 

8


Ephesians 4:4 makes reference to the Church as I believe it does when it says that 

there is "one Body," then it doesn't get any clearer than that. There is only one 

Church and Christ Jesus is its head. But what kind of church is it 

There are many ways in which we could go, but as I read the New Testament I 

am struck by how tangible and material are the descriptions of the Church. It is 

not that the Church is not a spiritual reality - it is. But the New Testament knows 

nothing of a Church that is completely invisible. The Church in the New 

Testament is always represented as people with names and addresses. Thus the 

Apostle writes, "To all God's beloved in Rome, who are called to be saints 

(Romans 1:7)." He writes "to the church of God which is at Corinth (1 

Corinthians 1:2) or "to the church of God which is at Corinth, with all the saints 

who are in the whole of Achaia (2 Corinthians 1 : lb)." He writes "to the churches 

of Galatia (Galatians 1:2b)," as well as "to all the saints in Christ Jesus who are at 

Philippi, with the bishops and deacons (Philippians I : lb)." Likewise, he writes 

"to the saints and faithful brethren in Christ at Colossae (Colossians 1:2)" as well 

as "to the church of the Thessalonians (1 Thessalonians 1 : 1 b and 2 Thessalonians 

1 : lb)." But if mention of Christians in a given geographical region or a named 

city isn't sufficient to demonstrate the visible, material, tangible character of the 

Church in the New Testament, we need only think of the Apostle's work 

concerning Onesimus the slave. In this letter, Paul writes "to Philemon our 

beloved fellow worker, and Apphia our sister and Archippus our fellow soldier, 

and the church in your house (Philemon 2)." Paul, it seems, did not think of the 

Church in terms of any visible/invisible dichotomy. He thought of the Church in 

material and tangible terms. He wrote to individuals and to groups that gathered 

in real places, with published street addresses. He didn't write to the church at 

Rome, and then drop the letter at the city limits and wait to see who picked it up. 

He had a specific group of people in mind in each place. 

For me to argue the materiality of the Church from the New Testament is not to 

deny that it can also be argued from the New Testament that Paul thought and 

spoke about the Church in more "mystical" terms as well. When we read his 

metaphors about the Body of Christ or the Bride of Christ or the Family of God, 

we have transcended the visible reality of a simple collection of Christians who 

gather at a specific street address. After all, the Body of Christ is not complete 

only in the local community, though in some ways it might be. It is complete 

only when all Christians are viewed as part of the Body of Christ. But a body 

without a head is an incomplete picture, so the Apostle notes that the Head of the 

Church is Jesus Christ. 

As we look at the Church from another angle, we must note that whether it is the 

congregation in Philemon's home or an unnamed group of people meeting in an 

unspecified place in the city of Rome or Thessalonica, the metaphor of the Body 

of Christ is a way of describing the Church in its universality. In a sense, the 

Body of Christ is not complete unless we take into account all the "saints," past, 

Roman Catholic-Pentecostal Dialogue:Some Pentecostal Assumptions: 


present, and future, that is, dead, living, and yet unborn. If many of these people 

are unknown to us by name, or they are known to us only in some mystical sense, 

that does not in any way negate the fact that we are still speaking about real 

people who have been, are, or will be known by others and who are now in a 

sense, known only by God. The Church is a physical, material presence in our 

reality, but it extends far beyond that. 

It is precisely because the Church is not merely an invisible, spiritual reality that 

the Apostle begs the Ephesians to live a life worthy of their calling. The life for 

which he calls includes an eagerness "to maintain the unity of the Spirit in the 

bond of peace (Ephesians 4: 1-3)." I suppose we could argue about the nature of 

the genitive tou pneumatou', that is, of the Spirit, but my vote is to look at this 

thing as that which the Spirit has created, the fellowship in or of the Spirit, which 

is the Church, and to realize that in some sense, we are called to maintain the 

unity of that thing that the Spirit has created, and to do so "in the bond of peace." 

If this is what Ephesians 4:l-6 is about, then we must come to terms with two 

concepts that have come down to us through history. The first is the concept that 

the true Church exists within the larger church. The Montanists provide us with a 

clear example of this model. Here, names could be attached to those who were 

part of both groups. They were identifiable. Everyone knew where he or she fit, 

and they called each other names. There were the pneumatikoi and the others 

were the pseuchichoi. There were the "spiritual" ones, and there were those who 

were not.' Does this not sound like there were those who held something like the 

"Full Gospel" over the heads of others 

In the second case, we are introduced to spiritual and material realities. In this 

case, it is Augustine who points the way. When he looked at the post- 

Constantinian Church around him, he realized that the Church he surveyed 

looked quite different from the one about which he read in the New Testament. 

There were people who claimed the name "Christian" who, in Augustine's mind, 

were not "Christian" by the standards of the New Testament. As a result, to 

describe the Church, he drew from Jesus' parables of the wheat and tares 

(Matthew 13:24-30) on the one hand, and the good and bad fish that were caught 

by the same net (Matthew 13:47-48) on the other. The wheat and the good fish 

were obvious references to the righteous - remember these parables provide us 

with pictures that are analogous to the Kingdom of the Heavens - or in 

Augustine's mind, the Church. The field of wheat and tares, and the net with 

both good fish and bad fish came to be identified as Christendom.' 

' Tertullian, Treatise on the Soul 9.3-4; D. Powell, "Tertullianists and Cataphrygians," Vigiliae 

Christiame 29 (1975), 33-54. 

' Augustine, City of God, passim; On Baptism Ill. xix. 26.




As in the case of the Montanists, we still have a case of ecclesiola in ecclesia. 

But this time it is difficult at best, and in the end it is impossible to determine 

who is a member of the "true church" from those who are merely members of 

"Christendom." What was extremely difficult for Augustine, and what has been a 

persistent problem for the Church ever since, is how to determine who fits into 

which category. Who is the real Christian and who is not And what criteria do 

we use to determine where one sits 

While Augustine's suggestion has found some use sociologically, its usefulness 

to discern spiritual realities is highly questionable. What all this says is that 

while it is probably not correct for us to equate the spiritual reality that we call 

the Church with the institutional reality that we call the Church, it is virtually 

impossible to know where they overlap and where they are mutually exclusive. 

In the end, that is a task for the unnamed reapers at the time of the harvest 

(Matthew 13:30) or the angels that will ultimately be charged with separating the 

evil from the righteous (Matthew 13:49-50). 

Far too often, Pentecostals have tended to suggest in their rhetoric that the proper 

way to view things is to realize that the Church is invisible, and the visible 

institution is not the Church.' At one level this may be all well and good. But it 

means ip the end that schism and division within the Church will never really be 

any concern to us. In fact, it may be mistakenly viewed as a badge of true 

spirituality. "I am purer than you are." It means that any efforts that human 

beings make to establish better working relationships, even when they are 

claimed to be at the instigation of the Holy Spirit, may be viewed as a 

compromise unbecoming the Gospel. It means that all too often, our articulations 

of the faith, our conceptualizations of what the Gospel means, our interpretations 

of the biblical texts, will be viewed as the sine qua non for all real unity, and any 

agreement to be in relationship, in spite of differences of opinion in some of these 

matters, will not be tolerated. What is worse, it means that the world will not be 

able to see anything tangible of the forgiveness, reconciliation, and unity being 

lived out among them that is reflective of the message of the Gospel we so 

proudly proclaim to them. 

But if the invisible Church is the real Church and the visible Church doesn't 

really matter in the end, then we Pentecostals have been tenibly inconsistent in 

the way we live it out. If we are really committed to the notion that the Church is 

in the end only a spiritual reality, why do we care about how many Pentecostals 

there are in the world Why do we waste so much time counting them if only 

God knows their number. The fact is, our inability to determine who is in the 

kingdom and who is not in the kingdom at this moment leaves us in something of 

a dilemma. Such a paradigm is far too frequently used as an excuse for not 

maintaining what the Apostle has called "the unity of the Spirit in the bond of 

peace" when that unity of the Spirit has anything to do with real people. 

Fortunately, there are those within the Pentecostal community who have 

in recent years been raising anew the relationship between the visible 

and invisible notions of the Church. French Amngton, a Church of God 

New Testament scholar in the United States has noted, 

"Never does the New Testament make a clear distinction 

between the spiritual life and the institutional life of the church. 

Its organic, spiritual life is not contrasted with its outward life 

and organization. The universal church may come to outward 

expression as the church at Jerusalem, the church at Corinth, or 

the church,at Ephesus. By its external life and organization a 

particular church (local congregation or denomination) 

becomes a tangible expression of the one body of Christ."' 

Dr. Fran ois P. M Iler, former President of the Apostolic Faith Mission of South 

Africa, notes the differences between the concepts of invisibility and visibility of 

the Church. The true church, which he describes as the Body of Christ, "is not 

visible to us because it also includes the departed believers." The idea of the 

Church is made more complex, however, when we recognize "the dividing line 

between true and false members is not always discernible." But, instead of 

suggesting that the Church need not be concerned with issues related to visible 

unity, he goes on to argue, "we should at the same time emphasize that the part of 

the church which can be seen, must be very visible. To be a witness to Christ in 

this world, the church should not only be very visible, but it should also be heard 

di~tinctly."~ He goes on to point out that "the ecumenical idea by which various 

church denominations agree to accept each other regardless of differences and 

show a readiness to commune and act in unison in the interests of the kingdom of 

God is highly desirable." But his commitment to genuine and visible 

ecumenical expressions is also rightfully measured by the extent to which the 

central place of Christ in the midst of any such visible manifestation of unity is 

present.' 

' Everett R. Stenhouse, "Unity of the Spirit," in Gwen Jones, Ed, Conference on the Holy Spirit 

Digest (Springfield, MO: Gospel Publishing House, 1983), 2:67 represents a commitment to the 

invisible character of the Church quite clearly when he begins his article, "Believers in that 

invisible Church, which is the mystical body of Christ, are charged by the apostle Paul to 

preserve, not unanimity, nor uniformity, nor even union, but unity." 

' French L. Anington, Christian Doctrine: A Pentecostal Perspective (Cleveland, TN: Pathway, 

1994), 3:l75 

F. P. M Iler, Kingdom of God, Church and Sacraments, Words of Light and Life, Volume 4 

(Pretoria, South Africa: J. L. van Shaik Publishers, 1998), 55. 

M Iler, Kingdom of God, Church and Sacraments, 74.




ASSUMPTION 4 

Any model of the church that, by definition, separates some people who 

claim that they are Christians from other people who claim that they are 

Christians is not an adequate model of the Church. 

Each of us is called to live a life worthy of our calling, marked by lowliness, 

meekness, patience, and forbearance in love, with a commitment to maintain the 

unity of the Spirit in the bond of peace (Ephesians 4:l-6). The question that 

needs to be asked is, "Is the institution known as the Roman Catholic Church part 

of the Church" To this question might be added another. What does it take to 

become a Christian If you ask this question, the first response that Pentecostals 

generally give is an appeal to John 3:16. "For God so loved the world, that He 

gave His only begotten Son, that whosoever believeth in Him, should not perish, 

but have everlasting life." If you ask our pastors and most of our parishioners, 

"Are you sure that is what it takes to become a Christian' they will give you a 

clear and unequivocal response. "Yes!" 

The questions, then, must be asked, "Is that all it takes to become a Christian" 

What is the place of repentance in becoming a Christian What role, if any, does 

baptism play' What does it mean when we say, "whosoever believeth in Him" 

Does that really mean anyone "What is the nature of belief in Him Does one 

need to have a detailed Christology, Theology, or doctrine of the Trinity in order 

to express salvific belief Is belief the same as "faith," or more pointedly, does it 

mean the same thing as when we address ourselves to the Reformation statement 

concerning "justification by faith'And, 'Who is the 'Him' to which John 3:16 

refers" 

We might even press the question a bit further and ask whether the way we live 

when we claim the designation "Christian" for ourselves has any bearing upon 

whether we are, in fact, Christians. That is, are we really saved if we do not "lead 

a life worthy of the calling to which you have been called Should we be asking 

questions regarding how we engage in Christian ethics before we are satisfied 

that one has become a Christian If we listen carefully at most of our own altar 

calls, Pentecostal altar calls, we will find that none of these questions are being 

asked. We simply give the invitation. "If you want to become a Christian, come 

forward, acknowledge your need, and accept Jesus." It is that simple! 

' Cf. Acts 2:38. "Repent, and be baptized every one of you in the name of Jesus Christ for the 

forgiveness of your sins; and you shall receive the gift of the Holy Spirit." 1 suggest this text 

simply to demonstrate the roles that repentance and baptism appear to play in the thinking of the 

Apostles. The role of Baptism among Pentecostals has been analyzed in Cecil M. Robeck, Jr. 

and Jerry L. Sandidge, "The Ecclesiology of Koinonia and Baptism: A Pentecostal 

Perspective," Journal of Ecumenical Studies 27:3 (summer, 1990), 504-534. 

When we turn our attention to Roman Catholics, then, we need to ask the 

question of whether or not they are Christian, and if so, whether or not they are 

part of the Church. How are we to make these judgments Do they need to come 

to our altars in order for us to be satisfied with their confession Do they need to 

leave the Roman Catholic Church for us to be satisfied with their confession If 

they have not gone to the altar in the same way that we have, but they have been 

baptized, catechized, confirmed, they confess the creed, they participate in the 

Eucharist, and they say they are Christian, are we satisfied with their confession 

What must their confession look like Are we under any form of mandate to 

"maintain the unity. of the Spirit in the bond of peace" with these Roman 

Catholics Or do they need to be "charismatic" Catholics since we know that 

those who have been baptized in the Spirit must have also been "born again" and 

maybe even "sanctified" What is at stake here, and on what basis do we make 

the decisions that we make Why is it easy for us to accept a confessing Roman 

Catholic as a Christian, but it is not easy for us to accept the Roman Catholic 

Church as a genuine part of the Christian Church Why is it relatively easy for 

us to accept our Pentecostal denominations as genuine parts of the Christian 

Church when we know that there are people who frequent our churches who are 

not Christian, who are nominal Christians, or who are backslidden 

These questions lead us to others. Should we turn first to those who have had a 

bad experience at the hands of Roman Catholics or the Roman Catholic Church, 

who have been deprived of their livelihoods, stripped of their Bibles, been 

imprisoned, have been persecuted, even lost their lives at the hands of Roman 

Catholics in order to decide whether we should talk with the Roman Catholic 

Church Is this the appropriate place to begin and end any conversation 

regarding Roman Catholics Or do we turn to others for the answers to our 

questions Do we turn to those who understand the Roman Catholic Church and 

who have had only positive relations with it Is this the appropriate place to 

begin and end any conversation regarding Roman Catholics Is one group more 

privileged than the other, and if it were, why would this be the case 

It would be unfair if I did not note that there are many Roman Catholics who look 

at Pentecostals as interlopers and proselytizers in their lands. Please, try to place 

yourself in their shoes. They have been present in places for 500 years or longer. 

They believe they have been charged with the spiritual care of the flocks in that 

region. Then along comes a Pentecostal who believes only the worst about them. 

This Pentecostal enters their "turf' without any invitation and begins to 

"evangelize" and "proselytize". [I want you to understand that I make a big 

distinction between these two terms]. This activity has an affect on long 

established churches. When the priest or bishop takes steps to stop the intrusion 

because no prior conversation has taken place, the "intruder" claims persecution. 

But where did the judgments begin, and how would we respond differently


In such cases, it becomes easy to understand why a Pentecostal presence is not 

always welcome and these Roman Catholics treat them as members of some 

"sect" with all the negative connotations that term carries. Other Roman 

Catholics, especially those who have entered into Charismatic Renewal have 

many good things to say on behalf of Pentecostals. Whose voice is the more 

valuable and why is that the case 

Most systems of justice demand not that the persecuted become the judge, for 

that would result in vigilante justice, but they require that a third party, a neutral 

party, be asked to step in to ensure a fair hearing. Most systems ofjustice require 

that testimony be given both by the party that claims to be persecuted and the 

party that has allegedly engaged in persecution. Might it not be possible to hear 

testimony from both parties, allow them each to define themselves, and then 

arrive at a decision It is a position somewhat like this that the lntemational 

Roman Catholic-Pentecostal Dialogue has taken. 

The Roman Catholic Church claims not only that it is a Christian Church, but 

also that the Church subsists (subsistit) in the Catholic Church.' 1 recognize that 

this language is difficult for us as Pentecostals to accept, but it is a major shift 

from the pre-Vatican I1 position in which the Roman Catholic Church tended to 

view itself as being the Church.' 

This shifi has made possible the far-reaching recognition in Lumen Gentium 15. 

The Church knows that she is joined in may ways to the 

baptized who are honored by the name of Christian, but who do 

not however profess the Catholic faith in its entirety or have not 

preserved unity or communion under the successor of Peter. 

For there are many who hold sacred scripture in honor as a rule 

of faith and of life, who have a sincere religious zeal, who 

lovingly believe in God the Father Almighty and in Christ, the 

Son of God and the Saviour, who are sealed by baptism which 

unites them to Christ, and who indeed recognize and receive 

other sacraments in their own Churches or ecclesiastical 

communities .These Christians are indeed in some real way 

joined to us in the Holy Spirit for, by his gifts and graces, his 

sanctifying power is also active in them and he has 

strengthened some of them even to the shedding of their blood. 

And so the Spirit stirs up desires and actions in all of Christ's 

' Lumen Gentium [Dogmatic Constitution on the Church] f 8 reads, "The Church, constituted 

and organized as a society in the present world, subsists in the Catholic Church, which is 

governed by the successor of Peter and by the bishops in communion with him. Nevertheless, 

many elements of sanctification and of truth are found outside its visible confines." 

' See the encyclical of Pius XI, Moratalium Animos. 



disciples in order that all may be peaceably united as Christ 

ordained, in one flock under one shepherd. 

Clearly, most Pentecostals do not place the same value on baptism that the 

Roman Catholic Church does,' but what is important to note is the willingness of 

Rome to recognize the legitimacy of our claim to be Christian, and their openness 

to recognize that there already exists a spiritual reality that joins us even as it 

notes the impulse for greater cooperation that is stirred up by the Holy Spirit. 

Besides, it is no different from some of the exclusive claims that certain 

Pentecostals in the United States have made.' 

ASSUMPTION 5 

The Roman Catholic Church is a Christian Church and, therefore, its 

members should be treated as Christian brothers and sisters just as we 

would treat our own. 

On what basis can 1 make such a claim I make it on the basis that the Roman 

Catholic Church confesses that Jesus is Savior and Lord. It does so each time it 

gathers in community when it confesses its belief in the content or reality 

represented in the words of the historic Creeds.' But what does that mean Many 

' Cf. Cecil M. Robeck, Jr. and Jeny L. Sandidge, "The Ecclesiology of Koinonia and Baptism: 

A Pentecostal Perspective," Journal of Ecumenical Studies 273 (summer, 1990), 504-534. 

' A. J. Tomlinson, General Overseer of the Church of God (Cleveland, TN), and later the 

founder of the Church of God of Prophecy, for instance, held to an exclusivist position on the 

issue of ecclesiology. Cf. A. J. Tomlinson, Z%e Lost Great Conflict (Cleveland, TN: Press of 

Walter E. Rodgers, 1913), 144-172; Lillie Duggar, A. J. Tomlinson: Former General Overseer 

of the Church of God (Cleveland, TN: White Wing Publishing House, 1964), 725-73 1. 

' 1 think here particularly of the Nicene-Constantinopolitan Creed, though the Apostles' Creed 

and other ecumenical creeds would work equally well. 

"We believe in one God, the Father, All-sovereign, maker of heaven and earth, and of all things, 

visible and invisible. And in one Lord Jesus Christ, the only begotten Son of God, begotten of 

the Father before all the ages, Light of Light, true God of true God, begotten not made, of one 

substance with the Father. Through whom all things were made: who for us men and for our 

salvation came down from the heavens; and was made flesh of the Holy Spirit and the Virgin 

Mary, and became man, and was crucified for us under Pontius Pilate: and suffered and was 

buried, and rose again on the third day according to the Scriptures; -and ascended into the 

heavens, and sitteth on the right hand of the Father. And cometh again with glory to judge 

living and dead, of whose kingdom there shall be no end. And in the Holy Spirit, the Lord and 

the Life-giver, that proceedeth from the Father. Who, with Father and Son is worshipped 

together and glorified together, who spake through the prophets: In one, holy catholic &d 

Apostolic Church: We acknowledge one baptism unto remission of sins. We look for a 

resurrection of the dead, and the life of the age to come." Translation from Henry Bettenson, 

Ed., Documents of the Christian Church (London, England: Oxford University Press, 1943, 

1963, rpt. 1967), 26. 

17


of you will know about the recent release of the document titled Dominus Iesus. 

It was intended to be an internal document to provide clear boundaries that the 

bishops of the Roman Catholic Church could use as they seek to provide 

leadership on the important issue of interreligious dialogue. The document 

created quite a stir within the broader Protestant community for various 

ecumenical reasons. It also raised questions for members of other religions about 

the nature of Roman Catholic interests in interreligious dialogue. While we 

certainly take issue with the position adopted in the document vis- -vis the 

Roman Catholic doctrine of ecclesiology - though that position is consistent with 

what was adopted at the Second Vatican Council - the Christology of Dominus 

Iesus is clearly consistent with our own. Listen to the Congregation for the 

Doctrine of the Faith as it speaks of Jesus. 

The Church's universal mission is born from the command of 

Jesus Christ and is fulfilled in the course of the centuries in the 

proclamation of the mystery of God, Father, Son, and Holy 

Spirit, and the mystery of the incarnation of the Son, as saving 

event for all humanity.' 

As a remedy for this relativistic mentality, which is becoming 

ever more common, it is necessary above all to reassert the 

definitive and complete character of the revelation of Jesus 

Christ. In fact, it must be firmly believed that, in the mystery 

of Jesus Christ, the Incarnate Son of God, who is "the way, the 

truth, and the life" (Jn. 14:6), the fill revelation of divine truth 

is given: "No one knows the Son except the Father, and no one 

knows the Father except the Son and anyone to whom the Son 

wishes to reveal him" (Mt. 1 1 :27); ''No one has ever seen God; 

God the only Son, who is in the bosom of the Father, has 

revealed him" (Jn. 1 : 18); "For in Christ the whole fullness of 

divinity dwells in bodily form" (Col. 2:9-lo).* 

Ecumenical discussion between Roman Catholics and Lutherans over the past 

three decades has also led to clarifications on the issue of "justification by faith," 

by which both the Roman Catholic Church and the Lutheran World Federation 

arrived at a consensus. While they did not lift the condemnations of earlier 

centuries, they did come to the common confession that "By grace alone, in faith 

in Christ's saving work and not because of any merit on our part, we are accepted 

by God and receive the Holy Spirit, who renews our hearts while equipping and 

calling us to good works."' 

Roman Catholic-Pentecostal Dialogue:Some Pentecostal Assumptions: 


It is not, therefore, surprising to find that language consistent with this confession 

is used in Dominus Iesus, 

The proper response to God's revelation is "the obedience of 

faith" (Rom. 16:26; cf. Rom. 1:5; 2 Cor. 10:5-6) by which man 

freely entrusts his entire self to God, offering "the full. 

submission of intellect and will to God who reveals" and freely 

assenting to the revelation given by him". Faith is a gift of 

grace: "in order to have faith, the grace of God must come first 

and give assistance; there must also be the interior helps of the 

Holy Spirit, who moves the heart and converts it to God, who 

opens the eyes of the mind and gives "to everyone joy and ease 

in assenting to and believing in the truth'."' 

In light of such statements, is there any reason to argue that the Roman Catholic 

Church is any less "Christian" than are our Pentecostal churches It may be the 

case that there are people who claim to be Roman Catholic who do not adhere to 

such statements. But how does that differ from the Pentecostal situation In each 

case, the individual needs once again to be confronted with what our churches 

understand to be the Gospel. But in no case are we at liberty to argue that our 

Pentecostal churches are Christian and the Roman Catholic Church is not. To do 

so is to raise grave questions regarding what constitutes Christianity. 

ASSUMPTION 6 

Dialogue between Christians is something that can enable us to "maintain 

the unity of the Spirit in the bond of peace." 

The International Roman Catholic-Pentecostal Dialogue came into being when 

David du Plessis contacted John Cardinal Willebrands in 1970 and asked that 

such a dialogue be established under the auspices of the then Secretariat (now the 

Pontifical Council) for Promoting Christian Unity, of which Cardinal 

Willebrands was President. A small, exploratory discussion was held in 

September 1970, a second one was held in June 1971 and a third one was 

convened in October later that year. The first series of discussions began in 

I Dominus lesus, 1 . 

' Dominus lesus, 5. 

I "Joint Declaration on the Doctrine of Justification," IS, in Jeffrey Gros, Harding Meyer, and 

William G. Rusch, Eds, Growth in Agreement II: Reports and Agreed Statements of Ecumenical 

Conversations on a World Level, 1982-1998, Faith and Order Paper No. 187 (Geneva, 

Switzerland: WCC Publications I Grand Rapids, MI: William B. Eerdmans Publishing 

Company, 2000), 568-569. 

Dominus lesus, 7. Cf. Verbum Dei [Dogmatic Constitution on the Word of God], 5.

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association. Vol. XXI, 2001 

1972, and ran through 1976.' 

Because of political considerations within classical Pentecostal circles 

surrounding the status of David du Plessis at the time, the Dialogue was begun in 

an unequal way. The team convened by the Secretariat was formally selected and 

answerable to the Roman Catholic Church. No Pentecostal body selected the 

team that represented Pentecostal and Charismatic interests, nor was it 

answerable to any such body. They were not interested in doing so. The 

Dialogue came into being with a team of interested individuals that David du 

Plessis personally chose, a team that included a few classical Pentecostals such as 

Russell P. Spittler (Assemblies of God), F. A. H lscher and F. P. M ller 

(Apostolic Faith Mission, South Africa), John McTernan (International 

Evangelical Church), and John Meares (Evangel Temple) and several prominent 

leaders in the charismatic renewal. In this latter category were such people as Fr. 

Michael Harper (at that time an Anglican, now Orthodox), J. Rodrnan Williams 

(Presbyterian), Larry Christenson (Lutheran), Fr. Athanasios Emmert (Orthodox), 

and Jean-Daniel Fischer (French Ref~rmed).~ 

From the beginning, the International Roman Catholic-Pentecostal Dialogue has 

had a unique place among the dialogues into which the Roman Catholic Church 

has entered. In 1977, members of the Dialogue announced together, 

The clialogue has a special character. The bilateral 

conversations which the Roman Catholic Church undertakes 

with many world communions (e.g., the Anglican Communion, 

the Lutheran World Federation, etc.) are prepared to consider 

' All four reports of the Dialogue have been published in Jeffiey Gros, FSC, Harding Meyer, 

and William G. Rusch, Eds, Growth in Agreement 11: Reports and Agreed Statements of 

Ecumenical Conversations on a World Level, 1982-1998, Faith and Order Paper No. 187 

(Geneva, Switzerland: WCC Publications / Grand Rapids, MI: William B. Eerdmans Publishing 

Company, 2000), 713-779. For major historical and theological assessments of the Dialogue, 

see Arnold Bittlinger, Papst und Pfingstler: Der r misch Katholische-pflingstliche Dialog und 

seine kumenische Relevaru (SIHC 16, Frankhrt am Main: Peter Lang, 1978) 484 pp; Jerry L. 

Sandidge, Roman Catholic/Pentecostal Dialogue [1977-19821: A Study in Developing 

Ecumenism Studies in the intercultural History of Christianity 16 (Frankfurt am Main: Peter 

Lang, 1987) 2 volumes, 933 pp; Paul D. Lee, Pneumatological Ecclesiology in the Roman 

Catholic-Pentecostal Dialogue: A Catholic Reading of the Third Quinquennium (1985-1989) 

(Rome: Pontifica Studiorum Universitas A.S. Thoma Ag. in Urbe, 1994), 364 pp.; Veli-Matti 

K rkk inen, Spiritus ubi vult spirat: Pneumatology in Roman Catholic-Pentecostal Dialogue 

(1972-1989) (SLAG 42, Helsinki: Luther-Agricola-Society, 1998), 509 pp. and Veli-Matti 

K rkk inen, Ad ultin~um terrae: Evangelization, Proselytism and Common Witness in the 

Roman Catholic-Pentecostal Dialogue (1990-1997). (SIHC 117, Frankfurt am Main, Peter 

Lang, 1999), 28 1 pp. 

' Jerry L. Sandidge, Roman Catholic/Pentecostal Dialogue [l977-1982]: A Study in Developing 

Ecumenism Studies in the Intercultural History of Christianity 44 (Frankfurt am Main: Peter 

Lang, 1987), 78-79. 



problems concerning church structures and ecclesiology and 

have organic unity as a goal or at least envisage some kind of 

eventual structural unity. This dialogue has not. Its purpose 

has been that "prayer, spirituality and theological reflection be 

a shared concern at the international level in the form of a 

dialogue . 

The dialogue has sought "to explore the life and spiritual 

experience of Christians and the churches", "to give special 

attention to the meaning of the church of fullness of life in the 

Holy Spirit", attending to "both the experiential and theological 

dimensions of that life. "Through such dialogue" those who 

participate "hope to share in the reality of the mystery of Christ 

and the church, to build a united testimony, to indicate in what 

manner the sharing of truth makes it possible to grow 

together. 

Certain areas of doctrinal agreement have been looked at with a 

view to eliminating mutual misunderstandings. At the same 

time, there has been no attempt to minimize points of real 

divergence .' 

Since that time, the character of the International Dialogue has not changed.' In 

the most recent report issued by the Dialogue, participants made much the same 

point: 

The unity of the church is a concern for Pentecostals and 

~atholics-alike. The particular purpose of these discussions is 

to develop a climate of mutual respect and understanding in 

matters of faith and practice, to find points of genuine 

agreement as well as indicate areas in which further dialogue is 

required. 

' "Final Report, 1972-1976," 4-6, in Jeffrey Gros, FSC, Harding Meyer, and William G. Rusch, 

Eds, Growth in Agreement 11: Reports and Agreed Statements of Ecumenical Conversations on 

a World Level, 1982-1998, Faith and Order Paper No. 187 (Geneva, Switzerland: WCC 

Publications / Grand Rapids, MI: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 2000), 713. 

"Final Report, 1977-1982,2-3, in " Jeffrey Gros, FSC, Harding Meyer, and William G. Rusch, 

Eds, Growth in Agreement 11: Reports and Agreed Statements of Ecumenical Conversations on 

a World Level, 1982-1998, Faith and Order Paper No. 187 (Geneva, Switzerland: WCC 

Publications / Grand Rapids, MI: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 2000), 721, and 

"Perspectives on Koinonia 1985-1989," 5, in Jeffrey Gros, FSC, Harding Meyer, and William 

G. Rusch, Eds, Growth in Agreement 11: Reports and Agreed Statements of Ecumenical 

Conversations on a World Level, 1982-1998, Faith and Order Paper No. 187 (Geneva, 

Switzerland: WCC Publications 1 Grand Rapids, MI: William B. Eerdmans Publishing 

Company, 2000), 735.


The goal is not structural unity, but rather the fostering of this 

respect and mutual understanding between the Catholic church 

and classical Pentecostal groups.' 

What has changed through the years is the list of participants. Following its 

initial round of discussions, the Secretariat for Promoting Christian Unity spoke 

with the Pentecostal Steering Committee and asked that the Pentecostal team be 

reconfigured. The Roman Catholic Church was not interested in speaking to 

Charismatic Anglicans, Presbyterians, Lutherans, Orthodox, or French Reformed 

believers apart from their own specific contexts. And the Pontifical Council 

made it clear that it entered into dialogue with Pentecostals because it wanted to 

speak with classical Pentecostals. Beginning in 1978, therefore, the Pentecostal 

team invited only members of classical Pentecostal churches and did not include 

members of the charismatic renewal within the historic churches. Since that time, 

a small leadership core has attempted to draw paties from throughout the world 

that are able to enter into theological discussion. On the whole, this method has 

worked well, though there are some major problems yet to be resolved, such as 

better representation from Latin America, Africa, and Asia, and women as well as 

men. 

It should be recognized that this Dialogue has always received official support 

and representation from the Roman Catholic Church. This is still not the case 

among the Pentecostals. A few Pentecostal groups, however, have embraced this 

Dialogue and its work in recent years. Among them are the Apostolic Faith 

Mission (South Africa), the International Evangelical Church, the International 

Church of the Foursquare Gospel, the Open Bible Standard Churches, the 

Pentecostal Assemblies of Canada, the Church of God of Prophecy, the Mission 

lglesia Pentecostal in Chile, and at the level of official observers, the 

Broederschap van Pinkstergemeenten of the Netherlands. 

Others have sent official participants from time to time (e.g. Church of God 

(Cleveland, TN), Pentecostal Holiness, Church of God in Christ), but have not 

done so in recent years. Still others have asked not to be identified because of 

concerns they have about how some of their people might respond. Some have 

chosen to treat the Dialogue with benign neglect. Still others, such as some of 

my sisters and brothers in the Assemblies of God, continue to work tirelessly to 

put an end to the Dialogue by calling for the discipline of its participants or 

suppressing news of its work among their constituents. As a result, some 

' "Evangelization, Proselytism and Common Witness, 1990-1997," 2, in Jefftey Gros, FSC, 

Harding Meyer, and William G. Rusch, Eds, Growth in Agreement 11: Reports and Agreed 

Statements of Ecumenical Conversations on a World Level, 1982-1998, Faith and Order Paper 

No. 187 (Geneva, Switzerland: WCC Publications 1 Grand Rapids, MI: William B. Eerdrnans 

Publishing Company, 20001,753. 



Pentecostals and even some Roman Catholics have questioned the value of the 

Dialogue. 

If this is to change, it is essential that Pentecostals approach dialogue with a 

thorough understanding of the Roman Catholic Church from a post-Vatican II 

perspective, and not merely from the stereotypes of Rome that are rooted in the 

16th Century or our own personal pain. The Roman Catholic Church entered the 

modem world substantially through Vatican Council 11, and the Vatican deserves 

credit for the growth that the Roman Catholic Church has made. But all the 

changes that are necessary to make the Dialogue more fruitful do not belong to 

the Pentecostal side. Roman Catholics need to reassess how they view 

Pentecostals. Some lump all Pentecostals together, place them in the larger 

phenomenon of Fundamentalism, and simply write them off as members of a 

"religious right." They view them as fanatics, with no theological ground on 

which to stand. But are they willing to explore the beliefs and practices that 

Pentecostals hold as dear 

Only this past week, I received an email from ZENIT, a daily dispatch from the 

Vatican offering, according to its heading, "The World Seen from Rome." I was 

disappointed to read an article titled "Sects Aiming to Influence Latin American 

Politics." The dateline was Munich, Germany, April 9, 2001. It explained that 

Bishop Jorge Jim nez Carvajal, President of the Latin American Bishops' 

Council (CELAM), was attending meetings in Germany where he complained 

that these "sects" were worrisome because they were (a) entering into Latin 

American politics in large numbers and (b) they were being well financed 

through a "large economic patrimony" from unnamed "U.S. -based groups." 

Furthermore, it named the "Universal Church of the Kingdom of God [Sic.]," 

headed by the Brazilian Edir Macedo as especially dangerous because it has 

allegedly "created an astounding network of compulsory contributions from his 

followers, resulting in the establishment of a veritable empire of communications 

and banks in Brazil."' Bishop Carvajal went on to complain that the funding of 

this Pentecostal denomination, as well as those of other so-called "sects", was 

large because it was augmented by a "compulsory" tithe of lo%.' 

' I know that the Church of the Universal Reign of the Kingdom of God is in many ways a 

problematic representative of Pentecostalism, and as a result there are Pentecostals who would 

like to distance themselves from this church. But on what basis can this legitimately be done I 

believe that so long as they claim to be Pentecostals, and they are by whatever definition we 

might use these days, we cannot treat them as though they are not Pentecostal. If we believe 

them to be problematic, then it is incumbent upon us to find ways to talk with them and to share 

our concerns with them in order to change their behavior. But that action presumes that we will 

also be open to hear their criticisms of us. 

The ZENIT web page is at htm;l/www~. 

The date and number of the article "Sects 

Aiming to Influence Latin American Politics," is ZE01040921.


A number of these claims are based in past claims, in stereotypes, and in fear and 

frustration. Yet here they are once again in print! How are they best 

discouraged Is it by ignoring them Is it by redoubling efforts to overthrow 

Roman Catholic hegemony in the region Is it by pointing out that Catholics 

have too long influenced the politics in Latin America, and have veritable 

communications and banking empires throughout the world Or could both 

parties be better served if the levels of rhetoric were lowered and genuine 

discussions were to take place between the various parties at hand 

ASSUMPTION 7 

The International Roman Catholic-Pentecostal Dialogue has opened up the 

possibility that Pentecostals and Roman Catholics can work through some of 

their differences. 

lf the Roman Catholic Church and our particular Pentecostal bodies are each 

genuinely Christian bodies, it is incumbent upon us to do our best "to maintain 

the unity of the Spirit in the bond of peace." The fact that Pentecostals have not 

yet learned how to talk peacefully and for the most part publicly among 

themselves on such controversial topics is a sign that greater Christian love is 

needed on all sides. 



The fruit of this Dialogue must not be expected immediately in terms of the unity 

of the Church. Great patience is needed. Each side is growing in acceptance, 

understanding, and respect for the other. In spite of this slow growth, recent 

events in which Roman Catholic leaders have intervened on behalf of 

Pentecostals, and there are several of which I have first-hand knowledge, may be 

attributed in part to the foundation laid by this Dialogue. This Dialogue has led 

the recently retired President of the Pontifical Council for Promoting Christian 

Unity to condemn the use of sectarian language when speaking about 

Pentecostals.' Pentecostals were even invited to participate in the service opening 

the great doors on the Roman basilicas (January 18, 2000), the service that 

commemorated all 2oth Century Christian martyrs (May 7, 2000) on the grounds 

of the Roman Coliseum, and in a service in January 2001 when prayers were 

offered that God would enable the churches to manifest more examples of visible 

unity. These invitations were reserved only for members of churches and 

ecclesial communions not for members of "sects." 

One thing is sure: the encounters provided by this Dialogue have been lessons in 

spiritual growth for participants on both sides, and the fruit of their labor is only 

just emerging as the Church begins her third century in the world. 

Roman Catholics come to the Dialogue with more experience in theological and 

ecumenical dialogue than do Pentecostals. For Pentecostals, this is a relatively 

new experience, and the pool from which we can draw is fairly small. Unless we 

can raise substantial funds, all participants must be fluent in English, they must 

be able to finance their own travel or have access to funds from their 

denomination or other sources, and they must be sufficiently knowledgeable of 

the current theological position of their Dialogue partners, Roman Catholic and 

Pentecostal, to be able to do the task. Most of our Pentecostal groups are, after 

all, unfamiliar even with what most other Pentecostal groups believe andlor 

practice. 

Our pastors and denominational executives are ofien not the best people to enter 

directly into such a discussion though they must be included on the team. The 

reason is simple. They ofien lack the theological training that is necessary to 

make headway on troublesome issues. On the whole, the cumcula of Pentecostal 

schools, even Pentecostal seminaries, are lacking in basic courses in history, in 

theology outside their own, and none of them offers a course designed to develop 

ecumenical sensitivity. On the other hand, our pastors and leaders bring an 

invaluable witness to what God has done in their lives and they bring a voice that 

is representative of where their people actually live. Thus, while they may not be 

well equipped to lead the way, they are well equipped to participate in substantial 

ways. 

'Edward Idris Cardinal Cassidy, "Prolusio," Information Service 84 (19931111-IV), 122. His 

Eminence wrote, "We must be careful, however, not to confuse the issue [of sects and new 

religious movements] by lumping together under the term 'sect' groups that do not deserve that 

title. I am not speaking here, for instance, about the evangelical movement among Protestants, 

nor about Pentecostalism as such. The Pontifical Council has had fruitful dialogue and 

significant contact with certain evangelical groups and with Pentecostals. Indeed, one can 

speak of a mutual enrichment as a result of these contacts."


The Place of the Church in the Economy of Salvation. 

Roman Catholic and Pentecostal Perspectives: 

Room for Rapprochement 

INTRODUCTION' 

Huibert Zegwaart 

It is common knowledge that the views of the Roman Catholic Church on 

ecclesiology and those current within the Pentecostal movement are widely at 

~ariance.~ Indeed, a mixture of the Presbyterian and Congregationalist models of 

the Church, which are in vogue in large sections of the Pentecostal Movement, 

may be regarded as the very antipode of the Episcopal model of Roman 

Catholicism. The focus of this paper will not be on ecclesiology as such, but on 

the relationship between ecclesiology and ~oteriology,~ as may be inferred from 

the title. Before getting into the topic, a word needs to be said about the 

derivation of the thesis and my own vantage point. 

During the 4th phase of the International Roman Catholic-Pentecostal ~ialope,' 

' Paper presented at the EPTA Conference, Bucharest, Romania, April 2001. 

On terminology: The term 'Pentecostal movement' is used in its narrower sense, excluding the 

so-called Neo-Pentecostals, or Charismatics-within-the-historical-churches. That is to say, the 

term denotes the same group as is indicated by the expression 'Classical Pentecostal Churches' 

in the nomenclature of the International Roman Catholic-Pentecostal Dialogue. 

' It hardly needs pointing out that also in this respect the Pentecostal Movement is far from 

being homogenous. Pentecostals of various kinds differ over virtually every aspect of the faith, 

save the belief that the biblical promise of the Baptism in the Spirit and charismatic gifts still 

constitute a living reality in the life of believers. Concerning models of church-organization, 

several are in use: many denominations that go under the name 'apostolic' veer towards the 

Episcopalian model, while the Assemblies of God-type are mostly Presbyterian with strong 

Congregationalist features. 

' Or in the terminology used by Kilian McDonnell, "The Pros and Cons of Dialogue with 

Roman Catholics", JPT 16 (2000), 90-101,9 1-92. 

' I consider myself a staunch supporter of this type of Dialogue with other Christian 

communities. Not only is it a way of working out the Lord's prayer "that all shall be one", but it 

may also help alleviate mounting tensions in those regions of the world where the growth of 

Pentecostal churches - as long as it still lasts - is easily perceived as a threat to those Christian 

bodies which are well established in that region. Thus, the strategic significance of these talks 

(removal of false stereotypes and misunderstandings) should not be underestimated. Moreover, 

both parties involved in these talks could benefit from the challenge that is posed by the 

different theological stance that is formulated 'from the other side of the table'. Especially 

Pentecostals - who do not have a long-standing tradition of sustained theological reflection - 

could benefit from the stimulus provided by these talks. 

The Place of the Church in the Economy of Salvation. Roman Catholic and 

Pentecostal Perspectives: Room for Rapprochement Huibert Zegwaart 

I was an 'involved observer' at six of the eight venues.' In the first session I 

attended (in Rocca di Papa [Italy] in 1992), two paradigms of evangelization 

were discussed. One related to the Pentecostal Evangelization of Latin America, 

the other the Roman Catholic (re-)evangelization of Europe. Of the Pentecostal 

Dialogue team, only one member was European (Miroslav Volf). Though 

officially an observer, I was graciously allowed to participate in the plenary 

discussions as if I were a full member of the Pentecostal team. In the years 

following, it occurred to me that the theological differences between the two 

parties in the area of ecclesioJogy were more profound than simply two opposing 

organizational models. In fact, they were more profound than simply two 

alternative views of what the Church is. At several points, it occurred to me that 

the difference touches the basic theological outlook of both partners in the 

Dialogue. 

While the theological outlook on many issues was stamped by ecclesiological 

convictions on the side of the Roman Catholics, on the side of the Pentecostals it 

was stamped by soteriology. In other words, ecclesiology and soteriology 

function as theological prisms; the one for Catholics and the other for 

Pentecostals. 

This became abundantly clear whenever the issue of proselytism was on the table. 

In the discussions about this thorny issue, Pentecostals were prone to consider 

first of all the spiritual well-being of the individual, while Catholics were prone 

to consider first of all the spiritual well-being of the community. To be sure, the 

delegates of both parties would immediately claim that they do not lose sight of 

the other concern; and that their purview is in fact inclusive. Granted, but the 

initial concern indicates where the emphasis really lies. If the parties at the table 

insufficiently recognize the prismatic significance of their respective points of 

departure, and that this point of departure affects the entire theological construct, 

they will inevitably misunderstand each other. If this analysis holds water, we 

would do well to engage in serious theological reflection on the relationship 

between Ecclesiology and Soteriology. 

' Due to serious difficulties which arose over 'proselytism', two years had to be added to the six 

years planned for this phase. The 4th phase, the topic of which was "Evangelization, 

Proselytism and Common Witness" lasted from 1990 to 1997. To my knowledge, this had not 

happened before. Also a novum of this phase was the fact that the report could not be written in 

a single venue, because the delegations could not agree on the wording of some passages 

(mostly dealing with - again - proselytism). And so another venue had to be added (Rome 1997) 

in which the process was finally completed.


THE ROMAN CATHOLIC PERSPECTIVE 

Catholic Theology is marked by a tendency towards coherence. In part, this is to 

be attributed to the deductive mode of thinking that characterizes Roman Catholic 

Theology; a way of thinking that goes well with the hierarchical structure of 

teaching authority within Catholicism, the Magisterium. 

Among the advantages of the deductive mode of thinking, which moves from the 

general to the particular, is the strength of coherence. The resulting system is 

harmonious and possesses beauty. A drawback is the sometimes difficult 

connection with empirical reality (and with the findings of the Human Sciences, 

the method of which usually proceeds according to the inductive manner of 

reasoning). 

Theologizing, then, is firmly embedded within the organization of the Roman 

Catholic Church.' The Magisterium, the teaching office of the Church (which is 

concretized in the Congregation for the Faith in Rome), oversees the whole area 

of doing theology and theological education within the Roman Catholic Church.' 

The importance of the Church for Catholics is hard to overstate. The Church has 

been called "[ ...I the universal sacrament of salvation."' What follows is a brief 

survey of two areas where the Church plays a major role in the economy of 

salvation &ere broadly conceived as the plan of redemption: the acts of God and 

the institutions He gave in order to save humanity, and indeed the whole of 

creation): 

The Bible: For Catholics, the Bible is the Church's book. This does not mean that 

the Roman Catholic Church wants to lord over it (as was suggested in the 

century), but that the community of faith forms the proper context for listening to 

its message as the Word of God, and obeying the biblical injunctions. There is a 

strong sense that the Bible is the product of the Church. Historically speaking, the 

Bible is, of course, a literary production of the young community of faith. At the 

same time, however, the NT community may be seen as the product of the 

Hebrew Scriptures. The fact is that the community of faith throughout the 

' This is not to suggest, that the Magisterium has tight reigns on each and every theologian, and 

that they curb all room to explore new ways of theologizing. Nevertheless, the teaching 

authority of the Church is sometimes experienced by thinkers as a hindrance for intellectual 

freedom. 

' See the Dogmatic Constitution on Divine Revelation [Dei Verbum], / 23; and the Decree on 

Ecumenism [Unitatis Redintegration], / 2 1 

SO the Dogmatic Constitution on the Church (Lumen Gentium) / 48; and the Decree of the 

Church's missionary activity (Ad Gentus Divinitus) / I. See also // 17-28 (esp. 20 and 2 I) of 

"Perspectives on Koinonia", Final Report of the International Roman Catholic/Pentecostal 

Dialogue (1985-1989), Pneuma 12:2 (1990): 117-142. 



centuries was and continues to be nourished by the Scriptures.' It is the Church 

(as the fellowship of believers) that interprets the Scriptures and carries its 

message into the world. The conclusion is inescapable, Bible and Church belong 

together - almost in a symbiotic way.' If the Bible and Church were to be set up 

as two poles of a continuum, Catholics will probably lean towards stressing the 

importance of the Church, while Protestants and Pentecostals are prone to stress 

the importance of the Bible. 

Another area where the importance of the community of faith clearly comes to 

the fore is the area of the Sacraments. Pentecostals tend to forget how important 

the celebration of the Sacraments - and especially the Eucharist - is for Roman 

Catholic spirituality. On the one hand, it is the Church that administers the 

Sacraments. On the other hand, the Sacraments constitute the Church, if only 

because it is through the sacraments of initiation that new members are 

incorporated into the body of Christ.' Where the sacraments are administered, 

there the Church is, for there the grace of the Lord is offered. In this conception, 

the celebration of the sacraments and especially the Eucharist, may be regarded 

as a form of evangelisation, of establishing the presence of the body of Christ in a 

given place. 

Finally, Sacramentalism is firmly embedded in the hierarchical structure of the 

people of God. Only ordained priests are allowed to administer the sacraments. It 

is through the partaking of the sacraments (which always presupposes faith in 

Jesus Christ, and his salvific work) that salvation comes to believers. 

As stated, for Catholics, the importance of the Church is hard to overstate. This 

follows from the fact that the Roman Catholic Church still regards herself as 

'Church' in the full sense of the word.4 For Roman Catholicism, the people of 

God are the Roman Catholic Church plus other ecclesial bodies that embody 

' The Bible is the source of the many traditions of the church and functions as the norm for these 

traditions as they develop through the centuries within the community of faith under the 

guidance of the Holy Spirit. 

a See the Decree on the Church's Missionary Activify [Ad Gentus Divinitus], / 6. 

There are three sacraments of initiation: Baptism, Confirmation and the Eucharist. Formally, 

this is the proper order, as the partaking in the Eucharist completes the process of initiation. In 

all cases, the life of faith is the proper context for the sacraments. But the 'life of faith' is 

broadly taken: the community of faith may vicariously have faith for those who cannot yet have 

faith themselves, such as infants at Baptism. Also, the order of the sacraments does not translate 

into a chronological order: the Eucharist is usually administered prior to Confirmation. 

' The triumphalistic terminology of the 'true church' is avoided since Vaticanum II. Instead the 

documents of Vaticanum II recognize the legitimacy of other (separated) churches and 

communities (see Lumen Gentium, // 8, 15; and Unitatis Redintegration,// 1,2,3, 22 23.


elements of the reality which is the Church.' In this way, the Roman Catholic 

Church, while recognizing the existence of other Churches (and thereby their 

legitimacy), is able to maintain its place of primacy in her understanding herself.' 

'Primacy' is a notion that belongs to the texture of hierarchical thinking. Within 

this type of thinking, it is important that the bond with the primus - the source of 

authority - is maintained. Within the context of the Catholic Church, this means 

that the communion with Rome is maintained and the primacy of the Pope is 

recognized and honoured.' Within the logic of this hierarchical conception of the 

Church, these conditions are not trivial; they are part and parcel of the Catholic 

conception of what the fullness of the Church is. 

I am well aware of the fact that the way these things are formulated here is 

perhaps somewhat crude. The language in Roman Catholic documents usually 

exhibits a high degree of intellectual sophistication and theological refinement, 

expressing many shades of nuance. But underneath all the sophistication and 

refinement, there is a deep-seated conviction: After all is said, the Roman 

Catholic Church is still the mother-Church, and the other ecclesiastical 

communities - at least in the West - are regarded as ~ffspring.~ That conviction is 

authenticJ and commands our respect, even when we di~agree!~ When we enter 

I Unitatis Redintegration, / 3. 

Lumen Gentium, / 8 and Unitatis Redintegration,/3. The word used here in Latin is subsistio 

['subsists'] rather than esse ['is'], which is much stronger. 

The 'primacy' of the Pope seems to be of greater importance to the operation of the Catholic 

Church than the doctrine of infallibility. Is it too farfetched to suggest that this doctrine was 

promulgated at the lSt Vatican Council to buttress the primacy of the Pope after the bleak years 

for the papacy in the late lath century and the immense popularity since the time of the 

Restoration subsequent to Napoleon's final defeat Note that the fathers of the Second Vatican 

Council recognize that ecumenism is not a veiled way of 'bringing schismatics back into the 

fold': "[ ...I it is evident that the work of preparing and reconciling those individuals who wish 

for full Catholic communion is of its nature distinct from ecumenical action" (Unitatis 

Fedintegration, / 4). 

See "Perspectives on KoinoniaW,/34. For this conviction, a number of reasons can be adduced 

by Catholics. These include the historical continuity of the Church to the Apostles of Jesus; the 

appointment of Peter as the first 'primate' of the Church; the historical fact that the 

ecclesiastical communities of Western Christianity can be shown to have branched off fiom 

either the Roman Catholic Church itself or from the original break-away churches, etc. 

Moreover, it is the largest religious organization on Earth. 

' Pentecostals and other communities of faith in fact hold similar self-conceptions, albeit on 

other grounds. The fact that in Dialogue these sorts of deep-seated convictions are confronted 

and called into question fiom the other end of the table makes this endeavour dangerous in the 

eyes of many. 

TO be sure, this awareness is not equally strong everywhere. In the Netherlands, this 

conviction is largely confined to ultra-conservative circles within the Roman Catholic Church. 

As always, there is a correlation between the degree of exposure and fellowship across church 

boundaries and the strength or weakness of convictions that tend to exclude 'others'. 



upon Dialogue with the Roman Catholic Church, we do well to recognize that 

this conviction does play a role, if only somewhere in the background. 

One more point I would like to make in this connection relates to the selfunderstanding 

of the Church in the fill sense of the word which does not lead to 

extreme claims for herself on the part of the Roman Catholic Church.' It rather 

functions as a positive affirmation, without any intention to draw negative 

consequences from it. For instance, this affirmation does not lead to a denial of 

the legitimacy of other Christian Churches; nor does it lead to denying that 

outside of the Roman Catholic Church, people can be saved for eternit~.~ The 

conclusion seems unavoidable: 

Ecclesiology plays an important part in Catholic spirituality, and in Roman 

Catholic theological reflection, it is prismatic, adding a marked ecclesiological 

colouring to other areas of theology. 

SOME PRACTICAL CONSEQUENCES OF THE ROMAN CATHOLIC 

PERSPECTIVE FOR THE DIALOGUE 

Within the previous phase of the Dialogue, the place of the Church in the 

economy of salvation cropped up in relation to several topics: evangelization and 

proselytism. 

In some of the discussions, the topic of evangelization turned out to be directly 

linked to the issue of temtory, that is to say in relation to the presence of the 

Roman Catholic Church in certain areas where Pentecostalism is growing rapidly. 

In fact, in some of these areas, notably, Latin America, the Roman Catholic 

Church has formed the religious establishment for centuries. To Roman 

Catholics, the mere visibility of the Church in those regions, and the influence 

she exercises upon culture and public life, are seen as a form of evangelization in 

its own right,' to say nothing of the fact that the (daily) celebration of the 

I 

For instance, one is careful not to draw the conclusion that "therefore the Roman Catholic 

Church is the church in its fullness." Such an inference would entail the exclusion of all others; 

and would entail the identification of the visible church with the invisible church on Earth. 

Alternatively stated, it would entail the identification of the Roman Catholic Church with the 

Kingdom of God as it exists within history. These consequences, would of course be 

outrageous, and at loggerheads with the decrees of Vaticanurn I1 ("Decree on Ecumenism", and 

Lumen Gentium). 

' "Outside the Church there is no salvation", as the medieval adagio ran. Two terms in this 

statement are the subjects of discussion: 

- 'salvation': what does it mean; what is its scope 

- 'outside': this begs the question as to the boundaries of the church. Even in 

medieval times, this question was discussed in relation to the realm in which the Holy Spirit 

works. 

' Cf. "Perspectives on Koinonia", // 9 1-93..


Eucharist in those places constitutes the presence, not only of the Church, but of 

Christ Himself.' At any rate, for Catholics it is evident that people living in such 

areas who do not profess to be nonCatholics or adherents of another religion are 

nevertheless regarded as Catholics, irrespective of non-attendance, and lack of 

, commitment. In principle (if not in practice), the Roman Catholic Church accepts 

pastoral responsibility for such people. At the root of this thinking lies a 

conception of the Church as a people's Church. The organizational form that goes 

with it would be the territorial division into parishes, dioceses and archdioceses. 

Again, this type of conception coheres well with hierarchical thinking. 

Another context in which the place of the Church in the economy of salvation 

came to the fore is the question of proselytism. When Catholics change their 

affiliation from one denomination to another (such typically Protestant language 

would be repulsive to a devout Catholic), and it is the result of an evangelistic 

effort by another Church, such a move will always smack of proselytism. 

Irrespective of the prior level of commitment of the person involved, whether he 

or she is a devout Catholic, or - as we would say - a nominal Catholic, the official 

line is clear: changing Church affiliation to a Christian community other than the 

Roman Catholic Church is wrong. Of course, this verdict is in line with the 

Roman Catholic position on the Church. However, for Catholics, such a 

conclusion would not be final, for beside the official line, there is the pastoral 

approach. This is also the case here. As one of the Catholic participants to the 

Dialogue said, using somewhat outdated philosophical jargon: "Objectively, such 

a deed is wrong, but subjectively, it may be right."' Apparently, what he meant 

was that when looking at the spiritual growth of the person changing Church 

affiliation, such a step might actually constitute an act of greater commitment to 

the Lord, entering upon a new phase in the life of faith, bringing further initiation 

into Christian spirituality, etc. But when the eye is turned away from the person, 

and turned toward matters of doctrine, Christian (here: Catholic) truth, such a 

step cannot be right. With their soteriological framework, Pentecostals would 

simply rejoice with the angels over the step of faith (thefides qua) taken by the 

individual and they would look upon the matter of the truth of content of faith 

(thejdes quae) - provided they do profess the essentials of the Christian faith - 

rather pragmatically. This once more brings the difference between Catholics and 

Pentecostal conceptions of the Church into sharp focus. 

' But Kilian McDonnell, "Dialogue", 95, brings to mind the words of Archbishop Flores, who 

said, that "[ ...I if you sacramentalize before you evangelize you are going nowhere." 

' In that line, Cardinal Cassidy said: "Every church [...I should have the right to accept into its 

membership those who in conscience decided that they belong there [...I. It is, after all, much 

more important that a person find salvation in Christ than that he or she belongs without 

conviction to any particular community" (quoted by McDonnell, "Dialogue", 99). 



PENTECOSTAL PERSPECTIVES 

Emil Brunner - not a Pentecostal of course, but a Protestant - once said that the 

Church is the problem of Protestantism. Indeed, Protestantism orbits towards 

ascribing salvation to the faith of the believer without mediation by the Church.' 

The Protestant principles (sola gratia, sola fide, and sola scriptura) would seem 

to make the Church somewhat superfluous within the economy of salvation. We 

may add that this tendency is buttressed by modern individualism. Both 

tendencies strongly affect Pentecostals in their attitude toward the Church. This is 

revealed in their ecclesiology. "An area of Christian Theology often minimized 

and taken for granted is the doctrine of the Church."' The author is right. In fact, I 

know of only a few more or less integrated ecclesiologies written from a 

Pentecostal perspective.' Sadly, ecclesiology is often hardly more than a more or 

less systematically ordered collection of biblical passages.' More often than not, 

it was developed in connection to practical concerns over leadership, or in 

' Of course, this statement presupposes that this faith is faith in Christ and the atonement on the 

cross. 

' Michael L. Dusing, "The New Testament Church", in: Stanley M. Horton (ed.), Systematic 

Theology, Springfield: Logion Press (revised edition) 1998, 525-566, 525. The Roman Catholic 

Charismatic theologian Peter D. Hocken (who wrote the article on "Church, Theology of the", 

in: Stanley M. Burgess, Gary B. McGee, and Patrick H. Alexander (eds.), Dictionary of 

Penrecostal and Charismatic Movemena, Grand Rapids: Regency, 1988, 21 1-218) does not fail 

to note the peripheral position of ecclesiology within Pentecostal confessions of faith (21 1-212). 

' According to David D. Bundy (EPTA BulIetin IVl2 (1985), 56-58) probably the best the 

treatment of ecclesiology from a Pentecostal point of view is Pave1 Bochian's Biserica lui 

Dumnezeu "i aspecte din via a ei (Bucaresti: Cultural Penticostal, ad.). According to the 

reviewer, the author of this work does not just take into account the New Testament data, but 

also what he finds in his own tradition; the faith of the community and the liturgy he sees in a 

pneumatological context which legitimized them as sources for theological reflection. Bochian 

has an eye for the eschatological dimension of the Pentecostal faith. Finally, he manages to 

avoid the individualism that often marks Pentecostal expos s on the Church. In Klaas van 

Balen, Geboren uir de Geest (Ridderkerk: Van Meurs, 1995 (l1991), 11-62) an ecclesiology is 

developed from the perspective of Jesus' announcement of the coming of the Kingdom of God. 

This ensures a link with eschatology. Van Balen's ecclesiology revolves around diakonia (38- 

39). Here too, the author does not fully develop his views. Moreover, church-practice and 

cultural contexts are not taken up in his considerations nor is there any real dialogue with other 

theological views. Thus, the book remains within what could be called a biblicistic framework. 

More promising is the recent work by F.R. Moller, Kingdom of God, Church and Sacraments 

(Words of Light and Life, vol. 4), Pretoria: J.L. van Schaik Publishers, 1998). Some of the most 

penetrating thinking about the church was developed within the context of the International 

Roman Catholic/Pentecostal Dialogue. An example would be the paper on, '"The Ecclesiology 

of Koinonia and Baptism: A Pentecostal Perspective", by Cecil M. Robeck, jr. and Jeny L. 

Sandidge, (59 pages) for the 1988 venue. Cf: "Perspectives on Koinonia". 

' An example: In a book published by my own denomination in 1992, the chapter on 

ecclesiology opens with the question "Why is the Church so imporlantHowever, the whole 

chapter consists of a meagre 7 pages, of which at least 60% are bible verses printed in full. J.W. 

Embregts, Geloof om op te bouwen, Houten, Doom: Ezra, BPG, 1992 (pages 99-105).


connection with Church-growth theories, or to missiology.' Ironically, the sizable 

entry on the "Theology of the Church" in the Dictionary of Pentecostal and 

Churismatic Movements was written by a Catholic!' To me the situation is crystal 

clear: 

The development of a solid ecclesiology from a Pentecostal perspective is a 

theological desideratum. But that does not exhaust the necessity. It is important 

for the sustenance and further development of existing Pentecostal Churches (i.e., 

for the life of Pentecostal Churches) that they develop a keen spiritual awareness 

of what the Church actually is, and spell it out in theological statements.' 

Pentecostal perspectives on the Church are diverse. Hocken, too, notes that much 

ecclesiological reflection has been completed within the framework of the 

question of authority in the Church. Apparently, this reflection has not led to the 

development of a Pentecostal position on the subject, since all traditional forms 

of Church government can be found among Pentec~stals.~ Because of the strong 

restorationist' stance, there is an immediate reference back to the New Testament 

passages. As in so many official Catholic documents, proof-texting seems to be 

the favoured method of interpreting scripture in Pentecostal documents. It can 

only be hoped that the authors who do this are sufficiently aware of the danger of 

reading back modem Church practices and convictions into texts stemming from 

another period that were written for purposes other than formulating a body of 

doctrines. 

Traditionally, ecclesiological reflection has been far removed from the 

theological centre of Pentecostalism. The overriding theological categories of 

Pentecostal Theology rather stem from soteriology and not from eccle~iology.~ 

The salvation of (individual) believers is the central concern for Pentecostals. In 

this line, the Church is typically seen as an assembly of 'born-again' (and 

preferably 'Spirit-filled') believers. The reasons for organizing local assemblies 

were more often than not pragmatic: since the experience of the baptism with the 

' Melvin L. Hodges, A Theology of the Church and its Mission; A Pentecostal Perspective, 

Springfield: Gospel Publishing House, 1977. 

' Hocken, "Church", 21 1-215,217-218. 

If only to avoid falling prey to management theories borrowed from secular business-science. 

' See Hocken, "Church", 213. 

"his characterization is also used by Harold D. Hunter, "'Wij zijn de kerk': nieuw congregationalisme. 

De visie van de Pinksterbeweging", Concilum Wterbewa) 1996-3: 21-26 

(American Edition: J rgen Moltman, Karl Josef Kuschel (eds.), Pentecostal Movements as an 

Ecumenical Challenge, Maryknoll: Orbis Books, 1996), 22. Also noted by Hocken, "Church", 

212-213. 

AS far as I can see, pneumatology in this connection does not occupy this prismatic place. 

Pneumatology is rather built upon a soteriological basis. 



Holy Spirit was not embraced by the existing denominations' and Early 

Pentecostals were often expelled from the churches they loved and sought to 

revive, Pentecostal congregations were formed for pastoral and practical reasons.' 

This pattern is also in evidence when it comes to the formation of national 

denominations. Practical concerns, rather than theological ones dominate here. 

Within the Pentecostal tradition, theological reflection does not typically stand on 

its own. It is often a response to practical issues that arise. Thus, ecclesiological 

reflection largely takes place in the context of problems over Church leadership. 

Hence, theological reflection largely focuses on questions of Church government. 

The positions adopted are usually those current in Evangeli~alism.~ That means 

that the views of the Church current within Pentecostalism are mostly inherited, 

and not "h~megrown".~ 

PRACTICAL CONSEQUENCES OF PENTECOSTAL VIEWS ON THE 

CHURCH 

Having established the peripheral nature of theological reflection upon the 

Church within Pentecostalism and that its content is by and large inherited from 

elsewhere, we need not concern ourselves here with specific contents. Instead, we 

can turn to issues connected to ecclesiology, such as evangelization and missions; 

proselytism; the invisible Church; and the priesthood of all believers. 

The question of evangelization and missions have from the earliest times onward 

ranked high on the priority list of Pentecostals.' Unlike Catholics, who for a 

sizable part of their history of missions, came on the bandwagon of conquerors 

and victors, often building Churches and establishing some form of official 

presence of the Church before there were actual ~onverts,~ Pentecostals often 

' The exception would be the Church of God and the Church of God of Prophecy both of which 

have their headquarters in Cleveland, Tennessee. 

Thus, in Amsterdam, Genit Polman postponed the introduction of church membership until 

1925; that is some twenty years after the formation of the congregation. See Cees van der Laan, 

De Spade Regen, Geboorte en groei van de Pinsterbeweging in Nederland, 1907-1930. 

Kampen: Kok, 1989, 158-1 59. 

' Thus, Dusing, "New Testament Church"(who cannot be accused of being original in any way) 

refers most often to Millard J. Erickson's Christian Theology (Grand Rapids: Baker Book 

House, 1985). 

' Hocken, "Church" 2 12, notes that it is in situations of oppression that Pentecostalism produced 

its most original ecclesiological reflections. 

Charles Parham saw the gift of tongues as a way for missionaries to circumvent the period of 

arduous language-training. See Cees van der Laan, "Honderd jaar Pinksteren', Parakleet 77 

(2001), 3-9. 

We may never forget, however, that the Catholic missionary effort was rich and varied in its 

strategies. Next to practices of conversion by coercion, there is true sacrificial heroism. See 

Stephen Neill's A History of Christian Missions (Pelican History of the Church, 6), 

Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1964, 176-209,397-449.


focused on the simple folk, working with individuals. Pentecostal missionary 

strategies often centered on individuals, or on a single family in what usually 

were hostile environments. These individuals or this family was typically 

regarded as the nucleus of a potential Church, a 'congregation-in-becoming' in a 

given town or village. Whether such strategies were (and are) wholly in keeping 

with Pentecostal soteriology, which lays so much worth on the invisible Church 

of which the local congregation is the visible manifestation or with the initial 

vision of the founding fathers at the Azusa Street Mission, which saw 

Pentecostalism as a blessing for the existing denominations, is one of those 

questions that a critical theological reflection must answer. 

Generally speaking, Pentecostals see evangelization not so much in the 

establishment of a local congregation, but rather the reverse: Church planting is 

seen in the development of evangelisation.' The same orientation shows up in 

relation to the vexed question of proselytism. It is beyond question that for 

Pentecostals, nominal Christians are (just like unbelievers) 'fair play' for 

evangelistic outreach. In this respect, Pentecostals and Catholics were 

diametrically opposed to each other in the Dialogue. The fact that they could 

come up with a common document on the issue at all is a testimony to the good 

will of both Dialogue partners. In my opinion, the fact that this document shows a 

road that both communities can traverse in this matter only adds weight to that 

testimopy. 

The soteriological framework of Pentecostal ecclesiology coheres with the 

Pentecostal predilection for the invisible Church. This stress on the invisible 

Church can serve as a safeguard against sectarianism for it enables Pentecostals 

to affirm the presence of true believers in other denominations. On the other 

hand, it facilitates the easy acceptance of denominationalism.' And this is an 

ambiguous factor when it comes to theological reflection on the Church. On the 

one hand, it leads to a positive attitude toward Christians belonging to other 

Churches. But it also lends a false aura of legitimacy to the many schisms and 

splits that exist within Pentecostalism. A pertinent question arises in that 

connection: What could the correlation be between the apparent lack of a 



formulated doctrine of the Church and the many splits within ~entecostalism' 

Denominationalism is unhealthy as it leads to an unduly relativistic attitude 

toward the divisions that tear up the Church of Jesus Christ, who in a moving 

passage is portrayed by the Fourth Evangelist as praying to the Father "that they 

all may be one", just as He Himself is one with his Heavenly Father (John 17).2 

Denominationalism smoothes over our many (non-theological) differences, and 

perpetuates the existing situation of division within the ranks of Christianity.' As 

one representative of the Vatican poignantly remarked in one of the sessions: 

"Pentecostals do share in the Protestant culture of division." Note that expression: 

a culture of division. I fear, that we have become accustomed to a serious ailment 

of the Church! 

A step in the right direction is the wholehearted participation of a growing 

number of Pentecostal leaders in various interdenominational councils and 

organizations. Although this is a step in the right direction, it should not blind us 

to the existing division. For if it does, what it will add up to is the illusion of 

unity. 

In Holland, there now is a trend to speak about 'an ecumenism of the heart' in 

contradistinction to the ecumenical movement, which aspires to visible, structural 

unity. But one has to ask here: Can the desire for Christian unity be content with 

a form of ecumenism that perpetuates division within the one Body of Christ 

Must an 'ecumenism of the heart', which is sensitive to the heartbeat of Christ, in 

the end not lead to a form of ecumenism that does not stop before some kind of 

visible unity is achieved 

Will the Pentecostals be able to realize the original vision of the founding fathers 

of the movement, who dreamed of the unification of all believers through the 

bond of the Spirit in the salvific work of Christ, according to the expressed 

purpose of the Father, whose eternal intention it was to gather a people for 

Himself In the Azusa Street Mission, impossible barriers were taken down: 

' This is evident in the statement of purpose of D.A.W.N. (discipling a whole nation). Through' 

Youth with a Mission, this organization has its roots in Pentecostalism. 

I once witnessed a crass example of what denominationalism leads to. In the wake of the John 

Wimber campaigns in the Netherlands, some ten years ago, despite disclaimers, 'Vineyard' was 

introduced in the Netherlands as a denomination. I was present when this was done. The main 

speaker at the installation of the national leader managed to present the introduction of yet 

another Christian group in the Netherlands as an opportunity to celebrate the many facets of 

God's love. He admonished the existing denominations to welcome the newcomer, and he 

added that if they would not, they would actually limit God in the many ways he wants to 

manifest his love toward people. 

' "Perspectives on Koinonia",/35 notes the same connection. 

' Cecil M. Robeck ("Pentecostals and Ecumenism in a Pluralistic World (original typescript - 

1997), 5) puts it this way: " [...I the Pentecostal Movement has managed, in just less than a 

century to produce nearly as many different splits as it took the rest of the Church a millennium 

to produce." Cited by Zegwaart in the comments from a Pentecostal Perspective to the papers 

presented at a congress around the theme " One Lord, one Spirit, one body" at the Free 

University of Amsterdam (3 march 1998) Bulletin voor Charismatische Theologie, 38-45, note 

1. 

' The Pauline body-imagery and the later image of the militia Christi (among others employed 

by Desiderius Erasmus) put the problem of the divisions in the Church into sharp focus.


those between the races.' Perhaps it was the reality of American society of the 

second decade of the last Century that suggested to the pragmatic policy-makers 

that founded the first Pentecostal denominations that these bamers should for 

purely practical reasons be reinstated.' The fact is that the formation of the 

Pentecostal denominations that were formed in that period were all organized 

along racial lines. No doubt this did not happen out of some sinful principle (the 

supposed superiority of the white race), but because they felt that interracial ties 

hampered the purpose of spreading the Gospel in an American society which was 

dominated by white people. Whatever the motivation, it led to the reinstatement 

of a huge dividing wall, and it constituted a break with the original vision of the 

Azusa Street Mission revival. This barrier - like all other such bamers - resisted 

demolition for many decades. 

A last aspect to be considered at is the stress on the priesthood of all believers, 

which is dear to all Protestants. This notion harmonizes well with the Pentecostal 

stress on individual salvation and with the conception of the Church as an 

assembly of true believers. This in turn squares well with the egalitarian note of 

the baptism of the Holy Spirit as an equipping of the saints for living a Christian 

life in the present world. 

A curious antithesis may be observed here. The egalitarian character of so many 

aspects of the Pentecostal conception of the Church stands in stark contrast to the 

rather high degree of clericalization of many Pentecostal denominations. To be 

eligible for many functions in Pentecostal denominations, recognition as a (lay) 

minister is required. In that sense, many Pentecostal denominations are closer to 

the authority structure of the Roman Catholic Church.' This tension between 

theory and practice, I believe, should set Pentecostal theologians to thinking 

about what the Church is. 

CONCLUDING REMARKS: ROOM FOR CONVERGENCE 

Catholics and Pentecostals differ radically in their conception of the Church, so 

much so that one Catholic delegate once confided to me outside of the plenary 

' See D.T. Irvin, "'Drawing all Together in One Bond of Love': The Ecumenical Vision of 

William J. Seymour and the Azusa Street Revival", in Journal ofPentecostal Theology 6 April 

1995,25-53. 

' Robeck, "Pentecostals and Ecumenism", 7. From the text of the "Preamble and Resolution of 

Constitution" in the Minutes of the General Council of the Assemblies of God in the United 

States ofAmerica, Canado and Foreign Lank held at Hot Springs, Arkansas, April 2-12, 1914 

(in: W.W. Menzies, Anointed to Serve, Springfield: Gospel Publishing House, 1971, 99-loo), it 

is clear that pragmatic consideration played a major role in the formation of the Assemblies of 

God. 

This is also noted by Hunter, "'Wij zijn de kerk"', 22-23. 



Dialogue session that Pentecostals really have no idea as to what the Church 

really is. If this judgment is correct, it would be a sad comment. Hocken, in his 

article on the "Theology of the Church is much milder in his assessment. He 

notes developments that indicate an increasing readiness among Pentecostals to 

work out an authentic doctrine of the Church.' This, it would seem, is imperative 

also for the consolidation of the growth of the past decades. The Catholic- 

Pentecostal Dialogue, as well as the Dialogue with the World Alliance of 

Reformed Churches (WARC) that started in 1995, provides ample opportunity to 

do so. 

But is there - in view of the enormous differences - any room for rapprochement 

It would seem so! Serious theological reflection on the Church in relation to other 

areas of Pentecostal theological reflection is still in its infancy. This means that 

Pentecostals will have to put up a sustained effort to develop an ecclesiology 

which is faithful to the biblical record, to the various theological traditions within 

Christianity, to the experience of the Spirit in the lives of individual believers and 

in the people of God, and - not least - to the original vision of the Founding 

Fathers of the Movement. It may be clear that this calls for a concerted effort, not 

of one or two ecclesiologists, but of a whole group of Pentecostal theologians in 

various denominations, who interact with each other intensively. 

Harold Hunter lays down what he feels should be the basic tenets of such a 

Pentecostal ecclesiology. These sound surprisingly Catholic. A reliable 

ecclesiology, he thinks, must be in line with the characteristics laid down by the 

councils of Nicea and Chalcedon, which saw the Church as One, Catholic, Holy 

and ~postolic.' 

This brings the International Roman Catholic-Pentecostal Dialogue within view 

once more.' Precisely because the Roman Catholic Church is so strong in the area 

of ecclesiology, Pentecostals,despite the fact that the overriding theological 

categories stem from soteriology, can listen critically to what Catholics have to 

say about this matter and learn from them. Not that I would want Pentecostals to 

swallow the whole of Catholic ecclesiology. On the contrary, they have to have 

their own theological criteria for what is worth incorporating and what may better 

be left aside. However, these criteria, I am convinced, will turn out to be 

primarily shaped by soteriological categories in conjunction with categories that 

' One of the developments, he singles out, that contributes to a raised consciousness of the need 

to reflect on the theology of the Church is the Catholic Pentecostal Dialogue. 

' Hunter, "' Wij zijn de kerk"', 26. 

It would seem to me that the International Roman Catholic-Pentecostal Dialogue would benefit 

from a separate round on the place of the Church in the economy of salvation, as it will provide 

a good context for articulating some of our most fundamental differences.


have their proper locus in pneumatology.' 

On that theological basis, Pentecostals will be able to formulate an ecclesiology 

that will not remain alien to Pentecostal spirituality but that may actually 

contribute to the spiritual well-being of Pentecostal Churches. 


Interview with Walter Hollenweger by Neil Hudson 

Professor Walter Hollenweger needs no introduction to any within Pentecostal 

scholarship. For years, his was one of the very few voices within academic 

circles demonstrating the vitality and significance of Pentecostalism - both in 

terms of its spirituality and its potential contribution to the wider Christian 

Church and its theology. We approached Professor Hollenweger with a series of 

questions for him to answer. He did so in his usual courteous manner, providing 

some provocative comments that reflect his fifty years of study and observation. 

BRIEF SYNOPSIS OF HIS LIFE AND CAREER 

Walter Hollenweger was born in Antwerp in 1927. Although his first 

employment was as a bank clerk in the Stock Exchange in Zurich, in time he 

became a Pentecostal pastor. After engaging in theological studies in Zurich and 

Basel, he received his Dr. Theol. in 1966 for his investigations into 

Pentecostalism. Between 1965-71, he was the Executive Secretary for the World 

Council of Churches in Geneva; in 1971, he was appointed Professor of Mission 

at the University of Birmingham. During his 18 years in that post, he became a 

focal point for Pentecostals wanting to engage in academic research. Since 1989, 

he has lived in Switzerland, writing and engaged in education. He has been 

married to Erica (nee Buslinger) since 195 1. At present, Lynne Pierce is working 

on a theological biography that will be published by Sheffield Academic Press. 

After a lifetime of studying Pentecostals and Pentecostalism, what are the 

characteristics of the movement that have impressed you the most 

With many other observers I am impressed by the vitality of Pentecostalism, its 

theological, ethical and cultural pluralism. In the last years, the beginning of a 

rigorous theological reflection and revision of their own theology and 

historiography have forced me to revisit Pentecostalism and to correct some of 

my early judgements. In my opinion, self-critical reflection is always a mark of 

spirituality. However, so far I have not noticed many echoes to this revised 

evaluation. 

'It goes without saying, that these criteria must fully accord with what the New Testament has 

to say about the Church. 

At present, the West is facing changes in the type of spirituality on offer and 

having to contend with the rapid diminution of the established church. Do you 

feel that Pentecostalism will be able to survive within this context, and more 

particularly are there key elements within Pentecostalism that will enable the 

churches to not only survive but thrive in this culture ofpostmodernism




In a sense, Pentecostalism is a postmodern movement. It has democratised 

theology and liturgy. By doing so, it has contributed to an erosion of the so-called 

Christian West. This Christian West was mainly based on a feudal structure, both 

in the Catholic and the Protestant church. When this feudal structure collapsed, 

the established churches were in trouble. They tried to replace the feudal structure 

by a structure of theological propositions. That was always certain to fail. 

If Pentecostalism is to survive in Western Europe, it should stop aping the 

established churches by seeking refuge in a so-called kernel of propositional 

faith. On the contrary, it should strengthen its own means of coherence, that is the 

story of Jesus in its many forms and shapes, since the New Testament has at least 

five stories of Jesus (the Gospels and Paul). All attempts at systematising these 

different stories, without the help of authoritarian church structures, have so far 

failed. 

Early Pentecostals were characterised by an overwhelming emphasis upon an 

imminent eschatology. This has now diminished. Is this significant for the 

ongoing development of Pentecostalism or will it be able to recapture this early 

Adventist enthusiasm 

Early Pent,ecostals published periodicals for twenty or thirty years with titles such 

as "The Bridal Call", "I am Coming Soon", "The Last Trumpet". 

Understandably, these titles have disappeared together with the underlying 

emphasis upon an imminent eschatology. We find a similar development in the 

New Testament. Jesus himself expected the kingdom of God during his lifetime 

or shortly thereafter. He was disappointed and had to face the cross. Paul and his 

friends also expected the parousia to be "around the corner" during their lifetime. 

When these hopes proved to be wrong, the synoptic gospels postponed the 

kingdom of God but did not give it up. John, the evangelist, changed the 

emphasis. For him, the kingdom of God was not mainly in the future but in the 

present time. Those who believe already have "life eternal". Those who do not 

believe are missing not only "life eternal" but life altogether. However, during a 

cruel persecution, Revelation rekindled the hope of an imminent kingdom of God 

that would put an end to the brutal regime of the Romans. 

What can we learn from this It is my conviction that no church and no theology 

can survive without eschatology. Early Pentecostal eschatology was based on the 

naive understanding that the biblical texts, in particular, Revelation were written 

for us. Even a casual reading of the biblical texts shows us that this is not the 

case. Revelation, for instance, was written for seven congregations in distress in 

Asia Minor, as the address of the book clearly shows. Also, the other biblical 

texts were not written for us. None of the biblical authors ever expected their 

writings to be read by an English speaking readership. English did not even exist 

at that time. So the question remains: what is the eschatology of middle-class 

Western European Pentecostals I believe that there is such an eschatology. But 

it is not a timetable drawn from Revelation and Daniel. Such an eschatology ends 

in a sterile time-table eschatology with no spiritual content. This can be clearly 

shown by the eschatologies of Seventh Day Adventists or of the Jehovah's 

Witnesses. Reading many of the interpretations of Revelation produced during 

the last war or during the Stalin era makes one realise that they were not only 

slightly mistaken but were actually fbndamentally wrong. 

The alternative is not to dismiss eschatology. We need an eschatology which 

believes that God will not give up on his creation or his church. We need to 

believe that, in his time, God will put right what men and women have put 

wrong; that he will not allow creation and his plan of salvation to go bust with, or 

without, our co-operation. 

Many Classical Pentecostals are attempting to reassess Pentecostal doctrine 

and its potential benefit for future generations. To what extent do you think 

that this is significant In your writings, you seem to place more emphasis 

upon Pentecostal spiritualiw. Is Pentecostal spirituality likely to be sufficiently 

robust to survive without the "protection" of doctrinal formulation 

Doctrinal formulations have never protected spirituality from withering. If that be 

the case, the Roman Catholic Church or even Jehovah's Witnesses would be the 

most spiritual churches. The contrary is the case. Doctrine is emphasised when 

spirituality begins to die. All churches have experienced that and it has never 

worked. It was because of this approach that the Pentecostal revival at the 

beginning of last century was thrown out of the churches. Another example 

would be the fact that as more Catholic believers depart from Vatican theological 

positions, the Pope emphasises doctrine to an even greater extent. 

Theological statements must be rooted in lived spirituality. If that is not the case, 

theology becomes idle. I have always believed that Pentecostals could develop a 

kind of theological thinking which is not mainly based on the propositions of the 

past but on the life experience of the church universal (not just my own 

individual experience). 

Propositional formulations within a logical system were an invention of Thomas 

of Aquinas. He used the methodology of a pagan philosopher (Aristotle) to 

articulate the Christian faith. That was a form of syncretism and a stroke of 

genius at that time. However, it only works within a philosophical framework 

that is acceptable to all. Since that time is now over and since the bible is not of a 

logical nature, we have to do systematic or doctrinal theology in another form, for 

example, by showing the varieties of possible articulations of Christian faith. 

Perhaps the doctrinal questions of the future will be more of a series of intelligent 

questions. The doctrinal debate will perhaps no longer be fixated on the possible 

answers but on what are the central and vital questions. The propositions of the


past could not even protect the spirituality of the past. How could we expect them 

to protect contemporary spirituality 

One of the criteria of good Pentecostal theology is its focus on prayer. Can it be 

prayed and sung Can it be part of our liturgy and of our testimonies Theologies 

that do not hlfil these criteria are simply bad copies of evangelical or reformed 

theology. Pentecostals believe, in order to be different. They believe, in order to 

have a unique experience and mission. This must also be incarnated in the way 

they do theology. 

I think this is best illustrated by a prayer which was prayed during a theological 

training week for Reformed and Lutheran pastors in Germany. I suggested the 

need to rediscover together spontaneous prayer. That was a horror to them 

because they feared the trap of religious gibberish, which is the hallmark of many 

pietistic prayer meetings. Hesitatingly, they accepted and started by singing a 

chorus from Taize: Adoramus te Dornine. The opening prayer went like this: 'We 

worship you, 0 Lord, Adoramus, te Domine. Lord, Domine, Kyrie, Adonai, is 

that the right name to address you (there were many women pastors in the 

group). Who are you We want to know you. Are you Yahweh, a name that the 

Jews dare not to pronounce Or are you the God of Sarah and Abraham, of 

Rebecca and Isaac, of Hagar and Ishmael, of Leah, Rachel and Jacob Are you 

also theAGod of Mary, the mother of Jesus, of that Jesus who was crucified and 

whom you raised from the dead Are you also the God of that strange bunch of 

people, called the early disciples, who hardly ever understood their master and 

quarrelled continuously And yet, you used them to build your church. Are you 

also our God Are you also the God of atheists like Friedrich Nietzsche and 

Berthold Brecht (we had had a long discussion on Nietzsche in the previous 

session). Are you also the God of the Muslim and the God of the 

fundamentalists Who are you Can we know you and worship you' 

That prayer opened the door for the pastors to express their longing for worship, 

to reveal their doubts and fears, their hopes and visions. At another session, these 

same pastors (men and women) had to learn how to give a personal testimony 

(something almost unthinkable for a German theologian). I showed them how to 

enter the room, how to make contact with the public, how to sit down, tell their 

name and start the testimony with the phrase: 'I am a pastor, because,.....'. 

Knowing these stiff clergy and their rejection of any spontaneous testimony, the 

result was remarkable. They honestly spoke about their personal lives. They also 

learned how to pray for each other. I gave them oil with which they anointed each 

other in a liturgical framework and prayed for each other. In another session, they 

sang in many parts, without words, in German or Latin, and without written 

music. It sounded to me like Pentecostal singing in tongues. 

That experience occurred, not by giving clear-cut statements, but raising hesitant 

questions. To me this was a Pentecostal experience, if by "Pentecostal" we mean 



that a worship event is not dominated by one person. It is rather an adventure in 

fellowship with the Holy Spirit and each other. 

Pentecostalism and the wider Charismatic Movement could be characterized by 

"waves of renewal" each with their specific emphases (one of the latest would 

be the 'Toronto Blessing' and its associated phenomena). At times, this seems 

to indicate a desire for constant novelty- and a fear of becoming dependent 

upon tradition. Is this inevitable in movements noted for their spiritual 

enthusiasm and what should one expect in the near future 

The phenomena associated with the 'Toronto Blessing' were well known in early 

Pentecostalism, although the name is quite new. It is nothing new in 

Pentecostalism, nor in any revival movement. What is new, and what is perhaps 

also its snag, is the attempt to give it theological dignity. In early Pentecostalism, 

falling down, laughing and weeping were acceptable side experiences. In the new 

Toronto Blessing movement, these side experiences are integrated into an order 

salutis. 

Nobody can live all their life in a state of high-tension religion. If that is tried, it 

becomes routinized. But the opposite is also true. Nobody can live without these 

highlights in their life; one attempt at liturgically expressing this human need was 

the church year. My question is: Why can't we see that spirituality has its phases 

also in personal life and that not everyone must experience spirituality in exactly 

the same way I am sure that the Toronto Blessing is for many people a 

break-through experience. Perhaps it loosens them and helps them to find new 

resources in their life. But that is no reason for establishing a Toronto-theology 

and for founding a new church. Because of its rationalism, Pentecostalism feels it 

must encase contingent religious experiences in a way of salvation and thus make 

them normative for everybody. There is no need for this. In fact, it is harmful, 

because it strengthens what one could call Disneyland-fun-religion. 

I fear the future will bring us more short-lived so-called revivals. Since we live in 

a time of fast-food, immediate communication, immediate love, immediate 

religion, we feel that the Holy Spirit must, according to this pattern, operate 

immediately. We no longer have to wait on him (or her). If she does not move, 

we have to move himher. Smith Wigglesworth has already said this. That comes 

pretty near to manipulating the Spirit and this is the essence of paganism. 

What do you believe to be the three main challenges facing Pentecostals today, 

and how optimistic are you that they can be tackled successfully 

The main challenges for Pentecostals in Western Europe and in the USA are 

those which face our world, namely ecological destruction. If Hamburg, or 

Amsterdam or London are flooded because of the rise in global temperature, it 

does not matter very much whether the Pentecostals living there perish believing


in the initial evidence or not. However, it could make a difference whether they 

practise dealing with Creation in a more spiritual manner as part of their active 

sanctification. 

The second challenge is the imbalance in world trade. This trade produces too 

many refugees and victims. The police will not be able to hold these people 

outside the frontiers of Europe. This will create worldwide social unrest. Since 

Pentecostals are now in leading positions in the chemical and pharmaceutical 

industries, in the military, in industry, in the banks and in the universities, their 

voices will begin to count in the future. Why should they belong to those who 

destroy God's creation 

The third challenge that I see is of a theological nature. What type of theological 

method, what manner of doing theology corresponds to Pentecostal spirituality. 

How Pentecostalism will respond to these challenges is at the moment wide open. 

On a personal level, although you began your life as a Pentecostal, you left the 

denomination; what do you feel is your relationship to mainstream 

Pentecostalism 

I do not know anybody who could convincingly define what "mainstream Pentecostalism" 

i9. Is it French Pentecostalism with its co-operation within the French 

Federation of churches or is it Dutch Pentecostalism with its attempts to move its 

Bible College not only into geographical vicinity of one of the universities, but 

also by integrating it partly into the university Is it Finnish Pentecostalism with 

its director of the Bible College being paid by the state and his involvement in the 

Roman Catholic/Pentecostal dialogue Is it British Pentecostalism with its rather 

loose definition of "Spirit baptism" or is it Swiss Pentecostalism that shies away 

from all contacts with Catholics, universities and anything which smells of 

ecumenism Of course, most Pentecostal denominations believe themselves to be 

mainstream, but that is sheer propaganda. The Pentecostal policeman who 

tortured Frank Chikane in South Africa thought that he was mainstream because 

he was in line with the dominant apartheid regime in South Africa. Nowadays, 

probably most Pentecostals will not see Frank Chikane as being representative of 

mainline Pentecostalism. Since Pentecostals do not have a central authority to 

decide on who is "mainstream" and who is not, the question seems unanswerable. 

As to my personal relationship, 1 always wanted to be a theologian for and with 

Pentecostals. Since that was not possible within Swiss Pentecostalism (although 

that is changing too), the Lord provided a platform for me within the WCC and 

within certain European universities, where 1 trained a considerable number of 

Pentecostal theologians. 1 helped them to be taken serious in the universities and 

within the WCC. With time, this has also been recognised by Pentecostals who 

invite me to address them regularly. I even received "A Life Time Achievement 

Award" for my research from the US Society for Pentecostal Studies. The 



ceremony took place at the headquarters of the US Assemblies of God, Springfield, 

of all places. As to my personal convictions, it is by now probably clear that 

together with many Pentecostal and non-Pentecostal scholars, I feel that many of 

their propositional statements are to be found wanting. However, Pentecostal 

theology is changing so rapidly now, at least on the academic level, that I do not 

want to stress this point. 

As in all churches, the denominational hierarchies are way behind their scholars. 

But that is not only a problem within Pentecostalism. 

Globally, Pentecostalism has become a southern-hemisphere religion. What 

does that mean for the development of Pentecostal scholarship in the future 

What do you feel will be the emphases that this shift will introduce into 

mainstream European Pentecostalism 

Firstly, the times of European Pentecostal missionaries in the Third World are 

over. Third World Pentecostals are better missionaries and evangelists in their 

own culture than any European. The sooner Pentecostal mission societies realise 

this, the better. Secondly, Pentecostal missionaries must concentrate on Europe, 

on the masses of people who know nothing of Christ. But they must also 

evangelise the institutions in Europe such as our big commercial enterprises and 

our universities that act as if there was no God, even if some of their leading 

managers are believing Christians. 

Thirdly, in Paris, there are hundreds of African Pentecostal congregations. The 

same is true for Belgium, England, Germany, Holland and even Switzerland. 

Many of these immigrants are not Muslim but Pentecostal Christians. So far, the 

relationships between these "exotic" Pentecostals and European native 

Pentecostals are very weak; practically non-existent. The historical churches in 

Europe seem to be much better in establishing contacts. Perhaps a Pentecostal 

mission society or a Pentecostal missiologist can explain why that should be so 

The second generation of these immigrant Pentecostals will appear in our 

universities. They will become leaders not only in their immigration communities 

(and evangelise them); they will also become partners of the State, the 

educational institutions and the media. That will shake European Pentecostals! 

All of a sudden, black and brown Christians will represent European 

Pentecostalism in public, because white European Pentecostals in general choose 

to remain 'invisible'. Already, the only Pentecostal member church of the 

Conference of European Churches is a black British Pentecostal Church. With a 

few exceptions, Pentecostal member churches in the WCC are Third World 

Churches; many of them African. It is therefore not astonishing that the public in 

general will identify Pentecostalism with non-white Christianity.


The Earliest Days of British Pentecostalism: Neil Hudson 

If European Pentecostals want to enter the public debate, they have to associate 

themselves with these immigrant churches. They also have to revise their 

theological programmes. They will have to rediscover their own oral theology. 

That oral theology has no academic dignity is a superstition of our European 

institutions for higher education. Our Lord has proved that oral culture can 

become transparent for seminal theology. Why do we not follow his example and 

thus help our educational institutions to become theologically and socially 

relevant 

The Earliest Days of British Pentecostalism 

Neil Hudson 

When Alexander Boddy (1854-1930), vicar of All Saints, Monkwearmouth was 

50 years old, he heard of the outbreak of the Welsh Revival. He visited 

Tonypandy and spent time with Evan Roberts. He was so impressed with all that 

he saw that on his return to Sunderland, he circulated all the local churches and 

mission halls with the news of what was happening in Wales. A group of lay 

people in his parish began to meet together to pray for revival to break out in their 

town. Boddy was convinced that there was more to experience in the Christian 

life than he had as yet encountered and was determined to seek until he found it. 

BODDY'S QUEST FOR SPIRITUAL FULFILMENT 

Boddy had entered into the ministry after initially having trained as a solicitor. 

According to his daughter, his call to the ministry came in 1875 when he attended 

the Keswick Convention. He was ordained by Bishop Lightfoot to a curacy, 

assisting his father in Elwick Hall, Durham. In 1884, Lightfoot appointed him as 

curate to an alcoholic vicar in a church that was on the verge of extinction. This 

church was All Saints, Monkwearmouth. After the vicar died, Boddy became 

vicar and began to rebuild the congregation. According to his daughter, although 

he was not a brilliant preacher, his sermons were simple and helpful' and his 

pastoral ministry was appreciated by the parish. In particular, he earned the 

respect of the parish when he supported the miners during skirmishes with the pit 

owners around the time of the strikes of 1892.' 

However, Boddy was far from being a parochially minded minister during this 

time. In the midst of his ministry in the parish, Boddy committed himself to 

travelling, publishing his travel writings on his return.' His first extensive travels 

took place after the vicar in Monkwearmouth, Rev B. Kennicott, died in 1886. 

Kennicott had been an alcoholic for a long time, and although incapable of being 

involved in pastoral ministry and barred by the bishop from preaching, had 

refused to resign the living. Lavin suggested that Boddy's travelling occurred 

whenever he felt under emotional pressure.' Whether travelling to North Africa's 

Muslim shrines, or to Moscow where he met the Tsar, or cycling alone around 

Palestine, he seems to have taken enormous risks, being equipped with only a 

: M.V. Boddy, Alexander Boddy, 1854-1930, unpublished manuscript. 

M. Taylor, Publish and be blessed, PhD Thesis, University of Birmingham, 1994,115. 

' Taylor, 1 16. 

' P. Lavin, Alexander Boddy. Pastor and Prophet, Sunderland: Wearside Historic Churches 

Group for All Saints' PCC, 1986, 18.



minimal grasp of foreign languages and superficial awareness of local 

; knowledge. However, on his return to Britain, he began to be feted as a famous 

, explorer. He would later reminisce, 'the world became attractive and I undertook 

adventures in Africa, Russia, British Columbia, etc.'.' 

Spiritually, he began to align himself openly with elements of the Holiness 

Movement during this time. In 1888, he joined the Pentecostal League of Prayer 

and took an active role in its development in Sunderland. On 21 September 

1892, he was leading a communion service when 'the Holy Spirit in infinite love 

came'. Boddy, with 'tears in eyes, [and] voice broke' felt assured that 'he had 

come and that I was 'fi~lfilled' with his grace and heavenly benediction .... The 

longing of my heart was satisfied; my constant prayer was answered'.' Resulting 

in an overwhelming sense of being loved and being able to love, he understood 

this experience to be the Baptism in the Holy Spirit as understood in Holiness 

circles. However, by 1896 he had left Sunderland again to take a locum tenancy 

at All Saints, Ramleh, Egypt. Lavin's view is that this placement was accepted 

due to emotional pressure upon him in Sunderland. Lavin believed that 'the 

indications imply that he had had a nervous breakdown. He wrote about the 

'black night' he had been through'.' Boddy later testified to the difficult period 

he experienced around this time. Referring to his Baptism in the Holy Spirit, he 

write, 'I have never been again on the former plane of my experience ... though I 

was soonled into the wilderness to be sorely tempted of the de~il'.~ 

Taylor is much more positive about Boddy's travels, indicating the value they 

were to provide in the light of later developments. He suggests that his travelling 

resulted in a wide ecumenical vision, the development of his literary aspirations 

which found a focus in Confidence and the simple fact that he had become wellknown.' 

Although Taylor may be correct about the result of his travels, Lavin 

may be more perceptive in providing the motivation behind the constant 

travelling. In the Latter Rain Evangel, Boddy later confessed that he had been 

motivated to travel 'not in order to preach Christ, but to write books of travel and 

to be somewhat of an expert on the people he then st~died'.~ 

Boddy, before the period of overseeing the development of British 

Pentecostalism, can be viewed as a restless man, struggling with periods of 

depression, who, when under emotional pressure, would be likely to completely 

' 'Interview with AA Boddy, Pentecostal Convention at Sunderland' (Reprinted from North 

Star, Darlington, May 24, 191 5), Confidence, June 191 5, 107. 

' A.A. Boddy, 'The Writer's Testimony', Confdence, April 1909,98. 

Lavin, 34. 

' A.A. Boddy, 'Some Sacred Memories', Confidence, February 1914,24. 

' Taylor, 1 16. 

Lavin, 36. 

withdraw from his responsibilities. The emergence of the Pentecostal groups 

gave him both a spiritually satisfying experience, but also, maybe, a legitimate 

reason to continue his travelling. 

Although he had visited Wales during the time of the Revival there, his ongoing 

desire for spiritual awakening in his own life and ministry caused him to visit 

Christiana (Oslo) in 1906 to meet T.B. Barratt. Boddy had heard of Pentecostal 

phenomena breaking out in other parts of the world and went to Norway 'to 

enquire into the Movement of the Blessed Holy Spirit' ' This visit seems to have 

been the first occasion during which he heard people speaking in tongues. He 

was impressed by the spirituality of the Norwegians and began to desire to speak 

in tongues himself, believing that the anointing of the Spirit would cause him to 

be a more effective pastor. Later he wrote, 'I stood with Evan Roberts in Paul-of- 

Pandy (sic) [Tonypandy], but have never witnessed such scenes as those in 

Norway' The meetings emphasised the place of tongues and healing in the 

believer's life, particularly in light of the fact that Christ's imminent return was 

expected. He wrote, 'Hands were stretched towards heaven accompanied by 

enthusiastic shouts as the cry went up, 'Jesus is coming again" Initially, Boddy 

claimed to have received the Pentecostal Baptism in the Spirit on 5 March 1907, 

although he was not to speak in tongues for another nine rnonth~.~ During the 

summer of that year, he visited the Keswick Convention, having prepared a 

special pamphlet, 'Pentecost for England', urging those attending to accept the 

Pentecostal understanding of glossolalia being an authentic evidence of having 

received the Spirit. This was a bold move since he himself had not yet received 

the gift of tongues. In fact, at that time he only knew of six people in Britain who 

had spoken in tongues; these were connected with a group meeting in Brixton.' 

EARLY BRITISH PENTECOSTALS 

There is an almost total paucity of information on this group meeting in Brixton. 

Boddy referred to the group in the first issue of Confidence, giving them credit 

for being the first Pentecostal centre in England, commenting that the 'Lord 

keeps his work here pure'.6 

' Boddy, 'Some sacred memories', 24. 

Boddy quoted in T.B. Barratt, 'How Pentecost came to Great Britain in 1907', Redemption 

Tidings, October 1933,3. 

'1bid: 

'A.A. Boddy, 'The Pentecostal Movement', Confidence, August 1910,194. 

'Boddy was in contact with various independent groups throughout Britain due to the popularity 

of his booklets on healing and Christian experience. In particular, the booklets Identification 

and Health in Christ were widely read (A.A. Boddy, 'The Pentecostal Movement', Confidence, 

August 1910, 194). 

Confidence, April 1908, 7. There was a sermon given by Catherine Price published in the 17 

October 1909 issue, 235-238, entitled 'Behold the Lamb of God'. However, no fiuther personal 

information was given.

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XXI. 2001 


The group met in the home of Mr. Price, a Bank manager, who was also the 

secretary of the Brixton YMCA and regularly led Bible classes.' It was in his 

home that a prayer meeting for revival was initiated where the members were 

encouraged to receive the fullness of the Spirit.' It was at one of these meetings 

that Catherine Price began to speak in tongues.' As the first of the Brixton group 

to speak in tongues, she was credited as the first in Britain in the twentieth 

century to speak in tongues. She had read of people speaking in tongues overseas 

when she attended a meeting in January 1907. During the prayer meeting, she 

felt that she had been 'carried in the Spirit into the presence of Jesus and filled 

with such unutterable joy that I could scarcely contain it, having to gasp for 

breath, with tears running down my face'.' Later that evening, after the prayer 

meeting had finished, she felt content, 'lying in His almighty arms like a weary 

little child'. She then had a vision of Jesus on the cross; he invited her to come 

towards him. As she approached him, all the darkness turned to light and she 

raised her arms to praise him. At that point, she praised God in tongues, 

understanding the meaning to be, 'Glory to Jesus - the bleeding Lamb'. The next 

morning, she was overcome with laughter and spoke in tongues again for 90 

minutes.' 

THE VISIT OF T.B. BARRATT TO SUNDERLAND 

By Auguft 1908, Boddy claimed that 500 had spoken in tongues. His own 

influence amongst this growing number of people can be traced to the invitation 

he issued to T.B. Barratt to visit his parish in Autumn 1907. The visit lasted from 

Saturday 31 August to Friday 18 October. Barratt's time was spent encouraging 

the believers and holding services, at which the ovemding expectation was that 

people would be filled with the Spirit and begin to speak in tongues. These 

services were reminiscent of the Welsh Revival, in that they often ran on into the 

early hours of the morning. After 11 days, Mary Boddy, Alexander's wife, begqn 

to speak in tongues, accompanied with an exclamation of 'the blood, the blood'. 

D. Cartwright, 'Your daughters shall prophesy. The contribution of women in early 

Pentecostalism', Paper presented at Society of Pentecostal Studies, 15 November 1985,9. 

' Victoty, 1, April 1908,s. 

l9 H. Sampson Wills, 'A London Chemist gives his testimony', Redemption Tidings, 1 January 

1937,3. 

' A Pentecost at Home (Tongues as a Sign), Testimony by a busy mother (Np, nd). This was 

Price's testimony vublished as a tract. Although there is no exact date. there is internal 

evidence to indicate that it was produced in ~urnmer 1907. 

' Her testimony was included in A.A. Boddy, 'The Pentecostal Movement', Confidence, August 

1910,195. 

' T.B. Barran, 'How Pentecost came to Great Britain in 1907', Redemption Tidings, October 

1933,4. 

This emphasis on the blood of Christ, which would become contentious in later 

days, was repeated when Mary's brother-in-law, James Pollock, received the gift 

of tongues the following night. At that time, he prophesied, 'The prophets of the 

Lord have gone astray, they have spurned the Holy Blood'.' Boddy himself, 

although faithful in praying for others and encouraging them to receive the gifts 

of the Spirit, did not speak in tongues until Monday, 2 December 1907. The 

message in tongues was interpreted as being a potion of Psalm 103: 1-3 1 .' This 

experience needed to be explained in a theological framework. Therefore, in an 

attempt to hold a neat theological package, and possibly under pressure from 

Barratt who had linked the reception of tongues as being the sign of having been 

baptised in the Holy Spirit, he described this experience as being his Baptism in 

the Holy Spirit. His previous experience in Copenhagen was described as 'a 

blessed and wonderful 'baptism' of the Holy Ghost': the use of quotation marks 

around 'baptism' were to indicate that it was not the baptism. Similarly, the 

events of 1892 which he had previously referred to as the baptism in the Holy 

Spirit were reinterpreted as being the awareness of cleansing by Jesus, his 

assurance of salvation.' However, by 1916, he had again changed his views on 

these earlier experiences. The epiphany in 1892 was referred to as 'my real 

baptism', which was later 'corroborated by the wonderful sign of tongues, when 

the Holy Ghost took control of my vocal powers'.' This lack of clarity 

concerning the theology undergirding the experience was common amongst many 

of the early Pentecostals. 

The publication of Confidence and the hosting of the later Sunderland 

Conventions charted the changing expressions of Pentecostalism in these early 

days. Boddy played a pivotal role in co-ordinating British Pentecostalism from 

the time Barratt first visited Sunderland to the outbreak of World War 1. His 

significance cannot be overestimated. 

EARLY PENTECOSTAL PUBLISHING 

Conjidence was the premier agency of news for British Pentecostals but also 

allowed British Pentecostals to stay in contact with a bewildering range of newssources 

from overseas. The number of Confidence readers is not easy to 

estimate. However, in May 1908, there were 3000 printed. By January 1910, 

this had increased to 4000.$ By the following year, the numbers being printed 

' Ibid. 

' A.A. Boddy, 'Some sacred memories', Confidence, February 1914,25. 

' A.A. Boddy, The Pentecostal Movement, Confidence, August 1910, 195. 

' A.A. Boddy, 'Some sacred memories', Confidence, February 1914,24. 

' A.A. Boddy, 'The Power of Prayer', Confidence, October 1916, 170. 

A.A. Boddy, 'The Third Volume of Confidence', Confidence, January 1910,12.



had increased to 6000.' This is a significant number of magazines in circulation. 

However, Confidence was not the only publication. From 1910, a number of 

smaller magazines began to circulate. For example, Moncur Niblock produced 

Omega from January 1910, in response to a command from God to include 

'articles pertaining to last things in these latter days'.' The articles were 

surprisingly mystical in nature; selections were included from writers such as 

Gerhard Tersteegen,' Jacob Behrnan,' Pascal,' Thomas a Kempi~,~ as well as the 

more expected contributions from Asa Mahon and A.J. Gordon.' There were also 

a number of selections from Early Church writings, notably the First Epistle of 

Clement, the Shepherd of Hermass and Chryso~tom.~ Although Boddy was 

clearly concerned about the potential damage that these new magazines could do 

to Confidence,'' few of them proved to be as durable. Frodsham's Victory, the 

closest to Confidence in nature since it majored on the dissemination of news, 

was published between 1909-1916, closing in debt. Others, such as The 

Abundance of Grace and the Spirit of Truth, were short-lived. Cantel, one of the 

early Pentecostal leaders in London, published the Overcoming Life, which then 

became the Overcomer, both of which contained selections from Madame Guyon, 

Fenelon and contemporary articles from America. A very long running magazine 

was the missionary based Fragments of Flame, published by Cecil Polhill, which 

ran from 1908-25. It survived so long because of its missionary emphasis; it was 

not in direct competition with Conjidence. Taylor suggested that this was the 

only other magazine that was not a 'publishing fiasco'." In 1925, the magazine 

became a part of Redemption Tidings when the Pentecostal Missionary Union, 

the organisation that the magazine operated for, became part of the Assemblies of 

God. The other magazine that survived from 1910-26 was Showers of Blessing. 

In this case, it managed to outlast many of the other publications because it was a 

denominational paper, supporting the Apostolic Faith Movement. 

In attempting to understand the early British Pentecostals, the magazines, 

however short-lived, are invaluable. They illustrate the tremendous willingness to 

be enterprising. The magazines were all supported on 'faith' principles and there 

was a naive expectation that God would sustain and provide for all their 

I 'Ready for the Post Office Van', Confidence, August 191 1,192. 

'Editorial, Omega, Jan-Feb. 191 0, 1. 

' Omega, July 191 0. 

' Omega, Jan -Feb 191 0. 

' Omega, August 19 1 1. 

'Omega, July 1910. 

' Omega, April-May 1910. 

' Omega, Jan-Feb 19 10. 

Omega, April - May 191 1. 

lo A.A. Boddy, 'Other Pentecostal papers in Great Britain', Confidence, March 1910,61. 

" Taylor, 126. 

publishing needs. This spirit of risk and belief in both self and God was 

demonstrated throughout the story of early Pentecostals. Buoyed by their belief 

that they were living in the last days and that the experience of receiving the 

Spirit had marked them out as the restored church meant that they were 

undaunted by the financial constraints that others may have felt. They were the 

ones ready to take all sorts of risks to publicise their message. Characterised by 

hope and courage, their willingness to establish magazines, new churches and 

mission activity whose influence would lie far beyond their numerical strength 

was to be demonstrated continuously during this early period of the twentieth 

century. For Pentecostals, meeting in small house-groups of perhaps a dozen 

people, to read of events in America, Russia and China encouraged them to keep 

their eyes on a much wider horizon. 

The other significant information that is revealed by these magazines is the extent 

to which they were prepared to engage with historical sources in an attempt to 

explain their own spiritual experiences and to encourage others to grow. The 

sources were the mystical writers, more at home in a Catholic setting than in the 

Protestant roots of the Reformers and Puritans. This willingness to use a wide 

range of sources would suggest that the early Pentecostals were happy to explain 

their experiences in terms of an encounter with the Spirit and were less able to 

explain it in theologically consistent terms. This was very evident, in particular, 

with Boddy himself. Having had various Pentecostal experiences before he 

spoke in tongues in 1907, he had difficulty in holding the integrity of them all 

together and changed his explanation of them over time. It would only be with 

the growth of Pentecostal denominationalism from 19 15 onwards that the 

doctrinal explanations of the reception of the Spirit and the ordo salutis would be 

agreed upon by the various groups. Until that time, individuals held to their 

views, often tenaciously, and there was a plethora of opinions and explanations. 

This attempt to determine a common Pentecostal theology would occupy the time 

of those attending the Sunderland Conventions, the annual convocations hosted 

by Boddy. 

EARLY OPPOSITION TO PENTECOSTALISM 

Between the Autumn of 1907 and the first Whitsuntide Convention held in 

Sunderland, 6-1 1 June, 1908, Boddy had been occupied writing short tracts, 

guidelines and articles defending and maintaining the Pentecostal position. 

Amongst his most trenchant critics would be Jessie Penn-Lewis. Even before 

Barratt's visit, Boddy had written to her after she had sounded warnings in The 

Christian and the Life of Faith against those who were seeking after the gift of 

tongues. Fearing that it was 'almost hopeless to expect that the subject should 

I Letter, A.A. Boddy to J. Penn-Lewis, 17 June 1907.



receive fair treatment at the hands of those concerned with the r>ar>en ' he urged ' 1 ' 9 

her not to forbid speaking in tongues, fearing that if the British were successful in 

keeping 'this sign' out of Britain, God would 'pass by'.' 

Penn-Lewis replied after Barratt's visit. She expressed her concern for Boddy, 

who, because he was so closely linked with all the spiritual activity, was unable 

to recognise that 'there are "other spirits" at ~ork'.~ She claimed that the effects 

of Barratt's ministry were caused not by the Holy Spirit, but by 'a strong force of 

animal magnetism, making him almost like a galvanic battery". Through this 

combination of factors, evil spirits were able to enter other Christians and cause 

false spiritual manifestations. In the copy of a draft letter to Boddy, there is a 

section that was subsequently deleted. In this, she invited Boddy to meet with 

Evan Roberts, 'who has a very clear light on the whole matter. He is greatly 

burdened on the whole matter. He is greatly burdened about As far as we 

know, this proposed meeting never took place. 

Her information regarding the Pentecostal manifestations were gleaned from 

acquaintances who visited Sunderland and from the reports in the Christian press. 

One of her acquaintances sent her the reports made by Mr Polgraham produced 

after he returned from meetings led by Barratt. He claimed that although he had 

attendefi with an open mind, he 'was speedily convinced that a wrong cause was 

being pursued'. He attributed Barratt's ministry to the 'hypnotic' powers to 

produce certain results that he was convinced were being exaggerated.' 

Amongst her private papers that have recently come to public notice were her 

copies of the Christian Herald and Tongues ofFire which she had marked 

copiously. In particular, were her marks against the following quotes. Reporting 

the meetings held by Barratt in Sunderland, an article by Barratt had claimed that 

people had been 'worshipping, shaking and speaking in tongues'. Barratt's 

comment was also noted, 'tongues of fire have been seen over our heads by 

Christians and worldly people alike, the sound of a rushing, mighty wind (no 

delusion) has been heard by numbers, visions and trances have also been enjoyed 

by many'.6 The following week, the magazine printed Boddy's assertion that 

'This is not hypnotism or mesmerism. It is the power of the Holy Ghost'.' 

Oswald Chambers, writing in Tongues of Fire, had caused Penn-Lewis to mark 

his assertions that 'Everywhere the teaching, based on the 'signs and wonders of 

Tongues' reveals it to be wrong ... In addition to wrong doctrine, the present 

'Tongues Movement' has been followed by results not only confusing but 

threatening to morality and the sacred bounds of morality'.' 

Penn-Lewis' criticisms followed these general areas of concern, and although she 

can be characterised as a trenchant critic of Pentecostalism, Jones suggests that 

she was not an uncompromising enemy of all forms of Pentecostal fervour, but 

was fearful of breaches that had been caused between missionaries. In certain 

cases, criticism had led to coldness amongst previously united workers, even, in 

some cases, resulting in meals being taken separately.2 In particular, Jones 

pointed to the effect of the Garrs' testifying to the Pentecostal experience in India 

as being a key reason behind Penn-Lewis' opposition.' 

Reader Harris had been equally concerned about the elevation of the gift of 

tongues to a position of unnecessary significance and the carnality that 'seemed 

to haunt movements of that kind'.4 Barratt had reacted to Harris' criticisms by 

defending the necessity and validity of tongues on the grounds that whatever the 

Spirit gave in terms of gifts could not be devalued, and for the participant, 

tongues brought them near to heaven. As for the carnality that had been 

witnessed, Barratt denied that this was a greater problem in Pentecostalism than 

in any other church or spiritual movement.' 

GIVlNG DIRECTION TO THE MOVEMENT 

It was clear that in light of the criticisms, someone needed to give some guidance 

to the enthusiasm of the new Movement. It was to this task that Boddy directed 

himself in publishing 'The "Pentecostal Baptism": Counsel to Leaders and 

others'. This was a series of guidelines for leaders. There can be no doubt that 

this was needed. In 1908, Arthur Booth-Clibborn's son, William, was baptised in 

the Holy Spirit. This family had a notable past. Arthur had married La 

Marechale, William Booth's daughter, and together had been given senior roles 

in the Salvation Army in France and Switzerland. However, in 1902, they had 

resigned their posts and become itinerant, independent evangelists. William 

Booth-Clibborn would later describe them as 'independent, free from all sectarian 

bias and influences, not affiliated with any particular part of organised 

I 

Ibid. 

Letter, J. Penn-Lewis to A.A. Boddy, 8 November 1907. 

' Ibid. 

' Ibid. 

Letter, J. Dixon Johnson to J. Findlater, 21 November 1907. 

'Worldwide Revival' in Christian Herald and Signs of our Times, 24 October 1907,387. 

' 'Worldwide Revival' in Christian Herald and Signs of our Times, 31 October 1907,41 I. 

' 0. Chambers, 'Test gifts by fruit in doctrine', Tongues of Fire, January 1908,3. 

' B.P. Jones, The Trials and Triumphs of Mrs Jessie Penn-Lewis, (North Brunswick: Bridge- 

Logos, 1997) 143. 

' Ibid., 194. 

' Quoted in 'Speaking in Tongues: Rival Pentecostals', Sunderland Echo, Wed. 2 October, 

1907. 

' Ibid. 

W. Booth-Clibborn, The Baptism in the Holy Spirif (Ryder Printing: Portland, Oregon, 1936~), 

13.



Chri~tianity'.~ With his father, William visited the Cantel's Mission Hall in 

Islington and there experienced early Pentecostal worship. People sang with their 

hands raised, singing in an abandoned, fervent and rapturous manner, 'which 

reminded me of the Welsh Revival'.' Choruses were sung repeatedly, 

interspersed with spontaneous, improvised singing. No one led the service; 

everyone was free to make a contribution. People knelt or sat, cried or laughed, 

shouted or sang as they felt the Sprit move them.' His experience of the Baptism 

in the Holy Spirit was accompanied by tongues, laughter and shaking. He wrote, 

'drunk with the Spirit, I rose and tried to ascend the stairs but could not proceed 

until I was assisted up and into the room assigned unto us, ... Laughing 

irrepressibly, praising God with abandon." 

It was clear to see how this spontaneity could become abused and a cause for 

dishonour. As a result, Boddy wrote his series of guidelines for leaders of 

Pentecostal gatherings. He suggested that I Corinthians 14 must be taken 

literally - only 3 people were to beallowed to present messages in tongues at any 

one meeting. Caution was given concerning the use of prophecy, in the light of 

the disgrace that had been brought upon Pentecostal meetings following the 

unfulfilled prophecy given in 1907 that declared that Colombo would be 

destroyed. He recognised that the 'workings of the unconscious are very, very 

deep' aqd that consequently, it was possible for people to present erroneous 

words of prophecy.' Similarly, the use of 'The Lord says' was not to be used to 

place spoken prophecy on the same canonical level as Scripture. He also felt that 

prayers that included too many references to the devil did-more harm than good 

by diverting Christians' attention away from the Lord. Because there had been 

charges of immorality made against the Pentecostals, Boddy was aware of the 

' Ibid, 21. 

' Ibid, 21-23. 

' Ibid, 51-52. His description of reactions to the presence of the Spirit are reminiscent of 

general revivalism, whether the experiences of the early Quakers, those attending the Cane 

Ridge Revivals, or those receiving the eponymous Toronto Blessing. It had also been the 

experience of the Salvation Army in their early days. Brengle wrote, 'shouting and praising 

God is to salvation what flame is to fire' (S.L. Brengle, Helps to Holiness, London: Salvationist 

Publishing and Supplies, 1927~ [1896], 121. Horridge points to the War Cry reports of 

'Revelling on the floor in the Spirit's love' and 'jumping for Jesus' (War Cry, 27 November 

1880,3; 'shouting, leaping and lying prostrate' (War Cry, 11 May 1882, 3). They were, 

Honidge points out, unashamedly charismatic' (C.K. Horridge, Salvation Army: Origins and 

Early Days, 1865-1900, Godalming, Surrey: Ammonite Books, 1993,99-100). 

' A.A. Boddy, "The Pentecostal Baptism", 2. Undated, but probably written between January- 

March 1908. There is a reference to more than 4 months of the Pentecostal outpouring in 

Britain. This refers to the period September-December 1907; he also refers to more than 60 

who are speaking in tongues at the time of publication. We know that Boddy was the 50th 

British person to speak in tongues on 4 December 1907, and by April 7, had been recorded as 

doing so (Confidence, April 1908,5). 

need to safeguard their reputation. Therefore, late meetings, in particular, needed 

careful handling. He suggested that young people should not be allowed to stay 

to these late meetings, but rather leave earlier with their parents. Marriages 

needed to be built up, especially if the marriage was between a Christian and a 

nonbeliever. Criticisms needed to be met with strong love. The need of all was 

for sanctification so that the scriptural promise would be safeguarded. 

Sanctification was deemed to be protection against any misuse of the gifts. In 

particular, he felt that it was important not to push young believers into positions 

that they would not be able to sustain.' 

AN EXAMPLE OF AN EARLY VISITOR TO SUNDERLAND 

This advice was borne out of the meetings held in All Saints. Each Thursday, 

there was a prayer meeting where 'full salvation for body, soul and Spirit is 

proclaimed'.' Alongside these meetings were other gatherings where people 

would be prayed for. During the period October-May 1908, numerous visitors 

had made their way to the Vicarage to investigate and ultimately receive the 

blessing of Pentecostalism. One such early visitor was Smith Wigglesworth, a 

man who was to become a colossal Pentecostal legend. In 1907, Wigglesworth 

was 48 years old. His Christian life reflected most of the evangelical 

developments that had dominated in the late nineteenth century. Born into a 

strong Methodist family, with a grandmother who had been one of the earliest 

Methodists in Yorkshire, he was, unaccountably, confirmed into the Church of 

England in 1872. During his early teenage years, he came under the influence of 

the Plymouth Brethren, the climax of this relationship being his rebaptism at the 

age of 17. The emergence of the Salvation Army attracted him with its sense of 

activism and at the age of 20, he joined a Salvation Army corps in Liverpool. He 

was the product of the evangelistic fervour of Methodism, Anglican Puritanism, 

Brethren holiness and restorationist emphases and the revival activism of the 

Salvation ~ rmy.~ 

Whilst attending the Army, he met and married one of the officers, Mary Jane 

(Polly) Featherstone. In line with Army custom, she resigned her commission. 

Together they established an independent Mission Hall in Bowland Street, 

Manningham, Bradford, complete with a brass band and vigorously engaged in 

open-air work.' Regular visitors to Keswick, they were also active supporters of 

Reader Harris' work. In his magazine Tongues of Fire, their meeting hall in 

Bradford is listed as one of the venues for a Pentecostal League of Prayer group. 

' Ibid. 2 

' A.A. Boddy, These signs shall follow, Leaflet on tongues, no 3, (np, nd), 4. 

' J. Hywel Davies, Baptised by Fire: The History of Smith Wigglesworth, (London: Hodder & 

Stoughton, 1987,24-34. 

' Confidence, February 191 0,35.

The Journal of the Europan Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XXI, 2001 


Wigglesworth claimed Spirit Baptism in 1893. This gave him confidence in 

praying for the sick with healing resulting and a renewed desire to evangelise. It 

was this emphasis on healing that would characterize Wigglesworth's Pentecostal 

ministry in later years. Unashamedly and uncompromisingly averse to doctors 

and drugs, his methods of dealing with the sick could be disconcertingly 

eccentric. Wigglesworth came to see prayer for the sick as a contest between 

God and the devil. He said, '1 have no word for rheumatism, only 'demon 

possessed'. Rheumatism, cancerous tumours, lumbago, neuralgia; all these 

things I give only one name, the power of the devil working in humanity. When I 

see consumption, 1 see the demon power working there. All these things can be 

removed.'' This dualism explained his roughness in dealing with people. When 

he hit the person with the tumour, he was not attacking the person, but the devil 

who had given the turnour. 

This attitude stemmed back to the 1880s and to a Healing Home in Leeds that 

was a part of Alexander Dowie's network.' The leaders of the Home wanted to 

attend the Keswick Convention and invited Wigglesworth to lead the services in 

their absence. Although he was unsure of his ability to take on this ministry, he 

led the services, prayed for people and saw them healed. That gave him the 

confidence to minister in a similar style in Bradford. His relationship with the 

Healing Homes continued. In October 1900, Dowie held a series of meetings in 

~aledoniafi Road, London. Wigglesworth's wife was baptised during this series 

of services. 

All these disparate elements came to a climax in October 1907 when he visited 

Sunderland. He was prayed for by Mary Boddy and received a revelation of an 

empty cross, the glorification of Jesus and felt that he was 'bathed in the power of 

God ... I was conscious of the cleansing of the precious blood and 1 cried out in a 

new found ecstasy, "Clean, Clean, Clean"'.) He then spoke in tonguese4 For the 

next 40 years, Wigglesworth was to be one of the most formidable influences 

within Pentecostalism. 

' G.B. McGee, 'Only believe, All things are possible.' The Revival Legacy of Smith 

Wigglesworth'. Http://enrichmentjoumal.ag.org/e~ichmentwin98/features/mcgee.htm ,p3 

Accessed 13 November 1999. 

D.W. Faupel, The Everlasting Gospel, Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1996, 13 1. 

Dowie's vision was for a 'worldwide network of theocratic communities seeking to extend the 

Kingdom of God on earth'. 

'Hywel-Davies, 68. 

' An Evangelist's Testimony, Leaflet on Tongues 12 (np, nd) 4. See also S.H. Frodsham, With 

Signs Following, (Springfield: Gospel Publishing House, 1941), 59. 

THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE SUNDERLAND CONVENTION 

In one year, according to Boddy's estimation, the number of people speaking in 

tongues had risen from 5-6 to 'probably more than 500'.' In July 1908, a list of 

35 Pentecostal centres was published.' Taking these two figures together, it is 

clear that these groups were on average likely to have been small home groups. 

Boddy's eagerness to host a national Convention provided the earliest 

Pentecostals with a sense of strength, a network that ensured them that they were 

a part of something larger than their own small group of fellow-believers. An 

examination of those attending this first Pentecostal Convention provides us with 

a picture of the backgrounds of these earliest Pentecostals. 

From the English contingent present in the Convention were some individuals 

who would have an ongoing influence within British Pentecostalism. The 

Walshaws from Halifax were a couple whose links with the Holiness Movement 

were clear. In 1885, Joseph Walshaw, a solicitor, together with his wife, Lydia, 

commenced a Sunday prayer meeting that met in a home in a well-to-do 

residential area of Halifax, West Yorkshire.' Although the meeting was never 

advertised, apart from the Mission's name, Ernmaus, being engraved on the front 

gates, it became renowned for its commitment to missionary causes. The group 

was small, around 30, and met for prayer on Sunday mornings with occasional 

short words of encouragement being given by Lydia Walshaw. Known to all as 

Granny Walshaw and always dressed in black with a Faith-Mission type bonnet, 

she was quick-witted and a capable leader in her own right. Although her 

husband was the theoretical leader of the Mission, her leadership was de facto. 

The signal for the close of the service was given when she prayed for 'the 

aborigines and the lunatics'.* It was from Ernmaus, one of the 'semi-private 

gatherings', that future Pentecostal missionaries, Marjorie Hepden, Harold 

Womersley and Josephine Turner were sent between 1923-25. 

Another visitor to Sunderland was T.H. Mundell, a solicitor from London. He 

was to become the secretary of the Pentecostal Missionary Union and later of the 

Assemblies of God Home Missionary Reference Council. His background 

included a well-connected family; his godfather was Dean Tait, the Archbishop 

of Canterbury. Although speaking in tongues came later for him, h m this visit 

to Sunderland he was in full sympathy with Penteco~talism.~ 

' A.A. Boddy, Confidence, April 1908,3. 

' A.A. Boddy, Confidence, July 1908,2. 

Commemorative Brochure for the Opening of the Elim Pentecostal Church, Hal*, 

October 

17, 1970 (Cheltenham: Grenehurst Press, 1970), n.p. 

' Telephone Conversation, R. Cloke to author, 1 November 1999. Ruth Cloke attended the 

Emmaus Mission with her mother up to 1930, when Emmaus became part of the Elim 

Pentecostal Church. 

' 'Homecall of T.H. Mundell', Redemption Tidings, 1 December 1934, 1-2.



Henry Mogridge (1854- 1931 ) was another businessman who became a future 

Pentecostal leader. A class leader in the Methodist Church in Lytham, 

Lancashire, he had previously visited Sunderland during Barratt's stay in 

November 1907.' Fully committed to Pentecostalism, he became an avid 

defender of Pentecostal doctrine and practice in his local newspaper.' His group 

met in a house whose partition walls had been removed to provide seating on the 

ground floor for 100 people, with room for 70 on the first floor. In 1914, within 

two years of the Pentecostal mission being in existence, they had grown to the 

extent that they had to move into a building seating 220 ~eople.' This hall was 

known as Elim, the name that George Jeffreys would later use to designate his 

new denomination.* 

Three others who were present, William Hutchinson, Frank Hodges and Andrew 

Turnbull, would become the basis for the Apostolic denominational stream within 

Pentecostalism. In 1908, Hutchinson was at a personal cross-roads. Aged 44, he 

had been invalided out of the Boer war in 1902 after having served in the 

Grenadier Guards and had then worked as an inspector for the Society of the 

Prevention of Cruelty to Children in London. During this time he had 

worshipped in a Baptist church. By 1907, he had resigned from the Society, 

believing that he would be invited to lead evangelistic services by local churches. 

However, this did not happen and he had to be content to host small cottage 

meetings in his own home. He was invited to the Sunderland Convention and 

testified of having been healed of a heart condition and being baptised with the 

Spirit. The services provided the renewal for his faith that he had felt had been 

needed and he returned to Bournemouth to establish a church in Muscliffe Road, 

Winton which opened on 5 November 1908 as Ernmanuel Mission Hall. This 

was the first purpose-built Pentecostal- church in Britain. Although his ministry 

would quickly become sidelined from the mainstream of Pentecostalism, 

Hutchinson was the leader of the first Pentecostal denomination, the Apostolic 

Faith Church.' Hodges, who testified of being healed of a heart condition 

established a small church in Hereford which would become part of the A.F.C. 

Andrew Turnbull would be drawn into the Apostolic Church in later years. 

The Scottish representation at the Convention, although small, would become 

very instrumental in the development of Scottish Pentecostal doctrine and 

practice. The Beruldsens came to Sunderland from Edinburgh. In years to come, 

I 

G. Weeks, Histoty of the Apostolic Church, Unpublished ms. 

For example, Lytham Times, 3 June 1910, 7 October 1910, 16 June 191 1, 18 April 1913, 16 

January 1914,27 March 1914. 

' 'Opening of Elim Gospel Mission', Lytham Times, 16 January 1914. 

' D. Cartwright, The Great Evangelists, Basingstoke: Marshall Pickering, 1986,45-46. 

Weeks. 

they would see their three children engaged in overseas Pentecostal missions. 

Eilel Beruldsen had been a Norwegian sea-captain before becoming a prosperous 

ship-chandler in Leith. Members of Charlotte Street Baptist Church, Edinburgh, 

on their return from Sunderland, they publicly testified to having received the 

Baptism in the Holy Spirit with the gift of tongues. It was the last activity they 

were allowed to perform in the Baptist church. Therefore, they set out to 

establish their own Pentecostal mission which became known as Bonnington 

Toll, becoming famous for being Donald Gee's first pastorate ' An 'unattractive 

low-roofed, double-fronted shop in the poorest part of Leith, converted into a 

mission hall,'' it found its place in a town 'overstocked with little Mission Halls 

of that type1.' Beruldsen was accustomed to employing workers and took the 

same attitude in his oversight of the Mission Hall. Gee remembered, 'Mr 

Beruldsen employed (the right word) workers to run the Mission for a salary. He 

had little discernment and soon tired of a new voice'.* Gee saw the Beruldsens as 

'typical of an era now passed. It consisted of semi-private little meetings often 

financed by devoted Christians with a zeal for God. They usually had strong but 

ill-directed missionary interests. The inescapable element of patronage between 

employers and employees where local pastors were concerned caused a chafing 

where men felt they were called by the ~ord.'' 

John Martin came to Sunderland from Motherwell, along with John Miller of 

Glasgow, both of whom had been directly influenced by Andrew Murdoch from 

Kilsyth. Murdoch had received the gift of tongues after Hutchinson had prayed 

for him during their first visit to Sunderland. Murdoch subsequently prayed for 

Martin to be baptised in the Spirk6 Miller's wife had received the baptism at 

Murdoch's home in February 1908.' Miller then opened a Pentecostal 'upper 

room' which met in Water Street, a particularly needy part of the city.' 

Murdoch was one of the leaders of Westport Hall, Kilsyth. On 7 February 1908, 

the Kilsyth Chronicle reported that exactly one week previously, eleven people 

had spoken in tongues during a prayer meeting9 Westport Hall had been 

established in 1896 as the Kilsyth United Evangelistic Association, an initiative 

' D. Gee, Bonnington Toll. The Story of afirstpastorate, (London: Victory Press, 1943). 

' Ibid, 6. 

' D. Gee, These Men I knew, 18 

' lbid, 18. 

"bid, 19. 

Confidence, April 1908,12. 

' Confidence, September 1908,210. 

' Confidence, November 1909, 255. Water Street had hosted a Faith Mission in 1885. There is 

no indication whether it was the same building. E. Govan, Spirit of Revival, 25. 

Quoted in J. Wiseman, 'Interpreting the Tongues: The Experience of the Pentecostal Baptism 

in the formative years of a Scoaish Pentecostal Assembly', MA thesis, Regents Theological 

College, 1997.

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Thsological Association, Vol. XXl, 2001 


of three of the ministers in the town who were attempting to reach the masses 

with the gospel. Never designed to be an. established church, the intention had 

been that it should be a missionary outreach centre, it nonetheless began to 

mutate into a settled church. By 1902, it had changed its name to Kilsyth Church 

of God. By 1907, it was clear that a furore was being caused by one of its 

members, Charles Donnelly. He accused the elders and church members of not 

being filled with the Spirit since no one in the church was able to use any of the 

gifts of the Spirit. Although the leaders were adamant in holding to Holiness 

teaching, there was evidently sufficient support for Donnelly's criticisms for one 

of the leaders, Bill Hutchison, to attend the Sunderland in October 1907 to hear 

Barratt speak. 

In January 1908, Boddy and his wife were invited to speak at the Edinburgh Faith 

Mission.' Andrew Bell and Victor Wilson of Motherwell had both been present at 

the services and persuaded by their teaching. Wilson was then invited to speak in 

Kilsyth about the Baptism in the Spirit. He prayed with Murdoch who spoke in 

tongues. Two days later, at the prayer meeting reported by the Kilsyth Times, 

Donnelly reported, 'When I had extricated myself from my two young men 

companions, Alex Clelland and James Macrae, who were still prostrate, I beheld 

the greatest sight of my life right there. Lying over Alex Clelland was his 

companion, J. Macrae, speaking in an unknown tongue and protecting Alex with 

his hand, pleading the precious blood, which was our custom for months 

previously in times of danger or fear'.' By May 1908, Murdoch had been invited 

to speak in more than 30 towns and villages and 600 were reported as having 

received the Pentecostal baptism of the Holy Spirit.) Donnelly's reference to 

'pleading the blood' referred to the repetition the word 'blood' which was 

deemed to have some spiritual value. 

Mary Boddy's article in the first edition of Confidence was a sustained reflection 

on the benefits of Christ's blood and the need to publicly and specifically 

recollect one's need for an experiential awareness of the blood.' Initially, Boddy 

seemed at ease with this practice of 'pleading the blood', explaining it to his 

readers as being a reference to 'His finished work through the blood, the Victory 

obtained through the Blood. All this they cover and mean when they just rapidly 

repeat, 'Blood, Blood, Blood"'.' This practice would become controversial and 

the cause of broken relationships in the future. 

The Welsh contingent was led by Rev. T.M. Jeffreys; he would become the 

father-figure amongst Welsh Pentecostals. No relation to the revivalists, Stephen 

and George Jeffreys, as part of his ministry at the English Congregational Church 

at Waunllwyd, near Ebbw Vale, Jeffreys had attempted to encourage his 

members to expect a further move of the Spirit, even though the Welsh revival 

had, to all intents and purposes, fizzled out by then. In 1907, Moncur Niblock, 

from London, led a mission in Jeffreys' church. As a result, the church was 

persuaded of the need for an experiential Pentecostal Baptism in the Holy Spirit, 

even though none of them, including Niblock himself, had ever experienced or 

witnessed such a thing. However, after Niblock's visit to Sunderland, he returned, 

to Waunllwyd whereupon members began to receive the baptism.' Waunllwyd, 

along with Gorseinon, became one of the centres for Welsh Penteco~talism.~ The 

Welsh would be significant to the development of British Pentecostalism as they 

made their alliances and developed their own form of spirituality. In particular, 

the extremes of some of their emotional excesses became an ongoing challenge to 

mainstream denominational Pentecostalism. 

The final group represented at this first Convention comprised overseas visitors. 

Boddy was freely pan-European in his expectations of the work of the Spirit and 

those present at this first gathering would become regular visitors to the annual 

meetings. T.B. Barratt's wife was present along with Dagmar Gregson and 

Agnes Thelle from Norway' Gerrit Polman and Brother Kok from Holland 

attended. Polman had been a Salvation Army officer, working under Arthur 

Booth-Clibbom's command in Switzerland. When the Booth-Clibboms resigned 

from the Army and made contact with Alexander Dowie, Polman followed them, 

establishing a Dowie Zionist centre in Amsterdam. After being influenced by the 

Welsh Revival, this centre became a Pentecostal mission church.* The other two 

foreign visitors of note were the German pastor Martin Genischen and Elizabeth 

Sisson. Genischen was to be a frequent visitor to the Sunderland Conventions 

before the outbreak of war in 1914. Gee contrasted his effusive personality with 

the other more 'stolid' German pastors. Although he dismissed his ministry as 'of 

a limited nature', he declared that he was unrepresentative of German 

Pentecostalism in general.' Elizabeth Sisson had been influenced by Boardman's 

teaching in her earlier life and after a period working on the mission field in 

' Confidence, April 1908,lO. 

' Wiseman. 

' Minutes: Special Minutes May 1908, in Wiseman. In Confidence (April 1908), Biddy had 

suggested that in March 1907 only five had spoken in tongues, whereas by March 1908 there 

had been as many as 500. Scotland must have accounted for many of these people. 

' M. Boddy, 'His own blood', Confidence, April 1908,4. 

' A.A. Boddy, 'A Visit to Kilsyth', Confidence, April 1908, 10. 

' D. Gee, The Pentecostal Movement, London: Elim Publishing Co., 1941,37-38. 

' Gee, The Pentecostal , 39. 

' Barratt's absence was due to him being in India at the time of the Convention (Supplement, 

Confidence, June 1908,l). 

' D. Bundy, 'Genit Roelof Polman (1868-1922)', in S.M. Burgess, G. McGee, P. Alexander, 

Dictionary of Pentecostal and Charismatic Movements, Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1988,718. 

: Gee, These men, 43. 

C.M. Robeck, 'Elizabeth Sisson (1843-1934)', DPCM, 788.

The Journal of the Europan Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XXI, 2001 


India, became the co-editor with Carrie Judd Montgomery of Triumphs of F~ith.~ 

In 1908, having received the baptism in the Spirit, she came to England on a fourmonth 

evangelistic tour, during which time she visited Sunderland.' 

This international group was significant in that it signalled Boddy's intention to 

host a truly international Convention that would work towards an international 

Pentecostal consensus. In the debates during the foilowing years, the Western 

European emphasis presented British Pentecostalism with distinctives that 

differed from their American counterparts. However, in the earliest days, it was 

to America that they continued ro look for guidance. In 1908, after a series of 

meetings held by Smith Wigglesworth in Pontesby, Shrewsbury had resulted in 

Pentecostal manifestations, the local leader, W. Rowson, wrote to Boddy for 

advice. His secretaries wrote back with the following points: 

them were successful self-made men and women, therefore prepared and able to 

initiate new mission halls. In Britain, at the turn of the century, there was still a 

confidence that new groups could be established and would be successful. The 

early Pentecostals came from these groups led by spiritual entrepreneurs, willing 

and able to fund new Pentecostal ventures, even if they needed to employ others 

to lead them. Courageous, ambitious and willing to take risks for God, they were 

to fashion Pentecostal doctrine and practice as they continued to make their 

annual pilgrimages to Sunderland. 

They needed to ensure that they claimed the precious blood in their meetings to 

shelter them from the desires of the devil; all that claimed to have received the 

Baptism in the Holy Spirit should be expected to speak in tongues; it was advised 

that anybody who became overcome by emotionalism during the services should 

be encouraged to go home to rest; the rules that the Sunderland Church were 

using for those seeking the Baptism in the Holy Spirit had been given to them by 

a lady in Akr~n:~ 

I 

1. Get the scriptural witness of a clean heart. 

2. Having received that, stand on the promise. 

3. Ask God for the promised Holy Ghost 

4. Ask him for the scriptural witness of that until it leads to 

tongues. 

5. Go on with your usual work until the blessing comes. 

6. Plead the shelter of the blood for each meeting 

7. Ask the Lord to control any undue excitement.' 

CONCLUSION 

Those gathering at the first Sunderland Convention were, by and large, those who 

were to fashion the future of British Pentecostalism in the following years. Most 

had come from a Holiness background and had sought to integrate their 

Pentecostal experience with their previous theological convictions. Many of 

' Ibid., 789. 

Weeks suggest that this lady was Ivey Glenshaw Campbell on the grounds that it was she that 

had first taken the Pentecostal message to Akron in late 1906. Cf G.B. McGee, 'hey Glenshaw 

Campbell (I 874-1 918), DPCM, 106-107. 

' Letter, All Saints' Secretaries, to W. Rowson, 18 January 1908. Apostolic Church archives.


Arthur Booth-Clibborn: Pentecostal Patriarch: James Robinson 

Arthur Booth-Clibborn: Pentecostal Patriarch 

James Robinson 

Arthur Stanley Booth-Clibborn (1855-1939) was one of the most influential 

people of Irish extraction and with a strong Ulster background to make a marked 

impact on the wider Pentecostal movement in its earliest days. He combined the 

Quaker commitment to pacifism with the Salvationist search for the Holy Grail of 

"entire sanctification" and the Zionist emphasis on divine healing - in all of 

which movements he played a leading part before taking up the Pentecostal cause 

in the mid 1900s. Donald Gee recalled Booth-Clibbom being present when he 

made his first attempt at preaching at the home of Margaret Cantel in London in 

1913; "I can remember old A. S. Booth-Clibborn beaming at me in his patriarchal 

way".' At the Sunderland Whitsun Conference in June 1911, he was described 

as "a grey-haired gentleman of patriarchal appearance, with (the) leonine though 

kindly countenance of a veritable modem Moses. He frames his translations (of 

the German speakers) in beautiful language, delivered with soulful 

impressiveness".' 

According to his son, William, his father first came into contact with 

Pentecostalism at the home of Mrs Catherine Price who, on 10 January 1907, was 

the first person in post-Azusa England to receive the Pentecostal experience of 

speaking in tongues.' The previous evening, she had attended a meeting, one of a 

series of New Year meetings conducted by four Welsh ministers, "who had been 

greatly blessed during the revival in Wales".' A report sent to The Apostolic 

Faith gave a little more background. It was addressed from Camberwell, 

London, by C. H. Hook: 

A little band of Christians have been waiting here 

about nine months for their Pentecost and am 

glad to say that one sister has received her 

Pentecost with tongues. Will you continue to 

pray that all may receive, the writer included. 1 

feel very h~ngry.~ 

' D. Gee, These men I knew; Personal memoirs of our pioneers. (AOG Publishing House, 

Nottingham (1980) 32. 

' Confidence, June 19 1 1, 127. 

' The Apostolic Faith, April 1907, I. 

' S. H. Frodsham , With Signs Following, Gospel Publishing House, Springfield (1926) 67. 

The Apostolic Faith, February-March 1907, 1. Hook received his Pentecostal experience on 

Christmas Day, 1907 in Sunderland (The Apostolic Faith, Jan. 1908, 4). He had an American 

Baptist background and later became a Pentecostal missionary. 

This letter was sent some six months before the arrival of T. B. Barratt in 

Sunderland in September 1907. 

Catherine Price and her husband, a bank manager, and three small children lived 

in Brixton, London and it was at her home that a sick Booth-Clibborn, depressed 

over the events surrounding his dismissal from Dowie's Zion movement, first 

arrived from Paris where he had been appointed its representative.' During the 

summer of 1907, the Prices opened her home for the prayer meetings which can 

fairly be described as the first distinctly Pentecostal meetings in the British Isles. 

The intensity of such gatherings can be gauged from Mrs Price's description of 

one meeting: 

At another time of prayer, the rooms were packed 

with longing, hungry hearts, broken with a sense 

of their own helplessness ... the Spirit of God came 

as a burning, scorching flame of love, and yet of 

judgement. One sister, whom God had previously 

healed of a tumour, felt (that) she and her 

works were judged, and although an earnest 

Christian worker, these works of hers were all as 

filthy rags. All who were ailing or sick in that 

meeting testified afterwards that God's love as a 

burning stream healed them. No man touched 

them or even prayed for them.2 

Within a short time, Booth-Clibborn had established himself as a prominent 

figure in the movement. At a convention meeting in Sion College in London in 

May, 1909, he shared the platform with Boddy, Polhill and ~arratt.' 

EARLY LIFE 

Arthur Clibborn was born at Moate, Co Westmeath but spent his formative years 

in Bessbrook, Co. Armagh. The village was the creation of the Richardsons, a 

Quaker family who chose Bessbrook as the site of their new linen mill in 1845. 

John Grubb Richardson, a cousin of Arthur Clibborn, was an enlightened idealist 

who sought to form an exemplary community through the creation of a model 

industrial village.' In this enterprise, he was greatly influenced by the ideas on 

' Comelis van der Laan, Sectarian Against His Will: Gerrit Roelof Polman and the Birth of 

Pentecostalism in the Netherlands, The Scarecrow Press, Metuchen (1991) 65. 

' S. H. Frodsham, op. cit., 72. 

' A. F. Missen, The Sound of a Going, AOG Publishing House, Nottingham, (1973) 4. 

' Gilbert Camblin, The Town in Ulster, Wm. Mullan & Son, Belfast (1951) 99-101.



urban planning as advocated by William Penn, the founding father of American 

Quakerism.' As a mark of Richardson's Quaker and Temperance sensibilities, 

the proud boast of the village was for many years, "No pubs, No pawnbrokers, 

No Police". What it did have were a dispensary available at nominal cost to 

workers, a community hall with library1 lecture room facilities, a newsroom well 

stocked with papers and periodicals and a school where evening adult classes 

were held. Richardson was offered a baronetcy by Gladstone as an 

acknowledgement of the philanthropic intent behind his social experiment at 

Bessbrook, but turned it down. The experiment spurred another Quaker, George 

Cadbury, to build the garden village of Bourneville, near Birmingham. These 

Quaker and other model settlements provided much of the stimulus for the New 

Town movement of post-war Britain. 

Arthur's father, John Clibborn, was the co-founder of the linen mills at 

Bessbr~ok.~ The Irish roots of the family lay with Colonel John Clibborn, an 

officer in Cromwell's army, who became an active Quaker after being impressed 

by the message and demeanour of the Friends whose meeting house he was called 

upon to raze by fire at Moate, Co.Westmeath in 1657.' Another ancestor was 

Robert Barclay (1648-90) whose Apology for the True Christian Divinity (1678) 

made him the classic apologist of Quakerism. Coming from a financially 

comfortable, background, Arthur was sent at the age of thirteen to France and 

Switzerland for a private education and his formal education ended with the 

award of an honours degree from Lausanne University. He had a marked 

proficiency in languages, mastering five, and he was particularly fluent in French 

and German. On his return to Bessbrook, he trained for a period of six years in 

the family business. In the course of his training, he learnt the basic skills of 

spinning and weaving on the shop floor. On completing his apprenticeship, he 

became the manager of the spinning department, employing 800 people, with a 

view to his taking up a directorship in due course. 

His experiences in the linen mill reinforced his Quaker stance on pacifism as the 

following recollection showed: 

Had you ever heard, as I have, an unearthly 

shriek ring up through five storeys of a huge 

factory an eighth of a mile in length, and then 

seen the countless revolving wheels slowing 

down while, as the hum of thirty thousand 

' James Walvin, The Quakers; Money and Morals, John Murray, London (1997) 90. 

' Carolyn Scott, The Heavenly Witch: the Stov ofthe Marechale, Hamish Hamilton, London 

(1981) 47. 

M. J. Wigham, The Jrish Quakers, Historical Committee of the Religious Society of Friends, 

Dublin (1 992) 23. 

spindles and ten thousand rollers gradually 

ceased, the shrieks grew louder against the 

growing stillness, and had you gone down, as the 

responsible manager, to find a poor boy lying in a 

huge heckling machine with his arm caught in up 

to the shoulder, the flesh tom off by the countless 

revolving needles ...- then you would like to do 

just a little to unbolt some of the machinery of 

war and set free.. some of the poor mothers' sons 

who have been caught in it.' 

Through his later association with Dowie, Arthur would have found a certain 

resonance between Bessbrook and Zion City, Illinois. Zion City too was a model 

settlement, founded on temperance principle^,^ with a strong agenda of religiosocial 

experimentation. Both aimed to provide the prototype for a humanely 

ordered industrial gemeinschaft. Dowie pursued a broader vision than most other 

innovators; it was nothing less than the creation of a theocratic c~rnmunity.~ Zion 

was conceived as the perfect Christian city, the forerunner of many Zions actively 

engaged in preparing for Christ's return. Both settlements, though differing 

considerably in size, presented major innovations in physical planning and each 

evoked wide interest among those concerned with schemes for solving societal 

ills by physical and social experimentation. 

In reviewing his past, Arthur acknowledged that through "living in Bessbrook ... I 

had many spiritual advantages", not least because "as a member of the Society of 

Friends, I was carefully and religiously brought up, (though) eighteen years of 

my life passed without anyone definitely speaking to me about my soul".' He 

owed his conversion to a friend inviting him to a mission at Moyallon, near 

Portadown and fourteen miles from Bessbrook, where his Richardson relatives 

lived and at whose manor the meetings were held. This was in 1874, the year of 

D. L. Moody's visit to Ireland, and was a direct outcome of the evangelistic thrust 

he brought to the province, a quickening that came closest to the spirit of the 

' Carolyn Scott, op cit., 48. 

' Philip. L. Cook, Zion City, Illinois: Twentieth Century Utopia, Syracuse University Press, New 

York (1 996) 40-42. 

' At a dedication of the site of the home for lacemakers in Zion, a deacon declared:" Here we 

shall establish a city in which God shall rule Selfishness shall know no place here. All men 

shall fear God and love one another" (Cook, 41). 

' Carolyn Scon, op. cit., 50.



1859 Revival in the remaining years of the nineteenth century.' A year later, in 

1875, he received "the life call of God" at the same time as "an excellent prospect 

so far as this world was concerned opened up for him in the linen mill, though no 

clear direction came to him for another four year^".^ During those years "of 

cloudy Christian experience", he conducted meetings on board ships in dock, 

possibly in the nearby port of Newry, and in the surrounding villages. He 

became a recognised minister in the Society of Friends, teaching two different 

Sunday School classes and visiting the sick. He obtained no real sense of 

fulfilment in these activities until he came to the point where he took a stand for 

"out and out work and, in doing so, go counter to the ideas of some older 

Christians".' 

LIFE IN THE SALVATION ARMY 

The period of hesitancy came to an end with the anival of the Salvation Army in 

Bessbrook around 188 1 when he was aged twenty-six.* 

' 

About that time 1 heard of the Salvation Army, 

and the rumours of its daring, desperate warfare 

and thc glorious results made me feel that the 

mighty power of the Holy Ghost was 

there ... When I saw the first War Cry, the daring 

flee-and -easiness of its language took my breath 

away and its direct, simple, definiteness seemed 

to open a new world ... I read Mrs Booth's books 

and longed for the full deliverance they spoke 

of. ..(W)hen one day Captain Edmonds came and 

held a meeting in Bessbrook, I saw and felt that 

he had got that something after which I was 

pining, and in an All-Night of prayer, with three 

others, he showed us how the blessing was 

received, and I entered by faith.' 

A week later, he took about 30 young male converts to Amy Holiness meetings 

Joseph Thompson, "D. L. Moody: a Centennial Study of the first (sic!) American evangelist to 

this country and his influence on Irish Presbyterianism", Bulletin of the Presbyterian Historical 

Sociey in Ireland, 5 (May, 1975) 14. 

' Carolyn Scott, up. cit., 51. 

' Ibid, 52. 

' The first Salvation Army hall opened in Ireland was in Felt Street in 1880 in the Sandy Row 

district of inner Belfast. Felt Street cuts across Hunter Street in which Elim was to establish its 

first assembly in Belfast about 35 years later. 

' Carolyn Scott, op. cit., 52-53. 

in Moyallon and was so deeply impressed by the occasion that his reaction was, 

"Here is primitive Quakerism, primitive Methodism, primitive ~hristianity!".' 

When Arthur Clibborn first encountered the Salvation Army, it was in its phase 

of enthusiastic mobili~ation,~ the period between 1878 and 1890, when it saw its 

most rapid and sustained growth. The Army was to prove the most forceful of all 

the groups to bring the holiness message to the province in the latter part of the 

century. While fiercely conversionist, the Amy was primarily the child of the 

mid-nineteenth century Holiness Revival in Britain. William Booth's brand of 

Holiness revivalism had its own logic because he knew his volunteers, many 

drawn from the lowest social class, could be neither recruited nor kept from 

conspicuous sin unless they were hlly consecrated and so changed as to be living 

demonstrations of the grace and power of God It was this side that impressed 

Clibborn on his first visit to the Moyallon meetings. He was deeply moved as he 

"looked upon the rows of officers, all dressed so simply, with faces that spoke of 

the deep restfulness, the peace and the power of 'the life hid with Christ in 

God"'.4 One of the books by Catherine Booth (1829-1890) that Clibbom read 

was, in all probability, Aggressive Christianity (1880), published in America as 

Godliness (1 881), which was to become widely circulated with the blessing of the 

presses associated with the American Holiness mo~ement.~ 

In 1881, Arthur Clibborn was faced with a difficult decision about the direction 

his life should take. From Captain Edmonds, he learned that the Amy was 

seeking helpers for its newly opened work in France. With his facility in the 

language and sense of call "to go to work for souls upon the continent ... and a 

conviction God would send me there ~ltirnately",~ he offered his services to 

General Booth. This apparently occurred during a visit by William Booth to the 

province when, in Booth-Clibborn's words, the General "asked me to meet him, 

and as 1 knew French and German fluently, asked me to go out to the continent to 

take over the headquarters in Paris".' From 1881, he assisted Catherine (Kate) 

' Ibid, 53. 

' The phrase is suggested by Roland Robertson in Ch. 2, The Salvation Army: The Persistence 

of Sectarianism in B. R. Wilson, Pattern of Sectarianism, Heinemann, London (1967) 50. It 

was preceded by the incipient phase (1865-1878) and succeeded by the period of organisation 

(early 1890s --early 1930s). 

' Timothy L. Smith, Called Unto Holiness: The Story of the Nazarenes, Nazarene Publishing 

House, Kansas City (1962) 50. 

' Carolyn Scott, up. cif., 53. 

' Timothy L. Smith, Called , 25. 

Carolyn Scott, up. cit., 53. 

' This is taken From a scribbled note on a certificate he was awarded for saving a man from 

drowning in France in the Booth-Clibborn Collection held by Mrs. Ann Booth-Clibborn in 

Edinburgh whose husband, Stanley Booth-Clibbom, was formerly Bishop of Manchester and a 

grandson of Arthur Booth-Clibbom.



Booth (1858-1955), the eldest and most naturally gifted daughter of her family, in 

consolidating the work of the Army in both France and Switzerland where she 

was known affectionately as La Mar chale (the Field-Marshall). William Booth 

soon conferred on Clibborn the rank of Colonel and one of Arthur's main 

responsibilities was to work on the production of the first French edition of War 

Cry. The two were married in 1887 and the freshly styled Booth-Clibborns' 

continued their work which often involved them travelling apart. They were a 

well matched couple though their relationship was not without its tensions, 

inherent in the fact that "Colonel" Arthur, with "the fierce pride of an Irish 

ari~tocrat",~ was not the type of man to play second fiddle to his wife, La 

Mar chale or not.' Both were strong-willed, single-minded and zealous soulwinners. 

In a final tribute to her father, one daughter (Evangeline or Evelyn) described him 

as "finely built and endowed with much physical strength ...( H)e for many years 

gloried in the early struggles of the Salvation Army, welcoming pain, 

persecution, and even physical injury, for the furtherance of Christ's Kingd~m".~ 

He was tall, handsome with a pleasant baritone singing voice that blended well in 

duets with Kate's clear soprano singing voice. He was a poet, writer, composer 

of hymns in French and translator of John Henry Newman into German. To his 

wife he was "a mighty man of God, especially called and remarkably qualified' 

with an the disturbing intensity implied in that description, overwhelming in his 

enthusiasms and inflexible in matters of principle. Physically courageous, he 

wore for years on his army uniform the silver medal awarded to him by the 

President of France for saving, while on holiday, a man from drowning in the sea 

off Boulogne. Such was the impact of their work in France that when they 

transferred to the Netherlands, they were welcomed by Queen Wilhelmina; 

occasionally Dutch cabinet ministers were seen at their meetings. 

By the mid-1890s, the Salvation Army had left behind the first enthusiastic flush 

I 

General Booth insisted that his daughters on marriage retain the Booth name as part of their 

new name. 

From Some Notes on the life of Stanley Booth-Clibborn, p. 2, wrinen by himself and found in 

the Booth-Clibborn Collection. The Clibborns were more Anglo-Irish gentry than aristocracy. 

When Arthur joined the Salvation Army, "he gave to the General a considerable fortune, made 

out of the Clibborn family's linen factories at Bessbrook" (p. 1). 

' Ibid, 2, "We have come across many papers showing his hesitations before marriage on what 

his status would be, and his literalist clinging to Pauline texts on the man as the head of the 

woman. Catherine apparently dismissed these saying 'Paul got it wrong, and when we get to 

heaven, I'll tell him"'! 

' Catherine Booth-Clibborn, A Poet ofpraise: a Tribute to Arthur Booth-Clibborn, Marshall, 

Morgan and Scott: London (1939) 33. 

Tarolyn Scott, op. cit., 197. This parenthetic statement was written in her letter of resignation 

from the Salvation Anny and addressed to her father. 

of its incipient phase and had entered its period of organisation when the 

processes of routinisation and formalisation became more evident. Kate was to 

say later, "I was Territorial Commander of France, and I couldn't make a 

corporal a sergeant without permission from London".' Routinisation, as 

deadening as it was inevitable, was a process that was to lead three of the Booth 

children out of the Army forever.' As early as 1891, Booth-Clibbom had written 

to the General requesting liberty to preach what he called the full, plain Gospel of 

the Sermon on the Mount, a plea that carried within it three themes that 

challenged the Army's official stance - pacifism, divine healing and 

premillennialism. The General refused any such freedom and frustration was 

compounded in 1896 when the Booth-Clibboms were told to leave France, for 

which Kate had an abiding vision and passion, and take command in the 

Netherlands, a country with which she felt no particular bond. It was a testing 

time for an avowed pacifist like Booth-Clibborn to be in the Netherlands in the 

period between the two Anglo-South African (Boer) Wars. In 1898, conscription 

was introduced in the Netherlands and with rumours of war rampant, Arthur took 

to writing on pacifist themes but was prevented from publishing by .headquarters 

in London. The Booth-Clibboms' disillusionment with the Army finally reached 

a point when they ceased to dedicate their later-born children into the ranks. In 

1900, defying the will of headquarters, they made representations to the Dutch 

government on behalf of pacifists in prison. The influence of his Quaker background 

continued to run deep. The "Hallelujah Quaker", as he was dubbed on his 

first anival in France, stuck with his vow of 1881: "I stated that I could never 

forgo any of the essential truths of Quakerism, and I entered the work on that 

understanding".' 

THE INFLUENCE OF DOWIE 

If pacifism owed much to Booth-Clibborn's Quaker background, his interest in 

divine healing and premillennialism was further stimulated by contact with John 

Alexander Dowie, through the latter's magazine Leaves of Healing and then by 

meeting him in London and Paris in 1900. Dowie arrived in England primarily to 

recruit lace workers as key personnel for his new factory in Zion City. In a series 

of well advertised meetings in London, riots and disorder, instigated in many 

cases by medical students, followed his preaching and the laying of hands on 

those seeking healing. The London press was largely unimpressed and the 

Financial News considered his healings fake: "there is no more fruitful ground 

I Carolyn Scott, op. cit., 198. 

' Ibid, 179. The three were Catherine, Herbert and Ballington. The last set up the Volunteers in 

America in 1896. It was organised on lines similar to that of the Salvation Army. Ballington 

and his wife, Maud, resigned from the Army in a disagreement over the General's autocratic 

leadership. 

' Carolyn Scott, op. cit.. 54.

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association. Vol. XXI, 2001 


for the projector of new and bizarre faiths than the United States of America, with 

its wicked and teeming populations, largely leavened with neuresthenes".' 

Boddy, for one, recognised that Dowie "never minced matters, or watered down 

his language. At times it was coarsely pungent, but always commanded 

attention".' Dowie seemed to invite antagonism. His characterisation of the 

Archbishop of Canterbury as incompetent, his denunciation of the Prince of 

Wales' immoral life style, his own wife's taste for expensive clothes and their 

partiality for staying at the most expensive hotels, all combined to repel his 

natural support among the Evangelical constituency. It was, therefore, no 

surprise that churches refused him the facility of their baptistries, forcing him to 

use public baths instead. One of those he baptised was Polly Wigglesworth, 

eighteen years into her marriage to Smith Wigglesworth.' During the Boer War, 

when jingoism was rampant, Dowie spoke out against the war and urged Zion 

men to choose prison rather than fire a gun.4 

Disillusioned and frustrated, Booth-Clibborn found in Dowie some of the 

qualities of William Booth - vision, boldness, strength of character, personal 

charisma - and at this moment of stress, sick of heart, he was ready to follow 

another though not blindly and not for long. It was, however, long enough to 

leave its mark on him and cast a blight on the ministry of his wife. One thing was 

certain, he was not the type to bc put off by bitter opposition, having proved his 

mettle as a Salvationist in facing down the NihilistsS in Paris on whose death list 

he appeared. He described in a scribbled note in 1933 of "having lain under 

sentence of death from the anarchists of five continental lands for over 10 ears".^ 

He had endured the hardship ofjail in Geneva and expulsion by officialdom from 

Neuchatel for disturbing the peace by street preaching. There was good cause for 

his being dubbed "the apostle of abandonment."' He said later in life of Dowie: 

' Philip L. Cook, op. cit., (1996) 36. 

' Confidence, February 1913,36. 

' Jack Hywel-Davies, The Life of Smith Wigglesworth, Hodder and Stoughton, London (1987) 

38. Polly was invited to become a Salvation A ny officer without the customary training on the 

strength of her personal interview with General Booth. 

' Philip L. Cook, op. cit., 99. Dowie speaking of the Boer war declared 'It is painful to think 

that instead of missionaries canying the Gospel from England, England is sending out hundreds 

of thousands of men to murder. It is horrible England has not the grace of God any more than 

America has". 

' The Nihilists were Russian emigres who fled to Paris. They rejected all traditional values 

including those of religion and the family: "What must be smashed, must be smashed" was one 

of their slogans. 

Hand-written note in the Booth-Clibborn Collection. 

' Carolyn Scott , op. cit., 47. His grandson said of him that "he took up various causes with 

fanatical zeal" (Notes on the life ofstanley Booth-Clibborn, 1 .) 

I looked upon (him) as a mighty man raised up. 

The fact that he never preached healing apart 

from conversion, and put the latter first, also 

impressed me. But I looked upon his declaration 

as the Elijah of Malachi, the Baptist of the Lord's 

Second Coming, as a woeful error and fanaticism. 

But (in Paris) I was deeply impressed by the 

spiritual experiences he related to me, and by the 

utter absence, of any pressure or effort to win me 

to his cause. 

In November 1901, he detected a series of Biblical coincidences that appeared to 

him to substantiate Dowie's claims and spent the next month in intense prayer 

and discussion with Kate about the direction of their future ministry. She had a 

particular distrust of Dowie and his meth~ds,~ but, despite her reservations, at the 

end of the month he wrote to Dowie: 

I have decided to offer myself to you, dear 

Doctor, for Zion, and do so, firmly believing it to 

be the will of God, and his Great Gift to me in 

answer to years of prayer. I had thoughts of 

starting a separate Mission till I got light about 

the Elijah matter, as that was the great obstacle. It 

could only be either a gigantic error or a gigantic 

truth I take it you are in the spirit and power of 

Elijah as the Herald of the Second Coming, the 

John the Baptist of the Millennia1 Dawn.' 

Their resignation from the Salvation Army was announced in the War Cry at the 

end of January 1902 under the heading "Our Loss in Holland".' 

In July 1902, they amved in Zion City and stayed for four months. It was the 

beginning of a wretched experience for Kate. Twice within the first month, she 

defied Dowie publicly. She alone remained seated when the congregation rose to 

affirm Dowie as Elijah, the prophet and forerunner of Christ. When Dowie 

' Carolyn Scoa, op. cit., 193. 

' Carolyn Scott , op. cit., 20 1 . 

' The War Cry, 25 January 1902. 

' Ibid. The resignation was announced in The War Cry by printing the letter from Bramwell 

Booth, Chief of the Staff, to "our comrades and friends in Holland". The reason for their 

resignation of the Booth-Clibborns was stated as their desire "to obtain liberty to preach what 

they speak of as 'a full Gospel' and a painful explanation of what they mean by a full Gospel is 

afforded by the announcement that the Commissioner has accepted the teaching of a person 

named Dowie, who is the leader of a small American Society called Zionites".



condemned William Booth for not reproving the rich, she rose and shouted that 

the allegation was a lie. The last sermon she was permitted to preach in Zion was 

to a congregation of five thousand on the theme of David as a man "after God's 

own heart", a riposte to Dowie's castigation of him as "that dirty dog David".' 

Yet, when she asked Dowie why he had not ordained her husband, he replied "It 

is you 1 want and I will not ordain him without But, as she wrote to her 

close friend, the noted social reformer, Josephine Butler (1828-1906), "1 cannot 

give my ten beautiful children to this man".' To another friend she wrote "so 

much in him revolts me and violates the highest spiritual instincts I have".4 In a 

recently uncovered letter marked "Private", written to a friend in England and 

addressed from Moody Bible Institute, Chicago in 1913, she confided "that no 

one has heard of the Dowie episode in the States. The Dowie community is very 

small and dying now and I am going to have jt published over M or in 

Canada"' (her emphases). The reference seems to be to the biography of her 

written at the time by James Strachan, advance copies of which she had just 

received. Earlier in the letter she had given a stem warning to her friend to whom 

she had entrusted all her private papers: 

Now listen, supposing James Strachan or Mr. 

Booth-Clibborn wishes to get anything out of the 

, (-) room, please kindly refuse both! - those 

papers I have entrusted to your care and I forbid 

vou to allow anvone to touch them - remember 

this!' (her emphases). 

Clearly, even a decade later, the whole Zion City experience still rankled. In 

1966, Strachan's biography was re-issued and contained a new final chapter 

written by her son Theodore. In it, there is no mention of the Dowie episode, 

only hints that this period was for his mother "a veritable Via Dolorosa". ' 

The Booth-Clibborns spent four months in Zion City before Catherine persuaded 

Arthur, against his will, to leave Zion City, though not the Zion movement. He 

was appointed its representative in the Netherlands. They lived in Amsterdam 

and Brussels for about two years and then moved to Paris for Arthur to take 

' Carolyn Scott, op. cic, 202. 

C. van der Laan, op. cit., 65. 

' Carolyn Scon, op. cit., 203. 

' Carolyn Scott , op. cit., 203 

900th-Clibborn Collection. The letter is dated 1 December 1913 and was sent to a Mr. 

Callow. 

Ibid., The biography of Catherine Booth-Clibborn first appeared in 1914. (James Strachan (c. 

1921 ed.): The Marechale: The Founder of the Salvation Army in France and Switzerland, 

James Clarke & Co., London. 

James Strachan (1966 edition) op. cit., 201. 

charge of the Zion work there in 1904. However, there is considerable 

uncertainty about their movements at this time and the exact status of Kate. The 

Schweizer Evangelist of 7 February 1902 reported that the Booth-Clibborns had 

returned to Europe to start an independent evangelistic mission in Holland and 

France.' On the other hand, in Leaves of Healing (9 July 1904) both Arthur and 

Kate were described as Elders of the Zion church and in the 24 September issue, 

Elder A. S. Booth-Clibborn was still recorded as the representative of Zion living 

in Amsterdam. The accuracy of the Schweizer Evangelist report is extremely 

doubtful. Circumstances at that time were hardly propitious for her to engage in 

an independent ministry. Hurt by the fact that Salvation Army halls were closed 

to her and that her former comrades proved stiff in their dealings with both of 

them, she had resigned herself to never preaching again, fearing it would be 

interpreted as her setting up in opposition to the Army. In any case, she was 

hardly in a fit state, either mentally or physically, to engage in public ministry: 

she confided in her diary, "depression, timidity, fear, and sadness, mark my 

character today"' (her emphasis). 

EUROPEAN PENTECOSTALISM 

It was during this period that Arthur, unbeknown to himself, was to make one of 

his most marked contributions to the Pentecostal cause in Europe. Gemt Roelof 

Polman (1868-1932) began his ministry in the Dutch Salvation Army under the 

direction of Booth-Clibborn. With the cadets in the Army's training school, 

Polman raised questions about divine healing and the Second Coming that were 

sparked by Dowie's visit to Europe in 1900. The resignation of the Booth- 

Clibborns from the Salvation Army in January 1902 precipitated the departure of 

some key officers from the Salvation Army in the Netherlands, among them 

Polman. Two years later, through Booth-Clibborn, he made contact with Dowie 

in Zion City and stayed there until 1906 when he and his wife were sent back, as 

ordained messengers, to the Netherlands "to make known the glorious 

Everlasting Gospel of Salvation, Healing and Holy Living"' Stirred by reports of 

the Welsh Revival and Azusa Street, and particularly by news of Pentecostal 

manifestations in Zurich as witnessed by one of their number, the group formed 

round Polman became Pentecostal in 1907. His wife received her Spirit-baptism 

on the 29 October 1907, the date identified by Polman as their break with the 

Zion movement and the start of the Pentecostal work in the Netherlands. Polman 

' C. van der Laan, op. cit., 70,n.62 

Carolyn Scon, op. cit., 205. This from one normally the most feisty of women. Her grandson 

described her as "a woman of enormous practical ability and energy and sheer nerve" (Notes on 

the life of Stanley Booth-Clibborn, 1). Richard Collier, writing of their Salvation Army days in 

Switzerland when they were forbidden by the government to hold public meetings, commented 

that Kate's reaction was predictable; "She would test the power of the decree by disobeying it" 

(Quoted in C. van der Laan, op. cit., 63). 

' C. van der Laan, op, cit., 86.



received his Spirit-baptism the following year at the first Sunderland Convention. 

The Polmans soon established themselves as leaders of the Dutch Pentecostal 

movement which in its earliest years established close links with the British 

movement. The first Dutch missionaries served with Polhill's Pentecostal 

Missionary Union. The Polmans hosted the International Pentecostal Conference 

in Amsterdam in 1920, the first occasion after the Great War for European 

leaders to meet together again. Booth-Clibborn was able to meet again his old 

Salvation Army prot g and former Dowieite colleague. 

During their year in Paris, Arthur, dauntless as ever, preached in his usual 

provocative style on the streets, drawing the ire of inflamed mobs. In 1905, he 

was attacked with an iron bar which pierced his skin. Blood poisoning set in and 

the leg became gangrenous. At first, he refused medical help but was eventually 

saved from death by undergoing four operations. In submitting to surgery, he 

violated a cardinal principle of Zion and his discharge as "Overseer Clibborn"' 

ensued when two emissaries from Chicago arrived to announce his dismissal. 

For the rest of his life, he was crippled in his right leg and was subject to phlebitis 

in the same leg if he walked much; at times he needed the use of a bath chair. He 

was never to be quite the same man again, more content to remain at home, 

writing poetry, composing over 300 hymns, playing his auto-harp and engaging 

in Bible study mainly on the more esoteric aspects of eschatology. His son 

William +rote of his father at this time after his father came to accept the 

Pentecostal position: 

In his studies he had come to the conclusion that 

God would in the last days of this age send a 

great revival that would restore the gifts of the 

Spirit in greater use in the Church, and whose 

main characteristics would be the Baptism in the 

Holy Ghost as received on the day of Pentecost.' 

Yet, as late as 1927, Kate was to write, "for the first time in long, long years, I 

notice how bravely he is ceasing to talk of the past and of the negative".' The 

dark cloud of his disillusionment with Dowie is revealed in a letter he wrote in 

April 1908: 

I Carolyn Scott, op. cil., 210. 

' C. van der Laan, op. cit., 65. 

' Carolyn Scott, op. cit., 212 

80 

I see where I went astride (from the personal 

call to go alone with Him, which God had given 

me) by joining Dr. Dowie and believing in his 

special mission. I was led into a labyrinth in that 

way which was not of God, and nearly killed by 

the devil, 1 lay in bed a year in Paris and barely 

escaped with my life.' 

When Booth-Clibborn arrived back in England in 1906, he was a sick man. He 

stayed first at the home of Catherine Price and her solicitor husband in Brixton 

and this probably afforded him the first opportunity he had to assess at first hand 

Pentecostal spirituality. While boarding at the Prices' home, he gave a further 

insight into the nature of the earliest Pentecostal home meetings in Britain: 

God is doing a blessed work here in London. 

Seekers quietly slip in here for prayer in the 

evening in these consecrated Christians' sitting 

and drawing rooms, and some are receiving. The 

current here runs deep and pure and strong, the 

intense holy silence before Him into which He 

draws souls alone or together, reminds me of the 

days of early Quakerism, and of what one has 

known of the days of closest fellowship with the 

Crucified One.2 

Meanwhile, Kate regained her confidence and became an independent evangelist 

drawing periodically on the assistance of her children as they matured. She never 

felt her divine vocation was revoked; "to the masses I was sent, and my greatest 

blessings have come from that calling".' 

Kate never identified herself directly with the Pentecostal cause though 

occasionally she appeared with her husband on the platform at Pentecostal 

conventions. At a Pentecostal conference convened, in January 1912, by Cecil 

Polhill at the Holborn Hall, London, Kate, whose family had "all received the 

blessing", was among those who gave "helpful addre~ses".~ But by this stage, 

Pohill, in his inclusivist way, was inviting to the platform clergymen such as 

E.W. Moore who "while not 'in the Movement', takes the deepest interest in 

every work of God, and has deep spiritual experiences".' This, in all likelihood, 

mirrored something of the attitude of Kate herself towards the Pentecostal 

movement. She accepted elements of its spirituality more than its doctrinal 

singularities. But she could never again trust herself to any organised body. 

Having survived her years of hell, as she called the period after their resignation 

from the Salvation Army, years marred by the irreconcilable split with her 

widowed father and the repercussions of the Dowie episode with all the strain it 

I Letter (dated 7 April 1908 From Brixton) published in the magazine Cloud of Witnesses to 

Pentecost in India, (No. 6, 1908) edited by Max Moorhead. 

' Ibid. 

' Carolyn Scott, op. cit., 227. 

' Confidence, February 191 2,37 

' Ibid.



put on their mamage as well as the trauma of a recent miscarriage, she was chary 

of engaging with any cause outside her own personal control. On her ninetieth 

birthday, she confessed to her son Theo, "I am still a Salvationist at heart."' 

HIS CONTRIBUTION TO PENTECOSTALISM 

Arthur Booth-Clibborn made a major contribution to the early Pentecostal 

movement by openly identifying himself with it. Of all the early leaders, he was 

the one with the highest public profile in British religious circles. His periods of 

illness meant that never again would he be the preaching force of his former days 

but, by his august and benevolent presence at public meetings and conferences, 

he encouraged the younger leaders and was a persuasive force in bringing a wider 

European dimension to the leadership of British Pentecostalism. The Booth name 

lent some degree of respectability to a sorely pressed movement living with the 

obloquy of charges of fanaticism and Satanic deception. The high profile of the 

name was demonstrated in press opinion at the time of his dismissal from Zion. 

When Arthur's salary ceased and the financial burden of ten children and doctors' 

bills had to be faced2, the nationally circulated satirical magazine, John Bull, 

printed a cartoon showing a beefy John Bull character and an animated General 

Booth, with a football labelled "Mar chale" being vigorously booted by the 

General.' The cartoon had the effect at least of making the General and his eldest 

son, Bramwell, when on tour in France, anxious to avoid adverse publicity by 

refusing to visit the sorely pressed Booth-Clibboms, Such was the degree of 

family rupture that this was the last time Kate was to see of her father until she 

attended his deathbed seven years later. During the General's lying-in-state, 

150,000 filed past the coffin. On the day of the funeral, offices in the City closed 

and 40,000 lined the streets. Queen Mary was among those who attended the 

funeral service. 

It was through his influence on his own children and then in turn through their 

work in the movement that Arthur Booth-Clibborn made his most telling 

contribution to Pentecostal advance. With Kate frequently campaigning away 

from home, a situation made all the more necessary by the need to provide financial 

support for the family, he played a major role in the parenting of the 

children in their teenage years. In November 1908, while preparing for exams to 

enter Cambridge University, William, the fifth born of their ten children, was 

pressed by his father to attend a weekend of meetings in London which, as it 

I Carolyn Scott, op. cit.. 246 

' Catherine wrote in a memorial tribute of her late husband that he "never cared for money; 

indeed, not enough, for material burdens are very real when obligations are ever increasing. 

They must be carried by someone, and yet - and yet - if he was extreme on the one side, are not 

many of God's children extreme on the other" In their case, she was that "someone". 

(Catherine Booth-Clibborn, op. cit., viii) 

' Ibid., opposite page 150. 

turned out, stretched till the following Wednesday.' On the Saturday evening, 

father and son attended the small mission run by a young American couple, Harry 

and Margaret Cantel (1878-1926). Margaret Cantel's father was one of Dowie's 

elders at Zion City and her husband was overseer of Dowie's work in Britain 

from 1900 till his death from peritonitis in 1910. This paved the way for Booth- 

Clibbom to link up with the American couple. The Cantels' mission, which according 

to William, "looked very much like one of these small stores you see in 

some American towns": was his first experience of a Pentecostal meeting in a 

public hall. The following evening, at a home in Plumstead with fifty people 

present, William received his Spirit-baptism. 

The relish and the ecstasy of that blessing have 

never left me, and the only sorrow was when they 

helped me to my feet and I realised, oh! with such 

pain, that 1 could not be with my Beloved, that I 

must walk this vale of tears and sorrow ... Oh! I 

did want so to be with Jesus, I thought suffering 

and death would be nothing if only I could stay 

continually under the smile of his face forever, 

raptured to the throne of His Glory and never see 

this sinful earth any more.' 

This experience is expressed in tones of sensuous intimacy, or in Percy's phrase 

"sublimated eroti~ism",~ evocative more of a contemplative in the Catholic 

quietist tradition than in the gritty language of much evangelical discourse. In that 

tradition, sexuality provided imagery for communicating the sublime nature of a 

spiritual climax, a task that drove writers to the outer margins of metaphor: in St. 

Teresa's words, "one makes these comparisons because there are no (other) 

suitable ones".' 

I Edward Booth-Clibborn said of his father: "I am persuaded that if my dear father had not 

boldly taken me out of (boarding) school at this time, my experience would not have proved 

such an overwhelming initiation into the sphere and power of a Spirit-filled life" (Redemption 

Tidings, 5.6 (June 1929) 3). 

' Redemption Tidings, 5.4 (April 1929) 2. 

' Ibid. 

' Martyn Percy, Power and the Church: Ecclesiology in an Age of Transition, Cassell: London 

(1998) 141. 

' Filipe Fernandez-Amesto & Derek Wilson, Reformation: Christianiq and the World 1500- 

2000, Bantam Press: London (1996) 51. Any hint of effeteness concerning William is disabused 

by the picture drawn of him by Pastor Philip Duncan, leader of a sizeable Pentecostal church in 

Sydney when Booth-Clibborn visited Australia in 1930 (See Barry Chant, Heart of Fire; The 

Story of Australian Pentecostalism, Luke Publications: South Australia (1973) 109-1 12.) 

William Booth-Clibborn urged the Sydney Pentecostal assemblies to combine under his 

leadership and thus present a united front. They proved not averse to the principle, just his 

high-handed approach to implementing it. Duncan was one of his protagonists, in every sense 

when Booth-Clibborn resorted to physically wrestling with him to assert his will!



It is to William as a teenager that the most intimate picture of family life in the 

Booth-Clibborn household is owed. He revealed the impact of the Pentecostal 

experience on the family in the earliest days when "all, except one, of my 

brothers and sisters had received their Pentecost":' 

The news had spread that strange meetings were 

being held in our home. There was talk of 

countenancing spiritism. You can well imagine 

with what consternation the report that we were 

speaking with tongues was received among our 

friends. Father stood like a rock. He refused to 

be moved, and if it had not been of his standing 

resolutely in the breach at the critical time, I do 

not believe we would not have been able to break 

through to victory in the whole family.2 

The family must have been a puzzle to their neighbours at Westcliff-on-Sea, 

Essex. Their family worship sometimes continued till 2 a.m. Complaints from 

neighbours when the whole family came together for praise and worship in 

Pentecostal fashion were stemmed when Arthur fastened quilts and blankets over 

the doors and windows: "now we had a sound-proof room from which very little 

of the heavenly music could get through, so we sang yet more lustily and 

happily:'.' William recalled the first meeting in their home after his mother 

returned from campaigning: 

Humbly she knelt with us, Ustening attentively to 

the heavenly choir, the speaking in tongues, and 

interpretations and watching us as we wept and 

prayed ... She folded her hands, the tears were in 

hcr eyes. 'Willie', she said, 'pray with me 

too' ...( This) revealed to me at once that she was 

hungry, that shc wanted to share the general 

chrism of power that had fallen upon us all ... She 

saw the change in me and the blessed effect in the 

whole home, and she pronounced this a work of 

the Holy Ghost.' 

Besides William, two other of the Booth-Clibborn brothers were to identify with 

the Pentecostal movement: Eric (I 895-1924) and Herbert became affiliated to the 

I Redemption Tidings, 5.6 (June 1929) 3. 

' Ibid. 

' Ibid. 

' Ibid. 

American Assemblies of God. Before becoming a missionary to Africa, Eric did 

pioneer work in Colorado. In 1924, he and his wife Lucille and baby daughter 

travelled as missionaries of the A.O.G. to French West Africa (Burkina Faso). 

Within nineteen days of their amval, he died of dysentery leaving a young widow 

expecting their second child, a son named Stanley, who was later to become the 

Bishop of Manchester (1979-92). In 1917, Herbert published his book Should a 

Christian Fight: An Appeal to Christian Young Men of All Nations in which he 

argued that for Christians there was no alternative to pacifism. In this, he was 

embracing his parents' anti-war stance, most notably articulated in Arthur's 

Blood Against Blood.' His mother was equally opposed to bearing arms and one 

of Kate's nieces recalls her trying "to convince us that you couldn't be a Christian 

- be saved as we say in the Army - if you were involved in war".' 

PACIFISM AND PENTECOSTALS 

While based in the Netherlands, Arthur with the opportunity to read the war 

propaganda from both sides, wrote Blood against Blood as a remonstrance 

against the Anglo-South African (Boer) War (1899-1902). The first edition was 

published somewhere between mid-1900 and early 1902; The theme of the book 

was captured in its title. The book considers two kinds of bloodshed: one 

affected by the use of weapons of warfare contrasted with the other spilled in 

fighting for the cause of Christ with spiritual weapons. The church, in the defence 

of its narrow sectoral interests, had confused the two in mixing the two 

kinds of blood. True Christianity was the only antidote to war: it was the blood 

of Christ against the blood of the bayonet, Christ's Christianity against cannon 

Chri~tianity.~ When the book was republished during the first World War, the 

American Pentecostal Weekly Evangel reviewed it in glowing terms: 

I In the Booth-Clibborn Collection is a sworn affadavit drafted by Booth-Clibborn and 

witnessed by T. H. Mundell, solicitor and Hon. Secretary of the P. M. U. It was prepared on 

behalf of his son Theodore for consideration by a tribunal giving the reasons why Theo. refused 

on grounds of conscience to enrol in the school cadet force. 

'Carolyn Scott, op. cir., 190. Words recalled by Catherine, daughter of Bramwell and Flome 

Booth, aged 13 at the time they were uttered. She recollected, "It was a curious mental 

disturbance to me to find that she thought so differently (from me)". 

' Jay Beaman, Pentecostal Pacifism; The Origin, Development and Rejection of Pacific Belief 

among the Pentecostals, Center for Mennonite Brethren Studies: Kansas (1989) 67, n. 19. 

Beaman bases the dating of the first edition of Blood Against Blood on internal evidence within 

the book. On the other hand, Peter Brook, Professor of History, University of Toronto, stated in 

a letter to Stanley Booth-Clibborn that it was published "around 1907". (Booth-Clibborn 

Collection). Brook produced a paper entitled Nineteenth-Centuty British Pacifism. 

' Ibid, 42 which summarises the thrust of the book



The Gospel Publishing House is now in 

possession of a powerful book, entitled Blood 

Against Blood, written by Arthur Booth- 

Clibborn, an English (sic) Pentecostal brother 

who has been the means of a glorious ministry in 

Germany (sic) before the opening of the war ... We 

recommend that you purchase it and become 

imbued with the spirit of its contents.' 

In Britain, by contrast, where conscription was introduced in 1916, the book was 

banned and all copies were withdrawn from circulation2 - a reflection of the 

jingoistic fervour with which the war was pursued in its earlier stages. The 

Established Church was solidly supportive of the war. The Presbyterian 

theologian, John Oman, obscrved that, in cultivated circles, "the religious official 

is the most belligerent person present".' The Bishop of London went overboard 

on the issue and called in the Guardian for the Church, as the headline 

proclaimed, to "MOBILISE THE NATION FOR A HOLY WAR.' The great 

majority of the 16,500 conscientious objectors were committed Christians and it 

was only from Free Church sources that some defence was mustered against their 

appalling mistreatment. 

~ hwhole g pacifist issue became a particularly searching one for Pentecostals in 

Britain and though there was no official line on conscientious objection among 

the various assemblies, nevertheless, in Donald Gee's words, conscription 

"precipitated a personal issue of deep gravity for many young men among 

Pentecostal believers".' While Boddy and Polhill "manifested a strongly 

favourable attitude towards active participation in the conflict ... Booth- 

Clibborn ...p resented his own view in no half-hearted manner, and probably 

helped to influence many".6 The personal cost involved was commented on by 

I Ibid, 51. The quotation was taken from Weekly Evangel, (10 July 1915) 1. The Gospel 

Publishing House is the publishing arm of the American A. 0. G. That Booth-Clibbom regarded 

himself as Irish comes out in an article he wrote for ConJidence in 1910 when in a piece of mild 

whimsy he asked "if an Irishman may coin an Irishism". (Confidence, June 1910, 145) 

Information obtained from Desmond Cartwright. He has a copy of the book inscribed by its 

owner stating, doubtless as an _expression of his displeasure, that the book was to be confiscated 

' Adrian Hastings, A History of English Christianiry 1920-1990, SCM: London (1991) 46. 

' Ibid, 45. 

9. Gee, Wind and Flame, Heath Press: Croydon (1967) 101. 

Ibid, 101-2. Frank Banleman was the primary chronicler of Pentecostal origins in Los Angles 

in his How Pentecosf Came to Los Angeles (1925), Between 1912 and 1914, he visited Europe, 

including England, when it is almost certain he met with Booth-Clibborn. Some of his semons 

were directed against the "the war spirit in Christians". At a central meeting in London, he met 

resistance from the Chairman [almost certainly Polhill]. The latter said "if he were a young 

man he would enlist himself. ..But some thanked me (Bartleman) for (the address) later, 

especially some of the missionary student young men, members of the P. M. U". (Jay Beaman, 

op. cif., 56). 

Gee years later when he spoke of a young married couple who had been 

conscientious objectors visjting Margaret Cantel ''to seek counsel and comfort in 

their problems and trials". In his own case, he could recollect "the months and 

years of continual obloquy and petty persecution (which for him) meant a growth 

in character and convigtion that would have come much more slowly under 

peaceful circumstances". Later in life he was to observe 

as a solemn fact that those who took a strongly 

patriotic stance in the last War, among our 

Pentecostal brethren, have mostly gone 

backwards in spiritual power and influence ever 

since; while those who put Christ and his Word 

before all have advanced by divine grace to 

positions of spiritual leadership. It could hardly 

be otherwise.' 

When that was written, the names of Boddy and Polhill must have been in mind. 

If so, it was not the most judicious of his judgements since their diminishing 

influence within the British movement does not lend itself to such simplistic 

analysis. 

CONCLUSION 

The one intriguing question surrounding his Pentecostal involvement was 

whether or not he ever spoke in tongues. In Confidence (June 1911), it was 

reported that he said he had not yet spoken in tongues, "and would not be 

satisfied till he did".* In most of the early Pentecostal assemblies in Britain, the 

absence of glossolalia would have been taken as an indication of his not having 

received Spirit baptism. For van der Laan this might account for his absence 

from the International Pentecostal Council that met in the years between 1912 

and 1914.' However that question is answered, there is no doubting the salient 

part Booth-Clibborn played in the early Pentecostal movement. The high public 

profile of his wife and the contribution of three of their sons to the wider 

international movement kept the Booth-Clibbom name to the fore in Pentecostal 

circles and beyond. His family background gave him a cachet unrivalled in the 

I Redentpfion Tidings (2 January 1939) 6. 

Jay Beaman, op. cit., 62. 

' Ibid, 63-4. In the second group he would no doubt have placed Howard and John Carter, 

Stanley Frodsham and Margaret Cantel. Bartleman spoke at the Cantel meeting and also at A. 

E. Saxby's church, "where the leader thanked me warmly" (56). Saxby was the youthful Gee's 

pastor and was a strong influence on him but later was sidelined in the movement once he 

started to promulgate the teaching of "ultimate reconciliation". 

' Confidence, June 191 1,128. 

' C. van der Laan , op. cit., 66.



movement. In a note scratched round the certificate awarded with the life-saving 

medal by the President of France, he wrote that it had come through the British 

ambassador to the French government, Lord Dufferin. Frederick Blackwood, 1st 

Marquis of Dufferin and Ava (1826-1902), was one of the most distinguished 

diplomats of Victorian Britain whose roots lay in the family estates at 

Clandeboye, North Down. Booth-Clibborn in his note remarked, "Lord Dufferin, 

by the way, knew my standing and that of my family and its various groups 

throughout all Ireland in some 15 centres".' Above all, he was a benevolent presence 

at Pentecostal forums and a source of encouragement especially to young 

leaders. He had wider and more varied experience than any of the other British 

leaders. As he stated in the original preface of Blood Against Blood, at the time 

of its publication he was "living at the heart of things".' 

His pacifism influenced many young men, notably Dowie, but not the Salvation 

Army which was a source of regret to him. It was his strong belief that 

acceptance of the pacifist and Pentecostal message by the Army would have 

returned it to its roots, to the time when it was a spiritual force in the nation 

before its growing involvement in social work. During the First World War, he 

was an inspiration for the young conscientious objectors in their personal turmoil 

and by his advocacy of an ethic with elements of social radicalism was a foil to 

the instinctive conservatism of the more acknowledged leadership That such an 

ethic in any expanded version did not transfer to the post-war years left the 

movement disengaged from the larger affairs of society and unimpressive to the 

many young men radicalised and disenchanted by their experience in the 

trenches. 

Booth-Clibborn's internationalism contrasted with the essentially isolationist 

posture of the Pentecostal movement in the post-war period. It was he who 

responded for British Pentecostals to the Berlin Declaration of 1909 that issued 

from a conference of German evangelical Pietists and damned the Pentecostal 

movement as demonically infiltrated. It declared that the spirit of Pentecostalism 

is "not from above but from be lo^".^ It represented an hostility towards the 

nascent German movement that Hollenweger holds made it "the target of more 

harsh attacks than any other Pentecostal church in the world".' Booth-Clibbom 

penned a lengthy article, published in Confidnce, that set out to answer in broad 

terms the charges made against the movement. The aticle was written while he 

was visiting the Continent where he had just made contact with ten different 

centres which afforded him the opportunity to sound out opinion on the 

Declaration: "From personal enquiry 1 know some of the signatories of that 

declaration have not ... examined it with the thoroughness which such a 

declaration req~ired".~ He was the foremost among British Pentecostals to 

maintain a long-term involvement with the European scene. That made him 

familiar with events there and, in this case, drew from him a robust, if not an 

intellectually satisfying, defence of the movement.' 

There can, on the other hand, be little doubt that the Pentecostal movement did 

not get the best years of Booth-Clibbom. Those years belonged to his service in 

the Salvation Army. The culmination of circumstances surrounding the Dowie 

years threatened to leave him a broken man. A. E. Saxby, an early leader and 

fellow pacifist in the Pentecostal movement, recalled, ''when I first met him he 

was a scarred veteran, halting on his thigh ... He was no longer the warrior in the 

sense that he was in the forefront of the battle but he was still the man who had 

made the ~arrior."~ One of his daughters observed that as the years passed, her 

father "seemed to retire more deeply into God and a very rare and lovely spiritual 

refinement began to take place which was felt by all who came near him. He 

became strangely removed from the earth, although he still followed with keen 

interest all the events of the day".' He retreated increasingly to his study, 

devoting his time to Biblical research and writing, little of which entered 

mainstream Pentecostal literature. 

Having weathered two authoritarian regimes, neither Booth-Clibborn parent 

cared to place themselves in a similar position again. Arthur could never again 

be an organisation man, cast in a founder or leadership role and, therefore, never 

able to exercise the authority and power which accrue to such roles. He was 

content to state in the third edition of Blood Against Blood that "the writer 

belongs to no particular Denomination of Christians, therefore none shares the 

' In the Booth-Clibborn Collection. 

A. S. Booth-Clibbom, Blood Against Blood, Charles Cook: New York (1914) 3. The title page 

of the 1914 edition stated: "A second volume, entitled THE MAILED FIST OR THE 

PIERCED HAND is appearing". According to Professor Peter Brook there is no evidence that 

this book was ever printed. 

He expressed his disappointment at the stance of Salvation Army against the pacifist position 

in no uncertain terms: "I have realised that the more the Army comes into favour with the 

unconverted wealthy, and with statesmen and politicians, the conservatism which this entails 

makes it very difficult if not impossible for it to preach the whole Gospel". 

' Walter J. Hollenweger, Pentecostalism: Origins and Developments Worldwide, Hendrickson 

Publishers: Peabody (1 997) 337. 

' Ibid, 337. 

Confidence, August 1910,183. The word ordering in the sentence has been changed. 

' His line of defence was to make play with the charge that the Pentecostal movement was 

"from below". The following catches his drift: "Brethren, is it not time something did come 

from below, from the dust, from the nothing; from our uttermost repentance and humiliation, 

from the midst of an absolute acceptance of despisal and death at the hands of the world" 

(Confidence, August 1910, 184.) 

' Catherine Booth-Clibbom, A Poet of Praise: a Tribute to Arthur Booth-Clibborn, Marshall, 

Morgan and Scott: London (1939) 30. 

"bid. The writer was his daughter Evangeline.


responsibility of the views expressed".' He was too focused on the single issue of 

anti-militarism to gain widespread popular support. He was no longer interested 

in exercising his personal charisma in the interests of building up of a power 

base. As a freelance, he had freedom of action but it was a dilettantism that had 

neither the energy nor vision to structure a future that would ensure the 

permanence of Pentecostal witness. That had to wait the next generation of the 

men of the stamp of George Jeffreys who saw the need to establish a revivalist 

denominational network as the basis for solid future growth. 

Pentecostalism in the Baltics: Historical ~etrospection' 

Valdus Teraudkalns 

PENTECOSTALISM IN THE BALTICS BEFORE THE FIRST WORLD 

WAR 

Pentecostal ideas reached the Baltics together with news from Azusa Street 

Church. Latvian Baptist pastor William Fetler (known also as Basil Maloo' in 

February, 1907, published in the Baptist magazine Avots an article about the 

work of the American Pentecostal pioneers Parham and Seymour. The magazine 

Apostolic Faith is mentioned as the source of the informgtion and quotes from 

one of its editorials called Pentecost with Following Signs' During his studies at 

Spurgeon's College (UK) from which he graduated in 1907, Fetler was 

influenced by the Welsh revival and Holiness movement. Therefore it is not 

surprising that he was sympathetic to renewal movements like Pentecostalism 

even if he never left the Baptists. His sermon delivered in 1914 in Liepaja is one 

of examples of his passionate claim that "those gifts which God through the Holy 

Spirit gave to the first Christian church the Lord at the end times wants to give to 

his church ... When the church of God will move ahead it will receive more gifts of 

the Holy Spirit."' 

At the beginning of the 2oth century, the English woman, Eleanor Patrick, 

developed mission work in the Baltic region mainly amongst Baltic Germans. 

According to her own testimony, the first time she personally used glossolalia 

was during meeting with A.A.Boddy in Hamburg in December, 1908.' She had 

worked at a mission in Frankfurt and visited Russia in 1909, spending time in 

Reval (now Tallinn, Estonia), Riga and Dwinsk (now Daugavpils, Latvia) and 

Witebsk (Belarus). She reported her mission to the pioneer of British 

Pentecostalism, Alexander A. Boddy. She claimed that 200 people were 

converted within two months of her ministry6 and was invited to preach in Dorpat 

(Tartu) in the meetings organised by Baroness Von Brasch whom she had met 

' A. S. Booth-Clibbom, op. cit.. title page. Booth-Clibbom expressed himself strongly against 

any centralisation of the movement. He rejoiced that the new movement was exactly that and 

not "a world-wide organisation. Every assembly is independent ... Each group profits by the 

experiences which others have made through full and free development. Excesses and abuses 

are thus more easily detected and corrected ... Were this revival to be organised or centralised, it 

would quickly go wrong, because carnal unity soon becomes a dead uniformity". (Confidence, 

June 1910, 145) The bitter experience surrounding his resignation from the Salvation Army 

must have reinforced his views on institutional structures combined with a certain idealization 

of the Quakerism of his formative years. 

' The author has tried to examine Pentecostalism of all three Baltic states; however, in the 

process of research he had to concentrate more on Latvia. Written sources about Lithuania and 

Estonia are only available mainly in local languages and are therefore not accessible to author. 

In this article, Russian words are used in Latin transliteration; specific Latin characters used in 

local Baltic languages are not used. 

Cf. V. Teraudkalns, "William Fetler - Friend of Pentecostalism in Latvia", The Journal of the 

European Pentecostal Theological Asociation, XIX (1 999) 8 1-88. 

V. Fetlers, "Kristigas draudzes pamosanas", Avots, 8 (1907) 85-87. 

' V. Fetlers, "Jaiet talak", Kristigais Vestnesis, 10 (1924) 139. 

' "Russia. Letter from Miss Patrick", Confidence, 7.12 (December, 1914) 229. 

"Russia: Miss E.Patrick's Visit to the Baltic Provinces", Confidence, 2.12 (December, 1909) 

282.

The Joumal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XXI, 2001 

Pentecostalism in the Baltics: Historical Retrospection:Valdus ~eraudkalns 

earlier in the Conference in Sunderland.' It was the beginning of Pentecostalism 

in Estonia.' Later, Pentecostal believers in Reval were visited by such prominent 

preachers as Pastor Jonathan Paul from Germany.' 

Von Brasch, from 1911 to 1916, published the monthly periodical To Heaven; 

she also sponsored building a hall for Pentecostal meetings.' Her written 

meditations appeared also in Con$dence.' Her life is one of the examples of how 

upper class Balt Germans, influenced by Pietism, contributed to the rise of new 

religious ideas. Some of them had a tradition of inviting foreign preachers to their 

homes. Some of these evangelists were connected with the dominant church (in 

Latvia and Estonia - Lutheran)while others were not. A similar pattern can be 

seen in Russia where in the lYh century, part of the Russian upper social class 

became dissatisfied with Orthodoxy and turned to Western Evangelical religious 

currents advocating religious freedom and personal relations with God. There 

was a constant exchange of ideas between the upper and lower cla~ses.~ In the 

case of Pentecostalism, in spite of the fact most early Pentecostals were socially 

deprived, we cannot link the rise of the whole of the movement with social 

deprivation. 

Compared with Latvia and Lithuania, Pentecostalism in Estonia was more 

influential. This fact was mentioned by the Latvian Baptist pastor, Janis lnkis 

who reported on speaking in tongues during the worship service of the local 

Baptist church in Tallinn as well as the glossolalia practised in other free 

churches in Estonia.' However, Pentecostal mission work expanded also in 

Latvia. Patrick informed Boddy that she had recruited a German deaconess to 

take on some of the ministry in Riga although G. Rabe is mentioned as a leader of 

the work. Patrick moved to Libau (now Liepaja) where the Town Council 

allowed her to use a hall with 700 seats, free of charge. She also noted that a 

German evangelist Eugen Edel had preached in Riga and Libau.' Later, Patrick 

moved further to Dwinsk, and Witebsk, settling in Saratov, Russia. 

I "An English Lady Visits Russia", Confidence. 2.9 (September, 1909) 209. 

' History book of Evangelical-Christians Baptists in USSR (Isrorija jevangeljskih hristian - 

hapristov (Moskva: VSEHB, 1989) 328) states that E. Patrick came to Tartu in 1907 but it 

contradicts other sources. 

' M. Von Glehn, "Revel, Rusia", flridegroom's Messenger, 5.96 (191 1) 3. 

' lstorija jevangeljskih hrisliun, 328. 

"on Brasch, "God's Thoughts", Co@dence, 6.5 (May, 191 3) 97-100. 

" E. Heier, Religious Schism in the Russian Aristocracy 1860-1900. Radstockism and 

Pashkovism (Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1970) 19. 

' J. Inkis, "Karla Andermana izstiepsanas prieks "Vasarsvetku kustibas"", Avots, 43 (1913) 

511. 

"News fiom Miss Patrick", Conjidence, 5.1 (January, 1912) 16-17 

These events did not happen in a vacuum but should be viewed in the context of a , 

mingling of continental Pietism with the British-American Holiness movement. 

For example, in 1907 some Lutherans and Baptists in Latvia co~esponded with 

evangelist Reuben Torrey inviting him to preach in Riga. Torrey responded that 

"right now his plans do not lead to Europe."' Torrey's writings and sermons, 

including those that teach about the Spirit baptism, were published in Latvian. 

Some independent Holiness groups were established in the Baltics at the I 

beginning of the 2oth century: Vilhelm Ebel who belonged to the Church of God 

(Anderson, Indiana) travelled in 1902 through Russia and stayed briefly in Riga , 

where he established a mission station and a publishing house. His teaching 

mainly spread amongst the Germans living in different parts of Russian ~mpire.' i 

The interdenominational character of the Holiness movement made it possible for 

the doctrine of the baptism of Holy Spirit promoted by the movement to reach 

people not only through independent Holiness denominations but also through 

those belonging to the Holiness tradition who maintained membership in 

established denominations. For example, amongst lecturers in the Baptist Bible 

course held in 1906 in Liepaja were Russian Evangelical Pastor Ivan Kargel from 

St.Peterburg, Mennonite pastor and publisher Jacob Kreker and Latvian pastor 

Adams Podins from Estonia. The main topic of their presentations was 

sanctification. In 1907, a similar course with the same lecturers was held in 

Ventspils and again discussed a distinct crisis experience called the Spirit 

baptism. Different metaphors were used to describe it - J. Kreker in one of his 

speeches in Ventspils talked about spiritual and fire baptism.' New teaching 

spread around and, as admitted by believers of that time, quickly become the 

subject of discussions after the worship services.' There is no surprise that 

Mennonites preached such a doctrine - some of the Mennonite communities 

scattered in the Russian Empire came into contact with German Lutheran Pietists, 

for example, with Eduard Wurst who stressed holy living. Their meetings were 

characterised by a high level of emoti~nalism.~ 

The beginnings of Pentecostalism in Lithuania was different because of another 

social-religious context - its basis was a group fiom a Reformed church in Birzai. 

Petras Viederis from Birzai was baptised in the Spirit during his trip to the USA. 

He returned to Lithuania in 1912 and revitalised the activities of this group. The 

church at Birzai was registered in 1913 with the name Congregation of 

Evangelical Chri~tians.~ New religious trends appear as part of a larger complex 

I "Dr. R.A.Torreja vestule ridziniekiem", Avots, 17 (1908) 199. 

J. Smith, The Quest For Holiness and Unity (Anderson: Warner Press, 1980) 116-117. 

' J. Kreker. "Sastapsanas ar to Kungu uguni", Draugs 9 (1907) [(pages are not numbered]. 

' R. 0zols; "No \ientspilsw, ~vots, 13 (1907) 152. 

C.J. Dvck. An Introduction to Mennonite Histov (Scottdale: Herald Press, 1993) 277-278. 

The &tob of the Union of Pentecostal Churches of Lithuania and the Pentecostal Movement 

in ~ithuani~ (~ocument by David Millsaps, 1999) 1.


Pentecostalism in the Baltics: Historical Retrospection:Valdus Teraudkalns 

of changes in society. Therefore, it is important to point not only to a certain 

religious context but also to other factors which prepared the ground for 

Pentecostalism. 

Urbanisation 

Urbanisation does not always stimulate religious decline.' The search for a new 

identity for many former peasants living with the broken symbols of the past 

included also looking for a new spiritual home. They often found it in the free 

church tradition. Pentecostalism, which is considered a urban phenomenon, fitted 

very well into this picture. With this in mind, we can turn to the situation in 

Baltics: In 1863, 14.8 % of all population of Latvia lived in cities; in 1914, this 

figure was already 40.3 %. It was more than in Sweden where in 1910,24.8% of 

the population lived in cities. In this sense, Latvia was no different from France 

where in 191 1, more than 44.2 % of all the population lived in towm2 

Consequences of political changes caused by the Revolution of 1905 

The Revolution of 1905 had tragic consequences for all sides because not only 

were almost half of the German manors in Kurzeme and Vidzeme (parts of 

Latvia) in ruins, but also hundreds of peasant farms. Many people were killed and 

exiled. However, the Revolution opened the gates for religious plurality. At the 

same time, dissident voices were raised, threatening the economic foundations of 

the ruling churches. The Deputy of the First State Duma (Council) of Russia, 

Janis Cakste (after the First World War, he became the first State President of 

Latvia), worked on the project leading to the law on the confiscation of church 

lands in the Baltics.' Although this was not passed, it served as one of the 

examples of changes that the majority of churches werefto face. 

The crisis of Lutheranism in Latvia and Estonia 

In Estonia and Latvia, since the Reformation, the main organised form of 

Christianity has been Lutheranism. Catholics remained the dominant religious 

group in some parts of Latvia (mainly in Latgale) and in most parts of Lithuania. 

In Lithuania, the Catholic church penetrated and transformed the cultural 

environment while Lutheranism had less impact on countries where it dominated 

because it was often considered foreign by local people because of the strong 

Balt-German presence in the church. Even in 1919, a year after Estonia 

proclaimed independence, more than half the Lutheran clergy in this Nordic part 

I See, for example, research done in the States: R. Finke, R. Stark, The Churching ofAmerica, 

1776-1990 (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1997) 203-207. 

A. Svabe, Latvijas vesture 1800-1914 (Stokholma: Daugava, 1958) 543. 

F. Cielens, Laihetu mai 1. gr. (Riga: Memento, 1997) 225. 

~f Baltics were Balt-Germans.' The historian, A. Svabe, mentions the fact that 

!ntil 1905, of 103 Lutheran pastors serving in Kurzeme and Zemgale (parts of 

.atvia), only 35 were Latvians; in Vidzeme (another part of Latvia), in 1892, 

mong 104 pastors serving rural parishes, only 16 were Latvians. All the rest had 

Balt-German background. The Church historian, L. Adamovics, admits that 

.ven the independence of Latvia did not stop this crisis and the "Latvian 

ivangelical people's church remains more an ideal then reality."' 

IEVELOPMENT OF PENTECOSTALISM DURING THE 

NDEPENDENCE OF THE BALTIC COUNTRIES (1918-1940) 

rhere are two connected streams in the development of Latvian Pentecostalism in 

he twenties - one linked with James Grevins who came to Latvia as an 

4ssemblies of God missionary and another linked with the proto-Pentecostal 

novement within Baptist churches. 

The organised Pentecostal movement in Latvia was started by James Grevins, 

who at the age of 20, went to the USA and became a Pentecostal. Before that, he 

was a member of St. Matthew Baptist Church at Riga and earned a living as a 

;hoemaker.' After graduation from the Elim Bible Training School (USA), he, 

:ogether with his wife, on June 4th, 1926, amved in Latvia from New York. His 

rather was an elder in the Baptist church in Dobele and wanted his son to take 

wer the pastoral work as the congregation had no pastor. However, theological 

jisagreement made it impossible and James Grevins started his own church. In 

1927, he established the Latvian -American Mission Society with sections all 

wer Latvia and started to publish the journal Misionars. In the same year, the 

first Pentecostal hymnal Shibboleth4 was printed, with 63 songs. Grevins' 

activities met with the opposition of the state authorities in 1925, the Department 

of Religious Affairs stated that his ministry was not needed in Latvia and his stay 

in the country was unnecessary ' However, he managed to stay for some years. 

He was ordered to leave the country in 1930, leaving behind nine preaching 

stations with about four hundred members6 

' M. Ketola, "Some Aspects of the Nationality Question in the Lutheran Church of Estonia, 

1918-39", Religion, State & Society 27:2 (1999) 239. 

' E. Kiploks, sast., Prof: Dr. L.Adamovics. Rakstipar LatvQm baznicas vesturi (ASV: LELBA, 

1978) 51. 

Kristigais Vestnesis 17/18 (1 924) 252. 

' Title & from the Bible: Judges 12:6. 

' Lotvijas Valsts Vestures Arhivs (LVVA). - 1370.f. - 1.a. - 680.1. - 23. (Latvian State Archive of 

ist tor), further in the text LVVA) 

' J. Grevin, "From Circus Bandsman to Pentecostal Missionary", The Pentecostal Evangel 

(January 19, 193 1) 6f.

The Journal of the European Pmtecost~l Theological Association, Vol. XXI, 2001 


Another wave which was Pentecostal in character rose in the midst of the Baptist 

movement. Economic depression in Latvia and political uncertainties created a 

background for intensive religious enthusiasm. Another factor to be taken into 

account is the social changes taking place among Latvian Baptists: the social 

status of many Baptists was gradually raised and with that their involvement in 

wider society (For example, in 1920, Arturs Dinbergs founded a factory Vadonis; 

Pastor Evalds Rimbenieks had been deputy of Parliament, Mayor of Liepaja and 

Minister of Finance while Jnis Jirgensons was Mayor of Aizpute'). More 

members of Baptist clergy received academic education and with that came the 

influences of liberal theology. What was acceptable to one segment of Baptists 

turned out to be unsatisfactory to others looking for more spontaneous worship 

and who embodied Holiness principles. 

Traditionally, the beginning of the wave of religious enthusiasm in Latvia is 

linked with meetings held by a small group of believers in Lidere (district of 

Madona) in 1918. They started daily prayers for renewal. Soon the group had 

more than one hundred members and influenced neighbouring distri~ts.~ Like 

others, this revival occurred not without influences from outside - for example, its 

activist Emilija Hercmane (later instrumental in the establishing of the 

Pentecostal church in Jelgava) was a refugee during the First World War and met 

revivalists in Russia and, as she remembers, "prayed with them for the power 

from heaven" .' 

In 1926, the Baptist Union finally split (to be reunited in 1934). The older union 

opposed Pentecostalism, but congregations of the Second Union with their 

emotional style of worship and revivalist recruitment techniques were quite open 

to glossolalia and the Pentecostal teaching in general. However, tensions 

gradually developed between the Second Union and the Pentecostals. They were 

charged with proselytism and extremism. Controversy developed in the Riga 

Agenskalna Baptist Church pastored by Janis Bormanis. He moved beyond the 

revivalist lines and became enthusiastic about the Pentecostal message. In June, 

1927, he was elected as a Board's Secretary of the Latvian-American Mission 

Society (later he resigned from this p~sition).~ Bormanis had to leave his Baptist 

congregation in 1930 because he put too much emphasis on glossolalia and the 

healing of the sick.' It seems that Bormanis had an extreme view regarding the 

cause of sickness believing that "diseases are not from God. Believers who have 

' J. Tervits, "Baptisti valsts, pasvaldibas un sabiedriskas institucijas. Izdales materials LBDS 

kongresa "Baptisti un sabiedriba" (12.03.99.) laika. [pages are not numbered] 

A. BNV~~S, Baptistu draudnr izcelsanas Latvija (Minstere: autora izdevums, 1986) 136. 

' E. Hercmane, "Ka Latvija sakas atmoda", Misionars, 5 (1928) 73. 

' LVVA. - 2263.f. - 1.a. - 2.1. - 1. 

' A. Korps, E. Lejasmeijers, red., Rigas Agenskolna baptistu draudzes 50 gadi (Riga: 

Agenskalna draudze, 1934) 24-26. 

received the Holy Spirit cannot be sick."' One can see here similarity with 

teaching of some early Pentecostals in the United States - F.M. Britton refused 

medical aid for one of his sons believing in the possibility of "entire cleansing 

from disease."* 

Bormanis, after leaving the Baptists, organised the Pentecostal church 

Vasarsvetku Blazma (Pentecostal Dawn) in Riga and published a journal under 

the same name. Services were held in Russian and German. Vasarsvetku Blazma 

was legally registered as a religious society with mission stations in different 

parts of Latvia and, in 1933, had in total about 1000 members.' However, it did 

not last long. In 1933, the District court of Riga stopped the work of Vasarsvetku 

Bl~zma.~ Before that (in 1932), the same fate had already occurred to the Latvian- 

American Mission Society ' Pentecostals found ways out of such restrictions by 

creating small religious associations. Authorities often closed them but 

Pentecostals managed to re-establish them under different names. According to 

the data provided by the Director of the Department of Churches and Confessions 

up to 1934, in Latvia, there existed 10-15 Pentecostal ~hurches.~ The authoritarian 

regime of Karlis Ulmanis (1934-1940) introduced restrictions on religious 

minorities. The new Law on Religious Associations and Their Unions (1934) 

stated that a religious association needed at least fifty people to be registered 

(instead of five as stated in the law of 1923).' It became more difficult for 

Pentecostals to continue their ministry but it did not stop. For example, ministry 

continued via the association of Betele based in Jelgava. It functioned not only as 

the church but also supported an orphanage.' Sometimes, Pentecostals found 

support in mainline denominations. For example, in 1939 the Lutheran 

Archbishop Grinbergs approved the establishment of a prayer group called 

Getzemanes pulcins (Gethsemane group) formed by Baptists, Pentecostals and 

others in the Riga Evangelical Lutheran Mission's Ch~rch.~ There is no surprise 

that this parish became the shelter for some Pentecostally-minded Christians 

because until 1935, it existed as a free Lutheran congregation.1° 

Pentecostals in Latvia maintained links with missions abroad, especially with the 

' A. Errlitis. sast., Otras baptistu savienibas rokasgramata 1929/1930. kongresa gadam (Riga: 

~~~



Russian and Eastern European Mission connected with the Department of 

Foreign Missions of the Assemblies of God. It published the journal, Primiritelj 

which contained reports about missionary trips to the Baltics (including the fact 

that Donald Gee was guest lecturer of the Bible courses in Danzig when he 

visited Latvia in 1933.' These courses were also attended by Latvians; a 

Pentecostal preacher from Liepaja, Arvids Kurnins, was there for two months. In 

1939, he took part in the European conference of Pentecostals in Sto~kholm.~ 

In Estonia, the Pentecostal message was rekindled by Swedish evangelists 

Voldemar Ellingson and Nils Kastberg who amved in Estonia in 1922. In 1925, 

Ellingson established the Pentecostal church in Tallinn and started to unite 

Pentecostals scattered around Estonia. He organized a publishing house, The 

Light, and published the hymnal, Songs of Victory.' Heigo Ritsbeck points out the 

different estimates of Pentecostal membership; for example, Michael Viise states 

that before 1940, it did not exceed 200 but this is doubtful because according to 

the pastor Evald Kiil, there were already 1,350 members at the Tallinn 

Pentecostal Church Elim in 1937.' The Russian Baptist leader, Alexander Karev, 

after visiting Estonia in 1945, mentioned in his report5 that before the war in 

Estonia, there were 8 Pentecostal churches with 2000 members. 

After Independence in 1918, the Lithuanian authorities proclaimed that all 

religious groups were to be recognized as legal, thus providing the basis for the 

free existence of minority groups. In 1923, the first Pentecostal church was 

organized in Vilnius by Liuba Kobiako, Olga Lemenshuk, Anastasija Klimionok, 

missionaries from the Eastern European Mission. In 1928, 0. Mazolo became 

pastor of the church; from 1934-1940, the pastor was 1. Panko, then A.Skobei. In 

1940, it decided to affiliate with the similar church in Birzai mentioned earlier. 

Therefore, the year of 1940 is the most appropriate time to date the birth of the 

Union of Pentecostal Churches in Lith~ania.~ 

PERIOD OF OCCUPATION: 1940-1990 

Soviet occupation in 1940 ended independence of the three Baltic states. From 

1941-1944, the Baltic region was occupied by the Germans and then again by the 

' "Iz puteshestvij po nive Bozjei brata redaktora Primiritelja G. Shmita", Primiritelj, 1-2 

(1934) 11. 

' L.at$s Valsts Arhivs (LVA) - 1986.f. - 2.a. -P-9234-1.I. - 161 -162 [Latvian State Archive, 

further in'the text LVA]. 

' Istorija jevangeljskih hristian, 341. 

' H. Ritsbeck, The Mission of Methodism in Estonia (Boston: Boston University School of 

Theology, 1996) 4748,205 [unpublished dissertation]. 

' LVA - 1448.f. - 1.a. - 230.1. - 35-40. 

Isforija jevangeljskih hristian, 377; The Histoty of the Union of Pentecostal Churches of 

Lithuania and the Pentecosts[ Movement in Lithuania. 1. 

Soviets. Thus, the post-war history of the Latvian Pentecostalism is inseparable 

from what happened in the whole of the USSR. Pentecostals in the Soviet Union 

were forced to unite with the All-Union Council of the Evangelical-christians- 

Baptists (hereafter AUCECB); Baptists in the Baltic countries also had to join 

this association which was used by the State as a means of control. The 

democratic congregational structure of leadership characteristic to the Baptists 

was replaced by a hierarchical model with the Council and its Presidium at the 

top. In August 1945, in Moscow, 27 leaders of Pentecostal and Baptist churches 

took part in the meeting to discuss the question of uniting together. The outcome 

of this meeting, known as the 'August agreement', served as the formal basis for 

the incorporation of the Pentecostals in the AUCECB. The Document states that 

both sides agreed to refrain from glossolalia at public meetings as well as on the 

issue that 'filling with the power from above' can happen also without glossolalia 

(a doctrinal statement which was and still is not acceptable for many 

Pentecostals).' 

After the Second World War, Baltic Pentecostals were gradually incorporated in 

the AUCECB. At the beginning, they tried to keep their autonomy, formally 

joining the Baptist Union. In the report about the Baptists in Latvia in 1946, ten 

member churches (with a total membership of 686) belonging to the Pentecostal 

tradition, were listed separately.' In the report of 1947, the list included 13 

Pentecostal congregations.' Pastor Fricis Grietens organized the Riga Cion 

Pentecostal Church that used a church building shared also by Baptists and 

Lutherans. Soon, the fact that in the same building existed another congregation 

which belonged to the same Union was used as an argument for closing the 

Pentecostal congregation down - in 1947, the senior presbyter, Nikolay 

Levindanto' wrote that the request of the church to be registered was turned down 

because it was able to unite with the Baptist congregation worshipping in the 

same building.' 

Autonomy was possible only for a short time as terms of the August agreement 

were increasingly imposed. Pentecostal congregations ceased to exist as entities 

and the name 'Pentecostal' was not mentioned in the titles of congregations. 

Sometimes, as a reason for closing down congregations, it was stated that there 

were too many church buildings in one town and that they should be used more 

rationally. This was stated by the Latvian Baptist Andrejs Redlihs in 1949, 

' Istorija jevangeljskih hristian, 404-405. 

' LVA - 1448.f. - 1.a. - 246.1. - 15. 

' LVA - 1448.f. - 1.a. -230.1. - 143. 

' He arrived in Baltic region in 1945 as the representative of AUCECB and until his death in 

1966, he served as the senior presbyter of the Baptist churches in Baltics in spite of the fact that 

he had no knowledge of the local languages. 

' LVA - 1448.f. - 1.a. - 230.1. - 138.



speaking in the meeting of the Liepaja Pentecostal church Elim.' The State 

increasingly realized its plans. Local Baptist pastors in the conferences of 

ministers supported the continuation of the Pentecostal churches as separate 

entities or at least as holding separate worship services but the dictates of State 

politics made it impossible. Unification happened all over the Baltic region - for 

example, in Tallinn, a new congregation united four groups: Baptists, Evangelical 

Christians, Pentecostals, Free Christians. The State gave them the historic St. 

Olav's Church which, until 1944, was used by German Lutherans.' In 1948, the 

Government forced Pentecostals and Baptists in Vilnius to unify but persecution 

did not end with that and in 1950, the church was closed.' 

Not all Pentecostals joined with the Baptists. When asked about the Pentecostal 

groups in Latvia which had not joined the Baptists, the Latvian pastor Bormanis 

mentioned groups in Talsi, Riga, and Ventspils.' In 1949, Soviet authorities 

arrested and later deported the Pentecostal activists Janis Bormanis, Janis 

Rozenbergs, Janis Kadegis, Arvids Kumins, Pavels Jefimovs, Juris Dreimanis, 

Adolfs Ginters, Ilarions Puskarevs, Voldemars Sneiders and Marija Grevina. 

Rozenbergs, Kadegis, Jefimovs and Kumins were charged with leading illegal 

Pentecostal groups but the 'crime' of Dreimanis and Bormanis was that "while 

formally joining with Baptists, in practice they developed underground anti- 

Soviet Pentecostal activities."' It is striking that some of the people persecuted 

becayse of their beliefs had already faced restrictions during the First Republic of 

Latvia. According to the police report of March 1940, the Pentecostal preacher in 

Liepaja, A. Kumins, had been punished six times for organizing Pentecostal 

meetings6 

The Soviet policy of promoting the migration of the Russian-speaking population 

to the Baltic region unintentionally stimulated the emergence of new Pentecostal 

groups. In 1948, Riga visited the leader of Russian Oneness Pentecostals, Nikoly 

Smorodin, who met with Bormanis and preached in his service.' He also visited 

Ventspils (Latvia) where according to the report given by Levindanto, after his 

preaching, local Oneness Pentecostals belonging to the Russian group of the 

Baptist congregation started to be more active.' The result was that under the 

leadership of Timofej Semenov, a separate group of 20 Oneness Pentecostals 

' LVA - 1448.f. - 1.a. - 102.1. - 66. 

Istorija jevangeljskih hristian, 347. 

The History of the Union of Pentecostal Churches of Lithuania and the Pentecostal Movement 

in Lithuania 1-2.; Istorija jevangeljskih hristian, 377-378. 

'LVA- 1986.f. -2.a. -P-9234-1.1. -28. 

' LVA - 1986.f. - 2.a. - P-9234-2.1. - 109. 

' LVVA - 1370.f. - 1.a. - 2605.1. - 7. 

' LVA. - 1986.f. - 2.a. - P-9234-2.1. - 3-6. 

'LVA. - 1448.f. - 1.a. -230.1. - 188. 

started to gather for meetings.' In order to keep these people within the Baptist 

church, the Baptist bishop F. Huns suggested to the local pastor that he accept 

baptisms performed by them.' In Riga, there emerged a group of Russian 

Pentecostals who joined Eastern Pentecostals. In the beginning, it was led mainly 

by women - for a short time by Marija Zidkova (according to the files of the 

Ministry of State Security, she started to play a leading role in the group in 1951 

but was arrested and sentenced in 1952'). 

After the death of Stalin, Pentecostals in the USSR began to return back from 

their places of deportation and tried to renew Pentecostal activities. Bormanis 

returned to Latvia in 1955. It was reported to the state authorities by the Baptist 

Bishop Fricis Huns that he had started to organize meetings in flats and was also 

preaching in some Baptist ch~rches.~ In 1957, believers in Vilnius were again 

able to worship openly and, in 1967, they registered as the Congregation of 

Evangelical Christians-Baptists. Soon, they purchased a building for worship 

se~ices.~ 

The very end of the fifties and the beginning of the sixties was marked by the 

intensification of persecution in the churches. In 1961, the Council of Religious 

Affairs of the Council of Ministers of the USSR passed instructions which 

prohibited the registration of groups having 'distorted teachings and character'. 

Pentecostals were included in this list. In spite of persecution, Pentecostals 

continued their life of silent resistance. Latvian Karlis Zvirzgdins, who was 

already known in Pentecostal circles from 1940 when he published a hymnal, 

using his own money, actively took part in underground Bible printing and his 

house was used as a storage base for these books.' 

There were a number of developments between 1970 and 1990. The Baptists 

were influenced by Pentecostally oriented preachers coming abroad (Finland, 

USA). Foreigners were able to travel more freely around the USSR and because, 

officially, Pentecostals were part of the AUCECB, amongst members of Christian 

delegations were also to be found Pentecostal leaders. Some Christians came 

privately as tourists and, in meetings with local believers, shared their 

convictions. Thus, several times, Laimonis Tiluks viosited Latvia; he was leading 

a Charismatic prayer group in Australia. He taught faith healing and Baptism in 

the Spirit. The Bishop's Council of the Latvian Baptist churches discussed his 

' Formally part of Oneness Pentecostals (called in USSR Christians of Apostolic Spirit) in 1947 

united with AUCECB). 

' LVA - 101.f. - 20.a. - 75.1. - 196-197. 

LVA - 1986.f. - 2.a. - P-5221-3.1. - 278; 374-376. 

' LVA - 101.f. - 19.a. - 74.1. - 128.-131. 

' The History of the Union of Pentecostal Churches of Lithuania and the Pentecostal Movement 

in Lithuania. - 2.; lstorija jevangeljskih hristian, 378. 

Svetdienas Rits. 22 (1 990) 7.



teaching and its influence on some Baptist congregations like the Riga Golgata 

Baptist Church. Later, in the period 1984-1990, when this church was pastured by 

Amis Silis, it came under strong Pentecostal influence. Silis, together with 150 

members, left the church, establishing a new independent church, Prieka Vests.' 

Another source of influence were Samizdat literature prepared on a typewriter 

and then copied. For example, in Latvia material about the activities of the 

American evangelist Kathryn Kuhlmann was copied and distributed. St.Olav's 

Church in Tallinn, used by a Baptist congregation, became a centre for a wave of 

neo-pentecostal renewal and a place of pilgrimage for many believers from the 

whole USSR. After worship services, prayers for healing of the sick were 

practiced. The Estonian Baptist Union established a commission for the 

investigation of this new trend (sometimes, especially by its opponents, called 

the 'movement of falling down'). In July 1978, a meeting of this commission 

was attended also by official representatives of Latvian Baptist churches. Later 

(November 1978), the Bishop's Council of the Latvian Baptist churches 

formulated its view in line with the Evangelical perspective - "for Christians, the 

apostolic teaching is most important, not events linked with the activity of the 

Holy Spirit described in the Acts."' The Commission, established by Estonian 

Baptists trying to keep neo-pentecostals within the churches, was more positive 

than the Latvian Baptist leadership. Classical Pentecostals in different parts of 

USSR were divided in their attitude towards the new movement. 

Pentecostals eventually gained the status of an autonomous church. The Council 

of Religious Affairs started to allow registration of Pentecostal congregations 

outside the AUCECB. Pentecostals in Riga received permission to have worship 

services in St. Paul's Lutheran church in 1973. A group in Jelgava received 

permission to hold meetings in St. John's Lutheran church in Jelgava in 1975. In 

1979, for the first time in the Soviet period, two Pentecostal churches were 

officially registered - one in Riga, another in Jelgava. At that time, a bilingual 

(Latvian and Russian) church in Riga had 100 to 110 members while a church in 

Jelgava in 1983 had 150 to 160 members.' Later, because of different cultural and 

religious traditions, Russian speaking believers from both churches split and 

organized their own congregations. There was clearly a defined reason behind 

providing Pentecostals with freedom to worship; in 1974, a staff member of the 

Latvian office of Delegate of the Council of Religious Affairs, J. Kokins, wrote, 

"now there is a chance to control their prayer meetings and to learn more about 

preachers of this group - Lackaja and Kostans."' The church in Jelgava was 

growing slowly involving all age groups. In the information on the situation in 

1976, given to the Department of Propaganda and Agitation of the Communist 

Party of Latvia, we find that number of the registered Pentecostals in Jelgava are 

from 100 to 150.20 % of Pentecostal weekly worshippers are young people, aged 

up to 30 years which is higher than in the local Baptist (10%) and Seventh Day 

Adventist churches (6%).' 

BALTIC PENTECOSTALS AFTER THE COLLAPSE THE USSR 

After regaining independence, Pentecostal groups in Latvia can be classified in 

the following way: 

Classical Pentecostals linked with Western churches 

Classical Pentecostals can be as classified churches belonging to the Association 

of Pentecostal Churches of Latvia (APCL) which is a part of the International 

Church of God, the Centre of the Pentecostal Churches of Latvia which is 

connected with the Assemblies of God and the Apostolic Church. Choice of 

affiliation was mainly pragmatic and was not based on dogmatics. The APCL, 

after signing an agreement with the International Church of God, continues its 

historical tradition of not practicing foot washing. 

In 1999, the APCL had 16 churches.) The Association has organized larger events 

like Song Festivals (the first one was in 1997) which resemble national singing 

festivals celebrated in Latvia since the 1 9 century. ~ ~ It is interesting to note that 

the APCL has one woman pastor, Gunta Matjuhova, who was elected to this 

position by the church in Jelgava in 1994. She explains that this is partially due to 

the lack of male minister^.^ 

In 1988, a meeting of Latvian and Russian Pentecostals took place where the 

question of establishing one union was raised.' However, because of differences 

in traditions, it did not happen. A predominately Russian-speaking Pentecostal 

Centre of Latvia with Bishop Emanuel Prokopenko as the head, was established 

I 

J. Tervits, Latv@s Baptistu draudzu savienibas draudzes pasreiz (Riga: Latvijas Baptistu 

draudzu savieniba, 1995) 84. 

Latvijas Baptistu draudru savienibas Vestures arhivs. - Latvijas baptistu draudzu Biskapa 

padomes sezu protokolu gramata (27.10.77.-08.08.80.). - 79-80. [Archive of the Union of 

Baptist Churches of Latvia] 

LVA - 1419.f. - 3.a. - 202.1. - 49-50. 

I LVA- 1419.f. -3.a. - 10.1.- 119. 

' LVA - 101.f. - 41.a. - 105.1. - 95. 

' See the list of addresses and names of ministers in: "Latvijas Vasarsvetku draudzu apvienibas 

(LVDA) draudzes" Dzivibas Avots 4 (1999) 15. 

' Author's Interview with Gunta Matjuhova. 24 September, 1997. 

In other written source E.Prokopenko dates beginnings of the Pentecostal Centre with year 

1988. He does not mention in his report the Latvian Association at all. (World Pentecost 53 

(1997) 19-20.)


I 

I 


in 1989.' Russian Pentecostals established a Bible College with a two-year course 

in 1994. In the 1997/98 academic year, the school had 33 students - 18 Russians, 

15 Latvians. Of them, 20 were women.2 Traditionally, there are many links 

between Russian Pentecostals and Slavonic countries. For example, the Riga 

Church, Patiesibas Vards (Word of Truth), has developed active missionary work 

outside Latvia coordinated by the mission, Effata. In 1992, they sent 14 to the 

district of Volovsk. In 1997, there were 18 established congregations and two 

Bible schools in this area. ' 

In October 1988, pastors of the Apostolic Church, E.H. Williams and Ken Rees 

visited Moscow, Kiev and Leningrad. It was the beginning of direct contact by 

the Apostolic Church with this region after the collapse of the Soviet regime. In 

1989, they visited Latvia and met with the former Baptist pastor, Arnis Silis and 

his wife Ruta SiIe who both attended the 1990 convention of the Apostolic 

Church. After further visits to Latvia, Ken Rees met missionaries Jerry and 

Vanessa Broderick who took charge of a small group of believers in Ogre. This 

group came under the cover of the Apostolic Church. Later, churches were 

planted also in Platone and Liepaja.' Similar to other countries, the Latvian 

Apostolic Church has a strictly hierarchical system. According to the by-laws, 

the denominational leadership in United Kingdom appoints pastor and other 

congregational leaders. An annual meeting is led and called by the local pastor. 

He is in charge of the admittance of new members.' 

Eastern Pentecostals 

This division of Pentecostalism has come to Latvia from Russia and its 

beginnings can be traced back to the Twenties when I. Voronajev, who himself 

was converted into Pentecostalism while living in the USA, spread 

Pentecostalism throughout Russia and the Ukraine.6 The Eastern Pentecostals 

differ from other Pentecostal groups mainly in their practice of using unleavened 

bread and the rite of foot-washing during communion, a stricter dress code and 

moral conduct as well as a more reserved attitude towards Western influences. 

Their church in Riga traces its history back to 1949. At the end of 1998, Eastern 

Pentecostals in Latvia had in total 15 churches with 700-800 members - mainly 

Russian-speaking. The congregation gathering in Valmiera is predominantly 

' Author's Interview with Emmanuel Prokopenko. 1 April, 1998. 

S. Dorlons, "Latvijas Bibeles koledza - vasarsvetku skola ikvienam kristietim", Dzvbas 

Avots, 3 (1998) 24. 

' Author's Interview with Nikolay Grib. 15 July, 1997. 

' K. Rees, "Why Latvia', Vision, (special souvenir issue) (1997) 6-7. 

Religiskas organizacijas "Platones kristiesu centrs" darbibas statuti, Tieslietu ministrijas 

Sabiedrisko un religisko lietu departamenta registra lieta "Platones kristiesu centrs". [File of the 

Department of Social and Religious Affairs] 

Istorija jevangeljskih hristian, 402. 

Latvian. So far, only one congregation is registered, the church, Atklasme 

(Revelation), in ~iga.' 

' 

Independent neo-Pentecostal churches 

The largest independent neo-Pentecostal2 groups are the predominantly Latvian 

I church Prieka Vests (Message of Joy) and the predominantly Russian church 

Jauna Paaudze (New Generation). Jauna Paaudze has experienced considerable 

growth in numbers - at the beginning of 1997 its church in Riga had about 3000 

members, in 1998, 3500 members but in the whole of Latvia, it had about 6000 

supporters.' Its first worship service occurred on November 11, 1989 in one of 

the culture clubs of Riga. It was a period when AIeksej Ledjajev was in the 

process of starting an independent church (before that he was a Baptist who had 

joined the Pentecostals) in Riga. New churches were established in different 

laces in Latvia and the result of this work is such that by the end of 1992, 

several satellite churches were established. 

Small unregistered groups 

Besides the groups mentioned, there are small groups of Pentecostals who meet 

for worship in private flats and avoid registration as well as associating with 

larger Pentecostal groups. There are Oneness Pentecostals in the district of 

Ventspils as well as followers of the American preacher William Branham.'They 

have been introduced to his teaching through reading Russian translation of his 

books. 

In Lithuania, Classical Pentecostals are united in the Union of Pentecostal 

Churches of Lithuania (headquarters in Vilnius) officially registered in 1991 after 

the decision made in 1989 by churches in Vilnius, Panevezys and Birzai. In 1999, 

the Union consisted of about 1000 believers united in 21 congregation and 8 

mission stations, led by 13 ordained pastors and 12 other ministers. In 1998, 

Rimantas Kupstys was elected as new bishop. In 1995, the Union with the help of 

Assemblies of God (USA) missionary Richard Lang, established Vilnius 

' Author's Interview with Vjacheslav Altuhov. 30 December, 1998. 

Sometimes, the term 'charismatic' is used to designate these churches which unlike Classical 

Pentecostals are not direct historical continuations of early Pentecostalism. 

' This data is from the research done by the Academic Centre for the Study of Religions 

(Institute of Philosophy and Sociology, University of Latvia). See S. Krumina-Konkova, 

"Bibele harismatiskas Vinkalna baznicas interpretacija" in J. Vejs (ed.), Bibele: Raksti, teksts, 

kulturvide (Riga: Latvijas Bibeles biedriba, 1999) 226-237. 

' Branham insisted that believers should be rebaptized in the name of Jesus only, he considered 

denominationalism a mask of the apocalyptic beast and prophesied that all denominations 

would be consumed by the World Council of Churches (D.J. Wilson, "Branham, William 

Marion" in S.M. Burgess and others (eds.), Dictionaty of Pentecostal and Charismatic 

Movements (Grand Rapids: Zondervan Publishing House, 1988) 95-96.)



Theological College. It has graduated 35 students, most of whom are in some 

kind of church ministry. The Union of Pentecostal Churches of Lithuania 

belongs to the Pentecostal European Fellowship, International Pentecostal 

Assembly of Christians of Evangelical Faith and is an associate member of the 

World Pentecostal Assemblies of God Fellowship. In 1988, the Word of Faith 

church was born in Vilnius- an independent neo-Pentecostal community which 

now has over 50 communities and several Bible schools. The Church is led by 

pastor Giedrius Saulytis. In 1996, the Word of Faith publishing house published 

the first Bible in the Lithuanian language in one volume in post-war Lithuania.' 

The Word of Faith is the result of active missions work done by Word of Life 

(Uppsala, Sweden) missionaries. Swedish Pastor Ulf Ekman mentions in his 

autobiography, I Found My Destiny, his trip to Vilnius during the historical coup 

of 1991. He had an audience with President Landsbergis.' 

In Estonia, the Pentecostal story had its continuation when, in 1991, Pastors Mart 

Vahi and Allan Laur from Canada came to Estonia. They established the 

Pentecostal Church in Estonia. According to its own statistics, in 1994, the 

Church had 67 congregations. Other sources mention 35 congregations with 

2,500 members.' The fact sheet4 of the Estonian Institute mentions that in 1996, 

this Church had 34 congregation with 2500 members. There were 56 ministers of 

whom 15 were female. The Church publishes the magazine Valgus. It cooperates 

with the Pentecostal Assemblies of Canada, the Assemblies of God- Australia 

and the Apostolic Church of Pentecost of Canada. In 1994, the Church opened 

the Bible College which in 1994-95, enrolled 35 students. There are also other 

Pentecostal and neo-Pentecostal Churches united in the Estonian Evangelical 

Union of Charismatic Congregations (1996, 26 congregations, 1000 members), 

Union of Estonian Christian Free Congregations (1996, 6 congregations, 1000 

members), Union of Estonian Full Gospel Congregations (1996, 5 congregations, 

1000 members), Gospel Christians in Apostolic Spirit (1996, one congregation, 

60 members). Neo-Pentecostal groups were started in the late 1980s and one of 

the first ones was a movement linked with the Swedish Word of Life. It started 

among youth in Methodist and Baptist circle^.^ The Charismatic Episcopal 

Church is a lively witness to the possibility of convergence between the 

charismatic, liturgical and evangelical wings of Christianity. This denomination 

began in USA in June 1992 with three churches and already in 1994 had about 

The History of the Union of Pentecostal Churches of Lithuania and the Pentecostal Movement 

in Lithuania, 2-3. Union of Pentecostal Churches of Lithuania (booklet). 

' U. Ekman, Ja nashol svoju sudjbu (Moskva: Slovo Zimji, 1999) 134-137. 

' H. Ritsbeck, The Mission ofMethodism in Estonia, 48. 

' Estonia in Facts. Religion in Estonia. (1997) 

R. Ringvee, "Religions in Estonia" in J. Kaplan (ed.), Beyond the Mainstream: The Emergence 

of Religious P/uralism in Finland, Estonia, and Russia (Helsinki: Finnish Literature Society, 

2000) 112. 

100 congregations worldwide.' In Estonia, in 1999, it had 10 churches led by Dr. 

Heigo Ristbeck, a former ~ethodist.' 

I Looking into the future of Pentecostalism in the Baltics, one can say that it is 

going through the stage of institutionalization and accommodation to the changes 

i in the wider society. New opportunities to study abroad are bringing new levels 

i I of theological and historical self-awareness. So far, theological perspectives of 

, ~altic Pentecostals have been in line with traditional perspectives of their fellow- 

/ believers in other countries. Glossolalia as an initial sign is still the predominant 

: view, thus continuing the line expressed already in 1935 in the Latvian 

Pentecostal magazine Jaunais Misionars - "Spirit's Baptism can be heard and 

can be seen."' Here, stress on the gift of the Spirit is balanced by fruit of the 

Spirit. 

Most Classical Pentecostals still live and worship in the context of painful 

memories of being ridiculed and persecuted. It has left a lasting impact on the 

ways in which people tend to act. Marginalization by force, in some cases, has 

turned into the process of marginalizing by choice. Public image and the social 

role of Pentecostals is also a problem - they are often ridiculed by the mass 

media, sometimes restricted by State authorities which view them as nontraditional 

and in many cases their ministers do not have regular ecumenical 

contacts with their colleagues in older denominations. However, there are 

positive signs of change. The Latvian Pentecostal representative (Bishop J. 

Ozolinkevics) is a member of the Board of the Latvian Bible Society (actively 

involved in the work of Bible Societies are also Pentecostals in two other Baltic 

countries). Latvian Pentecostals were involved (not without opposition amongst 

some circles in the Lutheran church concerned with keeping a Lutheran identity) 

in the evangelism week led by Luis Palau in 1999. Publication of the Latvian 

Christian Radio Tiksanas regularly includes, besides news from Catholic, 

Lutheran, Baptist and Seventh Day Adventist churches, also an informative 

Pentecostal page - an interview with one of the church activists. Representatives 

of Lithuanian and Estonian Pentecostals took part in the conference organized by 

the World Council of Churches in Tallinn (22-23 September 2000). The Estonian 

Christian Pentecostal Church (ECPC) is member of the Estonian Council of 

Churches (ECC) which is a voluntary association of Christian churches 

established in 16 February 1989. In 1 September 2000, the ECC had 7 member 

churches and one observer (Seventh Day Adventists).' ECPC is represented also 

' A. Banks, "New Denomination Attracting Members", The Orlando Sentinel (March 5, 1994) 

C-5. 

http://www.i~~e~.~rg/rrasfedtcec~estonia.h [08.22.99] 

' "Vasarsvetki", Jaunais Misionars, 6 (1935) 83. 

' Estonian Council of Churches [booklet received in 2000).


on the board of the Estonian Christian Television which is the first private TV 

station in Estonia (launched in 1991)' 

For many local congregations, prosperity theology is controversial ; it is 

especially promoted by independent churches. Leadership of Classical 

Pentecostals are opposed to the prosperity teaching but in fact, prosperity 

theology has come as a reaction against the cultural pessimism of early 

Pentecostals who cultivated strict perfectionism. Missionary Steve Bradkovich 

(works in Latvia) comments on that: "Attending any Pentecostal church, you can 

see that after a leader has said 'let's pray' people suddenly start weeping. Why 

Because they have been taught to pray in this way. In the Twenties, a great 

movement of the confession of sins took place which truthfully was Spirit's work 

but with time it turned into a form of religion."* 

This will remain an issue of debate for the near future. It is very much linked with 

questions of identity - identity is not something established firmly once for ail but 

it is an open space which should be filled with content again and again. 

A Historical and Theological Analysis of the Pentecostal 

Church in Romania 


SECTION I. HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT AND GROWTH OF 

PENTECOSTALISM' 

EARLY PENTECOSTALISM (1922-1950) 

Origins 

Romanians are a Latin people, but they are generally Greek-Orthodox. The 

Romanian Evangelical Revival started by the late 1 9 century ~ with Romanian 

Baptists and Brethren. Some non-Evangelical writers suggest that Pentecostalism 

reached Romania around 1910, coming from the USA.' The Pentecostal, T. 

Sandru informs us that in 1919, a German Baptist woman in Darlos (near 

Medias-Transylvania) was the first person in Romania to have experienced the 

baptism of the Holy Spirit with the sign of tongues, also through American 

influence.' In the USA, the first Romanian Pentecostal churches existed in 1921- 

1922, in Michigan and Ohio.' 

In 1921, seven Romanians who had participated in the American meetings of 

Aimee Semple McPherson were baptized in the Holy Spirit. Amongst them were 

the Baptists Constantin Sida (who, in 1921, sent a letter about it to his friend 

Petru Pernevan, from Paulis, near Lipova) and Theodor Andra, who in 1922 sent 

a letter and a booklet to his brother Petru in Paulis, called "Biblical Truths", 

printed in Romanian. Petru Andra\ was a distant relative of Persida, George 

Bradin's wife (1895-1962), who had been ordained in 1922 as a Baptist preacher 

for the village, Cuvin. George was a friend of Petru Pernevan; so George and 

Persida read the letters and the booklet. In June 1922, George prayed for the 

healing of his wife from tuberculosis and hydropsy; she was healed by the Lord. 

Bradin sent a letter to Cleveland (Ohio) to an address found on that booklet. In 

' http://home.delfi.ee/-niinemagi/ektv/ [08.01 .01.] 

' Author's interview with Steve Bradkovich, 21 August 1998. 

' Paper presented at the EPTA Conference, Bucharest, Romania, April 2001. 

' C. Cuciuc, Atlas; Atlasul religiilor din Romania (The Religious Atlas of Romania), Gnosis: 

Bucuresti (1996) 66; 1. Ramureanu, M. Sesan, T. Bodogae, Church H. 11, Istoria bisericeasca 

universala, vol. 2 (10544444-1982) (World Church History) Editura IBM a1 BOR: Bucuresti 

(1993) 410 

' T. Sandru, Pentecostal Church; Biserica Penticostala in istoria crestinismului (The 

Pentecostal Church in the Histoty of Christianiryl with an English summary by Rodney Friend, 

Editura BDAPR: Bucuresti (1992) 130. 

' I.J. Buia, Pentecostal Church of God : Detroit ; Biserica lui Dumnezeu Penticostala Romana 

Detroit, 1937-1987, Semicentenar (Romanian Pentecostal Church of God, Detroit, 1937-1987, 

Half-centenary) Detriot (1 987) 27


A Historical and Theological Analysis of the Pentecostal Church in Romania 


September 1922, he received an answer from the USA written by Pavel Budean. 

George and Persida decided to start the first Pentecostal church in Romania on 

loth September 1922 in Paulis. Persida was healed soon afterwards from 

hyperthyroidism during prayer.' 

THE PENTECOSTAL CHURCH OF GOD (1922-1927) 

The first Spirit and Water baptisms 

In February 1923, a new Pentecostal church was founded in Cuvin in the house of 

Vasile and Persida Semenascu. by that time, Persida Semenascu was baptized 

with the Holy Spirit. On the 3r6 June 1923, Persida and George Bradin received 

the baptism in the Holy S~irit.~ In 1923, local authorities forbade the Pentecostal 

Religious Association. The Minister of Religion from Bucharest repeated the ban 

in 1924.' Pavel Budean (1886-1958), who had spread Pentecostal ideas in the 

USA before 1918 in a journal printed in Romanian, was ordained in 1923, 

possibly by the Pentecostal Church of God in Detroit that printed a Romanian ' 

book of hymns in 1924. Budean brought this book when he came on a mission to 

Romania in 1924 and officiated at the first Pentecostal water baptism in 

Romania.' "On this occasion the first photograph of the church in Paulis was 

taken. The date and the name of the church were written on this photograph: 

'Church of God'."6 

The Declaration of Faith 

~udean'hel~ed his brothers to send a petition for recognition to the Minister of 

Religion in 1924. The Baptist background of the movement is illustrated by the 

name of "Baptist Pentecostals" from that petition.' Unfortunately, Baptist writers 

have provided inaccurate information about Pentecostal beginningsR The 

Minister of Religion answered indirectly through Decision no. 5734 ofthe 29th 

January 1925 "The sect of Pentecostals ... is led by George Bradin. The doctrine 

is published in a fourteen-page booklet called "The Declaration of the True 

Foundation". It is forbidden because their doctrine is not shared by all its 

' T. Sandru, Christian Church ; Biserica Crestina : Evolutie si Spiritualite (The Christian 

Church : Development and Spirituality) ITP : Bucuresti (1995) 262; Revival : Trezirrea 

Spirituala Penticostala dill Romania (The Pentecostal Revival in Romania) ITP : Bucuresti 

(1997) 72; G. Bradin, Manuscript Journal, 72 

Word of Truth (Word), (1 Mai 193 I), 1 

' Sandru, Revival, 74 

' Sandru, Revival, 74 

"andru, Pentecostal Church, 127 with n. 50, 166; Revival, 75. 

Sandru, Pentecostal Church, 206-207 (summary by Rodney Friend) 

' Bradin, op.cit, 32 

a Alexa Popovici, Baptist History, [I, lstoria baptistilor din Romania (The History of the 

Baptists in Romania) Chicago (1989) 397-398 

members ...".I The Decision was published in newspapers and Bradin received 

many letters and visits, the Pentecostal message being spread among the general 

public.' While the Pentecostal work had its beginning in the county of Arad, as 

noted by two Greek Orthodox Guides of Sects,' there was also another small 

Pentecostal movement among Transylvanian Germans round the city of Medias.' 

Church Organization 

1. Conferences 

In the autumn of 1928, fifty leaders convened at the conference of Paulis and 

decided to organize their activity into a new centre with a new name, avoiding the 

name of "Pentecostal Church of God", to confuse the authorities and achieve 

recognition.' The Pentecostal journal The Voice of Truth was issued by Ioan 

Bododea in January 1929; in the third edition, (1929) its name was changed to 

The Word of Tr~th.~ "On the 22nd of February 1929, the Pentecostal association 

reorganized its structure and changed its name to "The Apostolic Church of God" 

with headquarters at Braila."' 

In keeping with the secular writer I.M. Popescu, the new chairman I. Bododea 

introduced a new organization system on the basis of the local church or 

community subordinated to the branch as a religious and administrative body 

uniting the communities of a county or from several ones, and finally the 

Executive Board - like a religious administrative and representative body; a 

system which continues.' 

Several branches of the Church were founded: the Suceava branch for Bucovina 

and Northern Moldavia was founded by the Conference of Burdujeni (26 April 

1930) with Cristian Gavrila as leader of the branch. At first, the State authorities 

seemed favourable towards it but in 1930-31, they became aware that the 

Apostolic Church was Pentecostal and forbade it.' 

' T. Sandru, Pentecostal Apostolic COG ofRomania, Bucuresti (1982) 29 

' Bradin, Pentecostal. Movement, in Herald of the Gospel, 1 1 (1 June 1946), 5 

' XXX, New Guide for knowing andfighting the sects, Bucharest-Cernica, 1925, 74-77; second 

edition, Arad, 1927, 107-107 

' Sandru, Pentecostal Apostolic COG, 3 1 

' P. Bochian, Penrecostal Church 1925-1930 in Bulletin of the Pentecostal Denomination, 6 

(Nov.-Dec. 1989), 8 

C.V. Roske, "70 de ani de la aparita revistei Cuvantul Adevarului" in Word of Truth (March 

1999), 2 

' Sandru, Pentecostal Apostolic COG, 3 1 

' I.M. Popescu, Christianity; Istoria si sociologia religiilor. Crestinismul (The History and 

Sociology of Religions, Christianity) Editura Fundatiei "Romania de Maine: Bucuresti (1996) 

231. 

G. Bradin, "Pentecostal Movement", The Herald of the Gospel (1 June 1946), 6

The Journal of the Europcan Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XXI, 2001 

2. Church split 

According to a neutral observer, C. Cuciuc, some Baptist preachers recently 

converted to Pentecostalism (I. Bododea, V. Gaspar), had manifested a dissident 

spirit since 1930. From 193 1, Romanian Pentecostals divided: divisions had 

arisen in relation to modemising practices attempted by some leaders including 

modem clothes, marital relations, permission to give up the footwashing ritual 

and various contacts with the World Pentecostal movement.' The mainstream 

Church, led by G. Bradin was conservative and preserved the name "Apostolic 

Church of God" to which they added the phrase "named Pentecostal" (AGCP) in 

order to distinguish it from the other group (close to the East European Mission 

of Danzig led by Gustar Schmidt) with the same name (ACG) to which they 

added "Baptized with the Holy Spirit Christians" (BHSC). In 1932, the ACGP 

center was established in Lipova (east of Arad) and the editorial office of the 

journal The Word of Truth (the main source of information on the split's story) 

moved from Brila to Lipova, then to Bucharest (1936); the joumal was forbidden 

in 1937. It seems that Bradin could not control the AGCP during 1937-38 any 

longer, persecution being one of the reasons. So he entered the Baptist Union of 

Romania with the branches from Paulis and Lipova in 1938.' 

The BHSC ceased its activity during World War 11. There were 7400 Pentecostal 

believers in 1938.' 

3. Reorganization and Unification 

Much \persecutions came especially during the World War 11. Church meetings 

were held in secret places at night or in the forest. In these places, religious 

services, baptisms, dedications of children and the Lord's Supper took place. 

Believers had to walk a long way in order to reach the meeting places, hidden in 

the woods. The gatherings usually concluded with a meal or love feast as in the 

Early Church. Many believers were sentenced by courts to many years in prison 

and were obliged to pay fines. There were cases of martyrs who gave their lives 

for the faith, like Partenie Pera in 1927 and Voicu Rusin in 1944.4 

On 20 May 1945, the ACGP was reorganized by Bradin at the Conference in 

Arad. Its journal The Herald of Evangel was published from September 1945 to 

February 1948. The BHSC (1948) received from the Minister of Religion the 

' Cuciuc, Atlas, 67 

'T. Sandru, Revival, 88-89; S.M. Burgess; G.B. McGee, P.H. Alexander (eds) Dictionary of 

Pentecostal and Charismatic Movements (DPCM) Grand Rapids: Zondervan (1998 2nd ed.) 

763-764,770. 

'Popescu, Christiani~, 23 1 

' Sandru, Pentecostal Church, 134-138; Mihail Sevastos, Truth, 44/21 (Nov. 1931); Sandru, 

Revival, 85-88. 

I 

i 

! 



Decision of recognition No. 39.25311946; The AGCP (Arad) received the 

Decision of recognition No. 64.803123 Dec. 1946; and a small association, "The 

Disciples of the Lord Jesus Christ" (DLJC- Bucharest) received the Decision of 

recognition No. 1060511948. All three Pentecostal religious associations had 

together about 15,000 members in 1945.' Their numbers doubled until 1950, 

I 

when the ACGP (Arad) had 25,910 members (adults and under age); the BHSC - 

, 4500; the DLJC - 1500; in all, 31,900 Pentecostals (including children). In order 

to recognize the Pentecostal Denomination (PD), the Communist authorities 

asked for the unification of the three associations. In February 1950, the BHSC 

/ unified with the ACGP; in March 1950, the DLJC also joined. The PD received 

I 

full and final recognition under the official name: The Pentecostal Denomination; 

: The Apostolic Church of God of Romania on 14 November 1950, by the Decree 

No. 1203, signed by the President of the Parliament, C.I. Parhon, who played the 

part of the State head at that time.2 

I 

I 

PENTECOSTALISM IN EXPANSION (since 1950 up to the present) 

PD ORCANISINC ACTIVITY (1950-1962) 

i PD Position in the New Establishment 

I 

' The Communist regime officially recognized 14 Cults (Denominations). There 

I 

were no religious associations any longer and all sects were forbidden. The small 

, new-Protestant denominations were officially accepted in the religious 

establishment of Romania in order to undermine the Orthodox Church. 

Theoretically, Pentecostals enjoyed a more privileged position in Communist 

Romania than in West European countries, but practically "the Pentecostal 

emphasis on the supernatural work of the Holy Spirit "made the Apostolic 

I 

Church of God a special target of the Department of Denominations."' 

First Congress, Headquarters, Publications and Courses 

The first PD Congress (held on 21 St of July, 1951, in Arad) elected a new 

leadership. Bradin was the first PD chairman (1950-1962). A. Vamvu (from 

: Craiova-Oltenia) and D. Zamfir (from Bucovina) were vice-chairmen, T. Sandru 

' - secretary, P. Ardeu - cashier. PD headquarters were in Arad (1950-1954). A. 

I 

Vamvu and T. Sandru opened a PD representative office in Bucharest (1951). 

, The Communist censorship eliminated Christian songs from the PD Hymnal 

printed in 1952. Since September 1953, the Bulletin of the PD has regularly been 

I 

: ' Ardeu, Romanian Church (manuscript), 93; Herald (15 Jan. 1946); Sandru, Pentecostal 

, Apostolic COG, 35. 

I ' Sandru, Revival, 104 

I 

J.F. Tipei, ACG, in DPCM, sub voce.


printed up to December 1989.' Since 1953, a PD Wall Calendar has annually 

been printed, containing subjects of daily meditation and Sunday School Bible 

les~ons.~ In 1954 the PD headquarters moved to Bucharest. Pantelimon Cojocar 

(former BHSC chairman) became PD cashier.' 

The three months training courses for PD leaders from 1954ll955 and I955ll956 

were remarkable because for the first time Maria Manea, a woman, was accepted 

amongst the four teachers by such a conservative denomination.' The Federation 

of the Evangelical Denominations (F.E.D.) (including Pentecostals, Baptists, 

Brethren and Adventists) had been officially recognized with the respective 

denominations but it did not last long because of its opposition to the Communist 

restrictions.' 

Restrictions and Pressures 

From 1955, the Communist regime began to impose various restrictions. The PD 

was required to reduce the religious programmes in churches. Many churches 

were closed and many pastors lost their positions. The Department of Cults 

forbade any musical instruments, including the choir. Water baptisms for new 

converts were forbidden and pastors were obliged to ask special permission from 

the authorities in order to baptize the sons and daughters of Pentecostals. Some 

were arrested and placed in prison for evangelizing and distributing Bibles and 

Christian literature. New church building was forbidden as well as additions to 

existing struct~res.~ 

The Communist authorities interfered in the affairs of the Church by approving 

preachers and officials' visits and by recruiting collaborationists from among the 

pastors who were required to regularly present reports of activity. Professional 

jobs were denied to Pentecostals in some areas like management, education and 

the media.' 

The most famous Romanian Pentecostal who was persecuted was Constantin 

Caraman, who performed a sentence of forced labours at the "Death Channel" 

Danube-Black Sea between 1951-1952. He became a spokesman of all the 



persecuted Christians and was again imprisoned (1963- 1964; 1977).' The oldtimer 

Vasile Gaspaar received (together with C. Caraman) a sentence of three 

years and six months in prison in 1963.~The first Romanian Pentecostal 

theologian, pastor Eugen Bodor was imprisoned for three months for religious 

propaganda; Alexandru Iacob, the conductor of Sibiu Philarmonic Orchestra and 

composer of Pentecostal hymns (e.g. the famous hymn '"Today the Holy Spirit is 

like the morning dew") was imprisoned in the sixties.' 

The second PD Congress (Bucharest 1-2 June, 1956) was compelled to remove 

the leaders who had fallen into disfavour with the Communist authorities: A. 

Vamvu, T. Sandru, P. Cojocar and D. Zamfir. In Autumn 1956, Sandru, who was 

already in disfavour, was visited by the septuagenarian Pavel Budean, who was 

going to prepare the international relations of PD (first through Donald Gee and 

David DuPlessis).' 

In 1958, Vamvu and Sandru were dismissed from their ministries as pastors and 

were expelled from the PD together with the boards of their churches in Popa 

Nan Street and Crangasi Road.' The state authorities did not allow a new PD 

Congress until 1986. When Bradin died (1962), the vice-chairman Pavel Bochian 

(1 9 18- 1996) succeeded as PD chairman (1 962- 1969) without being regularly 

ele~ted.~ 

POLITICAL, ADMINISTRATIVE AND SPIRITUAL CHANGES (1962- 

1989) 

New Communist Politics 

When the Romanian communist leader Gheorghiu-Dej wanted to be more 

accepted by the West, he weakened relations with the USSR and little by little, 

the Communist position towards the churches improved to a certain extent. In 

1968, when Dubcek led his reform effort in Czechoslovakia, the new Communist 

leader Ceaucescu (1964-1989) also adopted some positive attitudes. This new 

' Sandru, Pentecostal Apostolic COG, 37; Pentecostal Church, 150. 

' P. Bochian, (Life) Viata unui pastor din Romania (The Life of a Pastor in Romania) Editura 

Privilegiu: Bucuresti (1 997) 8 1. 

Sandru, Pentecostal Church, 147. 

: Sandru, Revival, 106. 

, Bochian, Life, 89. 

Sandru, Pentecostal Church, (Summary by Rodney Friend), 208. 

' J.F. Tipei, ACG in DPCM, sub voce. 

' S. Grossu, Le Calvaire de la Roumanie Chretienne (Calvary) Editions France-Empire (1987, 

Romanian version 1992)106-154; P. Caravia, V. Constantinescu, F. Stanescu, Biserica 

intemnifata Romania 1944-1989 (Imprisoned Church) Institul National pentru Studiul 

Totalarismului: Bucuresti (1998) 1 1 1 ; Ton, Confrontations Cartea Crestina: Oradea (1999) 126- 

127; C. Caraman, Written Testimony (recorded by A. Ivan). 

' Grossu, Calvary, 154. 

'Roske's verbal witness. 

' Sandru, Revival, 107- 1 1 1. 

' Roske's verbal witness. 

Bochian, Life. 103.


development helped the Church situation in Romania. It then became possible for 

Romanian Pentecostals to participate in different conferences abroad and to 

receive foreign visitors in Romania. These new relations abroad helped the PD to 

build church buildings and open new churches. 

Central and Provincial PD Leaders 

In 1968, the PD leadership was reorganized with P. Bochian as chairman, D. 

Matache as vice-chairman and treasurer, A. Vamvu as secretary and T. Sandru as 

editor-in-chief. The third PD Congress (1986) elected Bochian as chairman, C. 

Leontiuc and L. Gog as vice-chairmen; Sandru-secretary; Vamvu-treasurer; Chr. 

V. Roske - editor in chief.' 

With the exception of the branches of Arad, Oradea and Suceava, all the PD 

branches (even the Bucharest one) were dissolved by the Communist regime in 

1962. The Arad branch was the largest, being extended from Arad to Bucharest 

and Constanta. It was led by P. Ardeu, Al. Mari\ and I. Berar (later 

superintendent of the Oradea branch). The Suceava branch was led by the 

superintendant, C. Grossu and the secretary, D. Udi~teanu.~ 

Church Growth and Communist attempts to stop it 

PD intemational relationships provided an important pressure on the Romanian 

government in favour of the PD religious freedom. It was necessary because, in 

the sixties, a new stage of Pentecostal expansion started in Romania and the 

Communist authorities tried to stop it. From a countryside expansion in the most 

part (due-in large measure-to the high birth rate of the Pentecostal peasant 

families), Romanian Pentecostalism developed to a faster expansion in the city 

and town areas, so that from 1956 up to 1976, Pentecostals increased in Romania 

from 54,000 to 100,000.3 That was a result of the Communist politics which 

planned to force a (unreasonable) growth of industry and city areas. In those 

circumstances, many Pentecostals were compelled to move to towns, which 

became the centres from where the Pentecostal faith spread.' 

Pentecostal evangelism and Communist reprisals can be illustrated by many 

instances. C. Tarnavski (1971), V. Rascol (1971; 1974-1976) and C. Mihai 

(1 971 -1972) were imprisoned for receiving and distributing Bibles.". Lacatus, 

1. Samu and F. Paris were sentenced in 1978 for "parasitism" and "anarchistic 

' Sandru, Revival, 1 1 1; 120- 12 1. 

' Bochian, Life, 104; 187. 

' 1.M. Popescu, Christianity, 23 1 

' Sandru, Pentecostal Church, 154 

' Caravia, Imprisoned church, sub voce 



activity" (that is for religious activity) to six months of prison; and P. Gagea and 

S. Holbura - to four months of prison (both charged within 1979 for "parasitism") 

.' I. Toader, a licensed engineer in Ploiesti, served more than five years in prison 

(1981-1986) for Bible distrib~tion.~ In 1986, the Pentecostal pastor in Satu Mare, 

Victor Opris, was sentenced to nine years in prison.-' 

Pentecostal church buildings were demolished, including in Bucharest, the church 

of Crangasi Road (1980), pastored by P. Bochian, the PD hair man.^ 

Notwithstanding, real Pentecostal "cathedrals" were built: Phi.ladelphia in 

Bucharest (1 976)5 and "Elim" in ~irnisoara.~ 

PENTECOSTAL ADAPTATION TO FREEDOM (1990-2000) 

The Fourth Congress 1990 

After the 1989 Revolution, Sandru spoke about the "psychological crisis that 

affected ... some Pentecostal believers, especially the youth, by bringing about 

some regrettable incidents"; he mentioned "Pave1 Bochian's heart, hurt by the 

January 1990 events when he was compelled to dismiss" and to "disregard to the 

old-timers ... who had assumed all the risks for many years, to organize and exalt 

the prestige of the Church". He was happy that the 4Ih Congress (Cluj, 15Ih of May 

1990), "despite some deficiencies had the merit to keep brotherly unity and to 

steady the situation in the Denomination".' 

At the 4Ih Congress, the following were elected:- Emil Bulgar as chairman, M. 

Mesaros and P. Rivis-Tipei as vice chairmen, T. Sandru as secretary, Chr. V. 

Roske as editor-in-chief of The Word of Truth (new series). There were five 

branches: Suceava, Arad, Oradea, Cluj, Brasov.' Pentecostals entered the 

"Romanian Evangelical Alliance" (REA) together with Baptists, Brethren, Lord's 

Army and the Romanian Lutheran Church-Bucharest. In February 1992, there 

was a government census that registered 219,151 Pentecostals; the registered 

Baptists were 1 09,000.9 

I S. Grossu, Calvary, 157-159; 166-167. 

' Caravia, Imprisoned Church, sub voce 

' Verbal witnesses From V. Opris and Free Europe Radio. 

' Bochian, Life. I 10-1 11 

' T. Sandru, Paagini din istoria unei biserici (Pages from the history of a church) ITP: 

Bucuresti (1994). 

The E/im Church, in Elim, no. 36-37 (1998), 15. 

' Sandru, Revival, 122, 13 1. 

' Sandru, Pentecostal Church, 164. 

XXX, I992 Census, in Elim, no. 16 (1995).

The Journd of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XIX, 1999 

The Fifth Congress 1994 

At the 5"' Congress, Pavel Rivis-Tipei was elected as chairman; Emil Bulgar and 

Marinel Mesaros - vice chairmen; Ioan Gurau-secretary; Chr. V. Roske - 

Treasurer. The former PD Branches changed into Regional Communities (RC) 

and new RCs were set up: Bucharest RC; Oltenia-Arges RC. The Declaration of 

Faith was printed in 1994. The General Assembly that convened in Felix 

(Oradea) on 23-25 of May 1996 adopted the Statute of the Pentecostal Union. 

Actually, this essential act has not been officially registered yet but it voices a 

concern for decentralization in circumstances that make it necessary for 

Pentecostal unity. The Statute of 1996 stipulates that the Pentecostal Union (P.U.) 

also includes Romanian churches from abroad which adopt the P.U. Declaration 

of Faith and the Statute. 

The Sixth Congress 1998 

At the 6" Congress (Arad, 26-17 Nov. 1998), Pavel Rivis-Tipei was re-elected as 

chairman of the Pentecostal Union. Marinel Mesaros was re-elected as general 

secretary; Emil Bulgar and Mircea Demean were elected as vice chairmen and 

Ioan Gur[u as treasurer. A new Regional Community-Maramures-Satmar - had 

been set up. The proportion of the representation in the Church Council was one 

counsellor for 7,500 Pentecostals; we can infer that for 31 counsellors there were 

accounted 232,500 Pentecostals. There was a total of 2,142 churches, 325 

pastors, 55 1 presbyters, 1,004 deacons.' 

SECTIONII. THEOLOGY AND PRAXIS: 

CHARACTERISTICS/DISTINCTIVES 

WESTERN AND ROMANIAN BACKGROUND 

Doctrines and Praxis 

1. A Pentecostal Creed in the Baptist Free Will Tradition 

The Baptist American Romanians who had embraced Pentecostalism in 1921 

were not in the Wesleyan-Holiness tradition but in the Free-Will Baptist tradition 

of the Pentecostal Church of God.2 So they did not convey to Romania the threestage 

pattern of the full Gospel with its successive and separate works 

(regeneration, sanctification and Spirit baptism). 

I G. Mocan, D. Purdel, The 61h Congress; Word of Truth 1 (Jan. 1999) 3-4; XXX Reporr, Word 

of Truth 1 (Jan. 1 989), 3-1 0. 

'Burgess, DPCM, 700-70 1. 



They transmitted to the Pentecostals in Romania the belief in the Trinity, in 

Jesus' expiating sacrifice for the mankind, in the repentance of sins and new 

birth, in the Apostolic Church and full-aged water baptism. To the Baptist 

teaching of the Holy Spirit fruit, they added the teaching concerning the gifts of 

the Holy Spirit for the present time (especially healing and prophecy). They did 

not distinguish between the baptism of the Holy Spirit and the baptism idwith the 

Holy Spirit with the sign of the speaking in tongues. The rapture of the Church 

was associated with the secret coming of the Lord Jesus Christ differing from his 

second coming to found the Millennium. The first resurrection from the dead was 

believed to occur.at the rapture of the Church, and the second resurrection at the 

great judgment that would provide eternal life for the righteous and everlasting 

punishment for the wicked. The Pentecostal acts of worship are: water baptism, 

the Lord's Supper, footwashing, prayer and anointing the sick with oil, the laying 

on of hands, ordination and infant dedication. The first written and printed entire 

Creed used is the one from 1947. 

2. Conservative Praxis 

Petru Lascau, pastor of "Philadelphia" Romanian Church of God in Chicago, 

wrote in his book Church under Siege that the American Pentecostal movement 

did not begin only as an experience of the Holy Spirit overflowing but also as a 

reform movement within the traditional faith, as a reply to its cold and dry form. 

Instead of the "modernism", which had been introduced by the civilization 

advance, Pentecostals preached simplicity and a return to humility and modesty. 

If in the American culture such a movement had its reasons, in Romania such 

practices - imported through Pavel Budean - emphasized too much the modest 

and humble condition of Romanian peasants. Indstead of the social and economic 

emancipation experienced by the Romanian Baptists, many Pentecostals 

regressed.' This phenomenon seems to have been typical in the past for the major 

areas of Romanian Pentecostalism: the counties of Arad and Bihor and the 

province of Bucovina. Other eye-witnesses deny this situation to be a general 

distinctive of Romanian Penteco~talism.~ American Pentecostal conservatism 

could be attractive for Romanian Pentecostal peasants with a Greek-Orthodox 

background because of the influence of the mystical rigorous tradition of the 

Orthodox monks. 

' P. Lascau, Biserica in Asediu (Church under Siege) White Wings: Streamwood, Illinois (1992) 

162-163. 

' Em. Bulgar's observations at the Scientifical Research Session of the Pentecostal Theological 

Institute of Bucharest on the 1 5 of ~ October ~ 1999.

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association. Vol. XIX, 1999 

Controversies 

1. The Rule of Suceava (26 April 1930) 

The oldest document used, relating to Romanian Pentecostal practices, are the 

Regulations, which were adopted by the Suceava Branch at the meeting they had 

on the 261h of April 1930.' These regulations are generally rigorous. For instance, 

the believer must have first the Holy Spirit's fruits before receiving water 

baptism. Likewise, conjugal intercourse was forbidden for three days before the 

Lord's Supper (Ex. 19:15; 1 Sam. 21:5). These exigencies and the references to 

the "holy life" before water baptism and the "hallowed bread" (1 Sam. 21:4 -in 

reference to the Lord's Supper) point to a sacramental conceiving of the two 

ordinances which have been more or less regarded as "church mysteries" after the 

Greek-Orthodox expressions. Most of the Pentecostal churches in Romania 

practice the Lord's Supper in accordance with the stipulation of the 7th article of 

the mentioned Rule: with "unleavened bread and grape juice and after each 

Lord's Supper ... the footwashing." Nevertheless, the churches in Bucovina 

(Suceava Branch) changed during the great disputes before 1934 this practice by 

adopting communion with leavened bread and fermented wine and by giving up 

the footwashing ritual. 

Romanian Pentecostals have generally viewed footwashing as an ordinance and 

have insisted that it should always follow the observance of the Lord's Supper. 

The U.S. Assemblies of God have never practiced footwashing. The Church of 

God (Cleveland, TN) practices it just once a year. It seems that Romanian 

Pentecostals took footwashing as a monthly practice (at each Lord's Supper) 

from other USA Pentecostal groups. 

2. The Disputes with the School of Danzig (1931-1937) 

The question of the footwashing ordinance was the most striking aspect of 

division since 193 1. Foreign Pentecostal missionaries of a more modem tendency 

started a new work in Romania. These missionaries were emigres to the USA 

who later returned to their homelands. Such were the German from Russia, 

Gustav Herbert Schmidt (1891-1958) and the Bulgarian, Nicholas Nikoloff 

(1900-1964) who worked together from 1927 in the East European Mission. The 

official publication of the E.E.M. was The Gospel Call. Schmidt opened, on 2nd 

of March 1930, the first Pentecostal Bible Institute in Eastern Europe, in the Free 

City of Danzig (today Gdansk in Poland). As dean of the Danzig Bible Institute 

(D.B.I.), Schmidt was followed by N. Nikoloff from 1935 to 1938, when the 

D.B.I. was closed. The famous British Bible teacher, Donald Gee (1 98 1-1 966), 

assisted in the D.B.I. in the training of young evangelists who went back to 

I The Word of Truth (1 Jan. 193 l), 1. 



various East European countries to evangelize and teach. E.E.M. worked in close 

collaboration with U.S. Assemblies of God until 1940.' 

In 1929, the E.E.M. sent missionaries to Hungary, from where they were expelled 

by the fascist regime of Horthy. One of them settled in Czechoslovakia and the 

other, Janos Lerch - in Timisoara (Romania). In 1930, Gustav Schimdt came to 

Timisoara to visit J. Lerch. E.E.M. did not practice the ordinance of footwashing 

and accepted the moderate drinking of alcoholic beverages, unlike Romanian 

Pentecostals. Some Romanian Pentecostal ministers accepted those practices and 

other E.E.M. teachings and were financially supported by the E.E.M. According 

to Sandru, "some young people were invited to follow the Danzig school courses. 

The recklessness in their selection was seen when two of them were eliminated 

from the school for reasons of morality. The Danzig school was a good school, 

having Donald Gee [...I as one of its teachers, with whom, after World War 11, "I 

had good links."' 

The major point of the Danzig doctrine was that the Baptism with the Holy Spirit 

was assumed to occur accompanied by the sign of speaking in tongues, but that 

believers who do not speak in tongues have however received the baptism of the 

Holy Spirit, according to 1 Corinthians 12:13. Bradin denied a spiritual baptism 

without the speaking in tongues and continued to maintain against the Danzig 

school that the modesty in dress and abstinence from alcoholic beverages were 

necessary for salvation. He defended footwashing as an act of worship and 

rejected its Adventist interpretation that considered it an act of humility.' These 

doctrines are still included in the Declaration of Faith of the Pentecostal 

Apostolic Church of Romania (1994). 

It is noticeable that the relationship between the U.S. Assemblies of God and the 

E.E.M. ended in 1940 because of the dissatisfaction of the Assemblies of God 

regarding the financial policies of the E.E.M.: "its move away from a distinctly 

Pentecostal posture theologically, and related problem^."^ 

3. Initial Romanian Pentecostal Doctrinal Formulations 

A concern to assure the doctrinal training of Romanian Pentecostals is illustrated 

by the doctrinal papers published by the first series of the journal The Word of 

Truth (1929-1937). Bochian remembers how much he was helped in receiving 

the Spirit baptism in 1934 by Bradin's paper "The Acts of the Sinful Nature and 

'DPCM, 176-277 (s.v. European Pentecostalism. D. Eastern Europe); 330-331 (s.v. Gee); 637 

(s.v. Nikoloff); 763-764 (s.v. Russian and East European Mission); 770 (s.v. Schmidt). 

' Sandru, Revival, 89. 

'The Herald of the Gospel, (Oct. 1946), 6. 

' DPCM, 764

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XIX. 1999 

the Fruit of the Spirit", which Bochian reprints in his book. At the end of the 

book, Bochian reprinted other papers from The Word of Truth, with a simple and 

clear Evangelical content.' The first collections of Pentecostal Bible lessons were 

published in the periodical The Science of the Saints, which changed its name 

after the World War I1 to The Science of the Saints for Sunday Schools. 

Moreover, in his papers, Bradin published a modest book on Revelation and the 

booklets "The Way to Heaven", "Soul and Eternity", "Prepare to meet thy God." 

In 1932, the other Pentecostal association, "Baptized with the Holy Spirit 

Christians" (B.H.S.C.) published for a short time the journal The Apostolic Faith. 

The Holy Spirit's work in Romania 

1. Spirit Baptism and Divine Healing 

The spreading of the Pentecostal movement in Romania was accompanied by 

baptisms in the Spirit and divine healings. In this regard, the main sources are the 

Pentecostal journals that published testimonies about them. The Word of Truth 

states, "In 1923, eight people were baptized in the Holy Spirit. In 1924, ten 

people from Paulis received the baptism with the Holy Spirit. In 1925, there were 

no baptisms in the Holy Spirit. In 1926, forty-two people received the baptism 

with the Holy Spirit and in 1927, 117 people received this baptism. Afterwards it 

was difficult to keep note of the numbers of baptisms."' 

In his memoirs, Pavel Bochian speaks about divine healings acomplished in the 

village of Mocrea (Arad county) in 1929, by Dumitru Buda, the minister in 

Pancota and also records the first baptism in the Spirit in Mocrea in 1930. 

Furthermore, he provides a touching account of his own baptism in the Spirit that 

took place in 1934 and was accompanied by his mother's divine healing. ' 

In March 1930, Ioan Urlea was reading the journal when he was suddenly 

baptized in the Spirit.' Maria Berc from Reia-Hateg (Hunedoara county) 

experienced divine healing after suffering for seven years; at the same time, she 

was baptized in the Spirit and spoke in tongues in Russian. Her husband, an 

unbeliever, spoke Russian, since he had fought in the World War I in the 

Austrian-Hungarian army and had been a prisoner of war in Russia. He cried out 

in the street that his wife was speaking Russian - a language she did not learn.' 

Mihai Starhentz from Brusturi (Bihor county) had the gift of healing. Many 

' Bochian, Lif, 29-32; 21 5-222. 

' Word of Truth, (1 May 193 I), 1 

' Bochian, Life, 18-23; 35. 

' Word of Truth, (April 1930). 

' Wordof Truth, (Jan. 1931, 8). 



divine healings occurred that were related through spoken or written testimonies.' 

2. Preaching with Spiritual Power 

Bradin wrote down in his diary that false teachers had started to teach if someone 

was speaking in tongues, hisher personal life was not important. These people 

used to go on missions around the country, pretending to be men of God, but they 

were living in immorality.' Nevertheless, the holy love and the healthy spiritual 

guidance of some peasant ministers like the brothers from Bihor: Pavel Ciuci of 

Piclau, Ioan Toader of Salajeni, Vasile Cutz of Cil, Mihai Sharentz of Brusturi 

and others kept Romanian Pentecostalism at the feet of the crucified Christ and 

close to the Bible. Sandru remembers, "I shall never forget the sermon brother 

Ciuci preached in Arad in 1946, entitled "Our God is a God who hides Himself." 

Likewise, 1 shall never forget my two missions with another brother from Bihor 

in 1947 and 1948 in the Valley of the Somes river. The Holy Spirit's presence 

was so strong that the listeners of that brother's sermons were crying from the 

beginning to the end of each sermon. I have never seen something similar either 

before or after that, anywhere in the world on the four continents where I have 

travelled. Then nobody laughed, as some people laugh today ... but they cried with 

tears of joy when touched by the Holy Spirit."' 

The Pentecostal preacher Aron Magda ("brother Aronutz") of Mihaiesti was not 

very different in his message to the Baptist preacher Simion Curea. They 

preached at a Pentecostal prayer service in Ulies (north of Gurasada - Hunedoara 

county) in 1949, but when the Communist authorities broke the service and 

arrested both of them, the witness of "brother Aronutz" was very different. The 

authorities considered him the main "enemy"; he received a severe beating and 

his four torturers canied him by car to a bridge over the large river Mures which 

had whirlpools. Nevertheless, he awakened in the night on the border of Mures 

and moved slowly and with difficulty to a house. Next day, it was a market day 

and he evangelized at the market where he was seen by his torturers. After a time, 

two of the torturers died in accidents, the third lost one of his legs and the fourth 

asked to be baptized.' 

When the pastor Pavel Bochian at the beginning of his pastoral work was 

discouraged because of the Pentecostal confusion and ready to renounce it, he 

visited Vasile Cutz of Cil to ask for advice and prayed for hours with him and his 

family. During the night, he had a great vision of Christ which was a source of 

encouragement for the rest of his life. Bochian recounts also impressive spiritual 

' See word of ruth, (Apr. 1933), 11-12; (Dec. 1935), 12). 

Bradin, Manuscript Journals., 17 

: Sandm, Revival, 129- 130. 

Unwritten witness from Emil Bulgar.

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XIX, 1999 

experiences from the period 1945-1951: speaking in tongues (in German and 

Slovakian), divine healings, exorcism. He records that after the Soviet invasion of 

Czechoslovakia on 21 August 1968, when a Soviet invasion also threatened 

Romania, a prophecy in the Pentecostal church of Vicovu-de-Sus (with 3,000 

believers), near the Soviet border, foretold that the angels were defending the 

borders and nothing evil would happen. The Inspector of the denominations 

communicated this to the dictator Ceaucescu. The prophecy was right.' In 1973, 

Sandru experienced the divine healing of his incurable disease.' 

~entecostal Statutes (1950-2000) 

Characteristics of the PD Government (1950-1989) 

The statute for the Organization and Function of the Pentecostal Denomination 

was approved by the Decree No. 1203 of the Presidium of the Grand National 

Assembly from the 14Ih November 1950, and was published in The Law for the 

General Organization of the Denominations, Ministry of the Denominations 

(Bucharest 1951,437-444). The Rules have 10 chapters, divided into 51 articles. 

This Law of the Denominations and implicitly the PD Statute of 1950 are at 

present obsolete but paradoxically still valid. The project of the new Law of the 

Denominations was sent by the Government to the Parliament not earlier than the 

autumn of 1999 and it is worse than the Communist law; it is to be revised 

because of internal and external protests. In fact, the new Pentecostal Union 

(P.U.) replaced the old Statute with a new one. 

The Statute of 1950 stipulated the following structure: a central church council, 

branches and local churches. The central organization of the PD was formed by 

the following: The General Assembly, composed of 45 members designated by 

the General Assemblies of the branches which in turn were formed by one 

delegate of 200 baptized members elected by the General Assemblies of the local 

churches; The Church Council was formed of 15 members elected by the General 

Assembly. This body played a central leading part; The Executive Board elected 

by the Church Council consisted of: chairman, two vice-chairmen, general 

secretary, general treasurer, and editor-in-chief of publications. This was the 

permanent leading body of the PD. 

From the spiritual point of view, no difference was proclaimed between the 

members of the Church; but from an administrative point of view, they were 

divided into ordained ministers (pastors, presbyters, deacons) and un-ordained 

members. If there were no ordained ministers in a local church, an un-ordained 

I Bochian, Lve, 98-101; 116-129; 138-139. 

' T. Sandru, Pagini din istoria unei biserici (Pagesfron~ the history ofa church) ITP : Bucuresti 

(1994) 29 



leader had to lead the activity of the church. Each branch was led by a board, 

elected by the Branch General Assembly and an overseer, elected by the 

Denominational General Assembly. This Statute follows the pattern of the 

Organic Statute of the Union of the Baptist Communities in Greater Romania 

adopted by the Baptist Congress of Buteni (15 February 1920) that has organized 

the Baptist Union on the basis of the congregation (local church), community 

(Pentecostal branch) and Union of all communities.' The nostalgia of a 

Pentecostal Union with various branches can be seen in the PD Statute, Article 

54: "The Pentecostal Denomination has the possibility to organize itself as a 

federation." 

The PD was centralized, in order to be controlled easier by the Communist 

authorities that had to approve every act of leadership (Art. 9;16;18;36;38;40;55) 

and used the State laws to control the religious activity (Art. 30;46). A new 

Statute of the PD was approved by the General Assembly of the Pastors on the 

19'~ October 1992 and printed in 1993. There are no more stipulations regarding 

the relations between the Denomination and the State authorities. The "Regional 

Communities" replaced the PD branches. Instead of the PD chairman, there was 

the chairman of the Executive Board of the Denomination. 

The Pentecostal Denomination turned its name into "Pentecostal Union" at the 

General Assembly in Felix (Oradea) on the 22nd-25th of May 1996, by a new 

statute of the Pentecostal Union, printed in 1997. This Statute gives the largest 

place to the local church (Art. 7-60) which has the status of a legal entity. Local 

churches have significant levels of autonomy under the control of the regional 

and national headquarters. The General Assembly meets every four years as the 

"Congress of the P.U." and convenes annually (in the years in between) as the 

"National Conference of the P.U.". There may also be extraordinary meetings of 

the General Assembly. The Church Council is presided over by the chairman of 

the Pentecostal Union, assisted by the general secretary. They are members of the 

Executive Board elected -as the Church Council- by the General Assembly 

constituted in the P.U. Congress. The Chairman of the P.U. represents the 

Pentecostal Union. There are also commissions, departments and special offices 

subordinated to the Church Council. 

PENTECOSTAL PRINCIPLES OF FAITH 

The First substantial Pentecostal Declaration of Faith 

The first complete Declaration of Faith of Romanian Pentecostalism was issued 

by Gospel Herald Publishing House in Arad (1947) and reprinted by Sandru as an 

I Popovici, Baptist's History, 11, 33-34. 

1 24


appendix of his Dogmatics in 1993. Actually it sketched Romanian Pentecostal 

theology, developed later in Sandru's theological books.' The first nine principles 

refer to God and his revelation through the Bible and creation. The following 

twelve principles (10-21) refer to man, sin and salvation. The following twenty 

principles (22-41) concern the Church and the Holy Spirit's work. After seven 

eschatological principles (42-48) follow three principles (49-51) about the 

Pentecostal position on the issue of State and denominations. We cannot find a 

foreign model for this remarkable Declaration of Faith, except the 24th principle 

("The insisting search of the Spirit baptism"), which translates into Romanian 

almost wholly the 7th fundamental article of the U.S. Assemblies of God ("The 

Promise of the Fatherw).* As in other Declarations of Faith - e.g. that of the 

Church of God (Cleveland, TN), there is no reference to two spirit baptisms ("of 

the Holy Spirit" and "idwith the Holy Spirit"). The 50th Romanian Pentecostal 

Faith principle accepts the oaths that are requested by the State and the 49th one 

accepts military servicc. In the Church of God (Cleveland, TN) teachings,' there 

is no reference to permission to swear legal oaths and military service is not 

forbidden.' There are many conservative interdictions in the C.O.G. teachings 

about haircut, jewelry, ungodly amusements, swimming, which are not included 

in the Romanian Declaration of Faith, though it is very comprehensive. 

Notwithstanding, the 49Ih principle stipulates the "simplicity in clothes", a request 

which is still valid. 

The Declaration of Faith on the Basis of which the Pentecostal Denomination 

was recognized by the State (1950) 

This was the first Declaration of Faith of the PD, because the previous one was 

made by the Pentecostal Association in Arad. The creation of Heaven and Earth 

is not mentioned any more, because the Communist authorities did not like the 

insistence on God's creative work. The word "salvation" is barely mentioned in 

the 3rd article (Angels) and the doctrine of salvation is dispersed, unlike in the 5 1 

Principles (1 947). Sandru notices, "regarding the question of the Faith Principles, 

when he (Bradin) saw that the regime did not approve the doctrine of speaking in 

tongues, he hid this doctrine behind Bible verses such as Acts 2:l-4 and 1 Cor. 

12:l-3 1 .' The references to the Great Tribulation, Antichrist and the Lake of Fire 

are omitted, for the Communists did not like such things.' 

' XXX, Short Exposition of the Faith Principles of the Apostolic Church of God (Pentecostal), 

The Herald of the Gospel, 1947 

' XXX, The Declaration of Faith of the Assemblies of God U.S.A., in W. Hollenweger, The 

Pentecostals, Hendrickson: Peabody (1 988) Appendix, 515. 

' XXX, Declaration of Faith of the Church of God (Cleveland, TN), in C.W. Conn, Like a 

Mighty Army, Pathway Press: Cleveland (1977) Appendices, 400. 

' XXX, Church of God Teachings, no. 33; 35 in Conn, op. cit., 402. 

' Sandru, Reviva/, 104 

XXX, The Declaration of Faith ofthe Pentecostal Denomination, in T. Sandru (editor), 

Pastor's Guide, Editura Cultului Penticostal: Bucuresti (1 994) 1 1-1 8. 



Other Declarations of Faith and Creeds (1982,1989,1992) 

The above PD Declarations of Faith in 30 Articles was reprinted in 1989 in 33 

Articles with the same contents.' An abbreviated Declaration of Faith in 27 

Articles was published in 1982 in Romanian and English. In the 22nd Article, the 

English word "tithing" interprets the Romanian phrase "generous giving". 

Tithing is not stipulated in the Romanian Pentecostal Declarations of Faith.' 

The PD printed a Creed in 1992. After two years of freedom, speaking in other 

tongues is finally mentioned. The financial support of the servants of the Church 

is also very much emphasized. Smoking, drugs and alcohol are explicitly 

; forbidden.' 

The Revised Declaration of Faith (1994) 

The revised Declaration of Faith in 31 Articles (1994) pretended to be a reprint of 

the 1947 Declaration, stylistically and grammatically revi~ed.~ It is not a revision 

of the form, but is a revision of the contents. The titles of the 31 Articles are 

expressed in sentences that form a Creed. One can notice the following: the idea 

, of the authority of the Word of God is not clearly expressed; the mode of 

inspiration is not clearly specified. Unlike the 51 principles, the 31 Articles 

explicitly forbid drugs, alcoholic beverages, homosexuality and euthanasia. The 

21 st Article states that "the priesthood of the Old Covenant was replaced in the 

New Covenant by the spiritual services in the Church". Unlike the 51 Principles, 

the 31 Articles do not mention oaths, military service nor the "lake of fire". 

The Pentecostal Union (set up in 1996) seems to still consider the Revised 

Declaration (1994) as its actual Declaration of Faith, even though the 31 Articles 

were not reprinted until 1994, which indicates the intention to revise them again. 

PENTECOSTAL THEOLOGY AND ITS PRACTICAL APPLICATION 

The Start of Romanian Pentecostal Theology 

We can aquire a false image of Romanian Pentecostalism if we give too much 

importance either to conservative teachings and the social behaviour of Romanian 

Pentecostals or to their resistance to modern Western influence. A typical 

' XXX, The Declaration of Faith of the Pentecostal Denomination, in T. Sandru, Biblical 

Church Doctrines 1989, Editura Cultului Penticostal: Bucuresti (1989, 2nd ed. 1994) 360-367. 

' Sandru, Pentecostal Apostolic COG, 9-15. 

' Sandru, Pentecostal Church, 187-1 90. 

' XXX, The Declaration ofFaith of the COG of Romania, Bucharest, 1994, 30 pp.

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association, Vol. XlX, 1999 

instance in this respect is given by a Baptist book published in 1993, that says, 

"The Pentecostal churches (in Romania) are in a theological crisis: 80 % of their 

number have had no formal training. The result is often petty legalism, despising 

sermon preparation and placing the prophetic word higher than the Scriptures."' 

Such criticism has always been expressed against Pentecostals in all countries, 

but Pentecostalism is going on, while Baptists have receded in Romania from 

109,000 in 1992 to 83,000 in 1998. 

In fact, Romanian Pentecostals have always been interested in Bible courses and 

theological training but it was not easy to satisfy this need under the Communist 

regime. After Bible courses for the training of pastors (1974-1 976), the Church 

Council decided to start the "Pentecostal Theological Seminary" (PTS) in 

Bucharest. Sandru was appointed PTS director. In the beginning, the Seminary 

enrolled 15 students on a four year course. There was a shortage of teachers and 

of Romanian theological textbooks. The PTS improvised teachers became the 

pioneers of Romanian Pentecostal theology and published the first Romanian 

Pentecostal textbooks. The Pastor's Guide (1976) contained Sandru's courses 

from 1974-1976. Furthermore, Sandru issued the Life and teachings of the 

Apostle Paul (1977), Pneumatology (1979), Pentecostal Apostolic Church of God 

of Romania (1982), The Life, activity and teachings of the Lord Jesus Christ, The 

Bible Doctrines of the Church (1989), The Pentecostal Church in the History of 

the Chfistianity (1992), The Dogmatics of the Pentecostal Church (1993), The 

Christian Church: development and spirituality (1995) and The Pentecostal 

Revival in Romania (1997). Pave1 Bochian published The Church of God. Aspects 

from its life (1980), The Life of Apostle Peter and (in collaboration with Christian 

Vasile Roske) Faith and deeds (1988). Emil Bulgar published The Holy Land. 

Biblical Geography and Archaeology (in collaboration with A. Negoi from the 

Orthodox Theological Institute). Alecsie Vamvu published the Acts of worship in 

the church of God (1981). Christian Vasile Roske published The Preacher's 

Book. A course in homiletic" (1994). 

The most remarkable of Sandru's writings was his Pneumatology (1979), 

reprinted in 1991 under the title The Work of the Holy Spirit. Sandm knew of the 

teaching about the two spirit baptisms, but he agreed with Ryrie, who considered 

the differentiation between the baptism "with" the Holy Spirit (Acts 1 : 15) and the 

baptism "by" the Holy Spirit (1 Cor. 12:13) as artificial, since the same greek 

preposition en is employed in both ver~es.~ However, the book that was most 

appreciated abroad from Sandru's writings was The Bible Doctrines of the 

Church (1989;1994). David Bundy wrote about this book: "What one finds here 

is one of the first attempts by a Pentecostal theologian to wrestle seriously with 

' P. Johnstone, Operation World, Carlisle: OM (1993) 464. 

Charles Caidwell Ryrie, Biblical Theology of the N. T., 114; T. Sandru, Lucrarea Duhului Sfant 

(Pneurnatooglie) STP: Bucuresti (1 99 1) note 1, 1 17. 



the classical Christian heritage of East and West, early and modem, patristic and 

Romanian Orthodox, Charismatic and Reformed Evangelical."' 

Sandru summarizes some of his previous books about Church history in his work 

The Christian Church. Development and Spirituality (1995, 286 pp.). This book 

has also enjoyed a review by Bundy.' Sandru's last book was dedicated to 

Romanian Pentecostalism: The Pentecostal Revival in Romania (1997, 140 pp.). 

He brings his research up to 1996. Without his effort to collect verbal and written 

information and to establish correct chronology, it would be impossible to write a 

Romanian Pentecostal history, whose father he is." 

Acts of Worship and Divine Services 

Romanian Pentecostals utterly reject the term "church mystery", corresponding to 

"sacrament" in the Greek-Orthodox tradition. In Romanian, the word 

"asezamamt" (institution, establishment) is the closest term to the English 

"ordinance" (as spiritual ceremony) but the term "act of worship" is generally 

preferred. Sandru tried to classify the "acts of worship". He divided them into 

three categories: (1) acts which were made and ordered by Jesus Christ and the 

Apostles - water baptism; the Lord's Supper; footwashing; the anointing of the 

sick with oil; the setting apart of the pastors and deacons; (2) acts which were 

made by Jesus Christ or were dedicated by His presence - infant dedication and 

the religious wedding; (3) acts which were stipulated by the Old Testament and 

were not rejected by the New Testament - the dedication of houses of prayer. 

Sandru notes that water baptism and the Lord's Supper are the main acts of 

worship for Protestants, but he does not express a clear approval of this position. 

He thinks that a believer with a clean heart and with faith will be blessed by every 

act of worship, no matter how important it is.' 

The official "Declarations of Faith", Creeds and Statutes of the PD (P.U.) do not 

classify the acts of worship and do not mention all the acts that Sandru lists. The 

Declaration of Faith (1994) specifies that the pastor and the presbyter may 

officiate at all the acts of worship, but the deacon may officiate only at the Lord's 

Supper, infant dedication and funerals (Art. 22). The same Declaration mentions 

' David Bundy's review in EPTA Bulletin 9/3+4, 1989, 79; also in Pneuma, 1211 1990, 56-57. 

Bundy's interest in Romanian Pentecostalism is seen in D.D. Bundy, The Romanian Pentecostal 

Church in Recent Literature, in Pneuma 711, Spring 1985, 19-20. 

D.D. Bundy, Trandafir Sandru, Biserica Crestina: Evolutie si Spiritualitate, in Pneuma, 18 

(1996), 151-153. 

' See Sandru, Rumanien, in W. Hollenweger, Die Pfingskirchen, Selbstdarstellungen, 

Dokumente, Kommentare Ev. Verlagswerk: Stuttgart (1971), 82-90. The first sketch of the 

Romanian Pentecostal history. 

' T.Sandru, Dogmatics Bisericii lui Dumnezeu Apostolice Penticostale ITP : Bucuresti (1993) 

138-1 39; Doctrines, 1994, 210.

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association. Vol. XIX, 1999 

ordination as an act (Art. 22) and footwashing also (Art. 15). The 14th article 

mentions the Lord's Supper as the second "asezamant" so that water baptism 

(Art. 13) would be the first. The 24th article does not clarify the form of marriage 

referred to. The dedication of the houses of prayer is not mentioned in the oficial 

Romanian Pentecostal documents. 

Alecsie Vamvu deals with the subject of prayer, at the end of his book about the 

acts of worship.' He uses the term "ceremony" when speaking of ordination, 

laying on of hands, funeral; the term "randuiala" (order, custom) for a marriage 

and the term "ritual" for a funeral; he considers the betrothal as an "asezamant". 

It is hard to distinguish precise rules for classification and terminology. The 

divine services could be also considered as acts of worship; these services vary 

according to the day (working days or rest days, celebrations such as Christmas, 

Easter, Pentecost); according to the hour (morning services, usually between 9 

and 12 a.m. and afternoon hours, usually between 6 and 8 p.m.) or according to 

the nature of the service (Sunday service, Thursday evening service, Bible study, 

evangelistic service, the Lord's Supper, ordinations, inaugurations). 

Concerted prayer is typical in Pentecostal divine services. Though it is striking 

for a visitor, it has a biblical basis (Ps. 34:3; Acts 1:14; 4:24) and it was practiced 

by the early Church.' 

L 

The Pentecostal Theological Institute of Bucharest (PTIB) 

"In 1992 the Pentecostal Theological Seminary was upgraded to a university 

level institution and changed its name to "Pentecostal Theological Institute - 

Bucharest". In the Autumn of 1997, the Institute had 63 full-time students 

enrolled and 310 correspondence students. Through the double major degree 

offered ... the students are adequately prepared to serve as pastors and teachers of 

religion in public schools.'" 

On the 4th October 1996, at the 20th anniversary of the Pentecostal theological 

education in Romania was inaugurated the first building of the PTIB. The new 

PTIB President, John F. Tipei, obtained in 1998 new credentials for the PTIB 

from the Government. The whole PTIB campus (whose construction was 

financed by the Church of God - Cleveland, TN) was inaugurated on the 5th and 

6th of October, 1999. In its new framework, the PTIB admits each year 20 fulltime 

students (from whom 5 are girls) and 20 correspondence students (with no 

limitation for girls). The full-time theological studies last for four years and the 

' A. Vamvu, Actele de cult in Biserica hi Durnneteu (The Acts of Worship in rhe Church of 

God) Cultul Penticostal ; Bucuresti (1981) 304-3 11. 

' Sandru, Pentecostal Apostolic COG, 19. 

' J.F. Tipei, ACG in DPCM, s.v. 



correspondence theological studies for 5 years. At Graduation, the students 

receive a theology licence with a pastoral special subject (for men) or with a 

didactic special subject (for men and women). They are accredited by the 

government to teach religion for Pentecostal students in the public high-schools. 

The PTIB edits the Pentecostal journal of theology Pleroma and theological 

books. It also organizes symposia for theological dissertations and essays. 

Pentecostal mass media coverage 

The official publication of the Pentecostal Union is the monthly periodical The 

Word of Truth. Currently, the journal is published in 20,000 copies and is 

distributed in 15 countries. The Pentecostal Society for Christian Mission in 

Romania (SPMCR) from Oradea edits the periodical Mesaj Evanghelic 

(Evangelical Message). The Regional Community of Arad edits the journal 

Flacara Rusaliilor (The Flume of Pentecost). The Pentecostal churches from 

Bucovina edit the publication Lumina vechilor carari (The Light of the Old 

Ways). The best journal of a Pentecostal local church in Romania is Elim in 

Timisoara. Pentecostals participate in the broadcasts of the boradcasting station 

"Vocea Evangheliei" (The Voice of the Gospel) that transmits from Bucharest, 

Oradea, Timisoara, Sibiu, Cluj, Suceava. 

SECTION 111. CHALLENGES AND POTENTIAL FOR FUTURE 

PENTECOSTALISM 

POTENTIAL FOR THE FUTURE 

The Pentecostal Local Church 

There are eight Regional Communities of the Pentecostal Union (P.U.): (1) Arad 

(chairman Moise Ardelean) with 538 churches (and affiliated communities) that 

are divided in 80 sectors; (2) Cluj (chairman Aurel Moldovan) with 492 churches 

(affiliated communities included) which are divided in 70 sectors; (3) Suceava 

(chairman Costache Jerban) with 313 churches (and affiliated congregations) 

which are divided in 66 sectors; (4) Oradea (chairman Ioan Moldovan) with 213 

churches (affiliated congregations included) that are divided in 44 sectors; (5) 

Bucharest (chairman Ioan Bochian) with 204 churches (and affiliated 

communities) divided in 31 sectors; (6) Maramures-Satmar (chairman Victor 

Opris) with 56 churches (affiliated communities included) - divided in 23 

sectors; (7) Brasov (chairman Ioan Gurau) with 112 churches (and affiliated 

: congregations) - divided in 26 sectors; (8) Oltenia - Arges (chairman Luca 

Cretan) with 114 churches (affiliated congregations included) - divided in 22 

sectors.


A Historical and Theological Analysis of the Pentecostal Church Rodica in Romania Pandrea 

There were in total, 2142 churches (and affiliated communities) by the time of the 

6"' Congress of the Pentecostal Union (November 1998). A higher number of 

churches in one Regional Community does not implicitly mean a higher number 

of members than in another. The number of members vary from several 

thousands, e.g. in the city of Timisoara or in the village of Vicovu-de-Sus 

(Suceava county) to one hundred or less (e.g. in the South of Romania). The 

exact numbers of the Pentecostals in Romania was not communicated by the P.U. 

Sixth Congress. Some P.U. statistics of November 1999 indicate a growth in 

comparison to 1992; for instance, in the South of Romania with a small 

Pentecostal population: in the county of Braila from 479 to 576 Pentecostals and 

in the county of Valcea from 247 up to 51 1 Pentecostals. We expect the total 

numbers of Pentecostals in Romania to be communicated at the P.U. National 

Conference in May 2000. 

Pentecostal Ministers 

There were 325 Pentecostal pastors, 551 presbyters and 1004 deacons in 

Romania in November 1998. They are considered the clerical staff of the P.U. In 

the period, November 1994 - Nov. 1998, 82 pastors, 179 presbyters and 295 

. deacons were ordained. 

Pastors mett in pastoral conferences at national or regional level. They visit one 

another on the occasion of special services and evangelistic meetings and keep in 

touch with regional and national Pentecostal leaders. In this way, division is best 

avoided. Division was a danger by the year 1994, as the chairman P. Rivis-Tipei 

noted. The observance of correct doctrine and order is observed by the 

Department for Doctrine, the Rule and Discipline of the P.U. Church Council. 

Pentecostal Prayer Houses 

The Department for Construction and Capital Repairs of Prayer House 

encouraged local churches to build their own prayer houses. Out of 2,142 prayer 

houses in 1998, 1,088 were the properties of the properties of the Pentecostal 

churches and 1,954 fimctioned in rented houses. In the 1994-1998 period, the 

Regional Community of Arad built 71 prayer houses and 39 were under 

construction; the Regional Community (RC) of Oradea built 40 and 65 were in 

construction; the RC Cluj built 48 and 20 were in the process of construction; the 

RC Oltenia-Arges built 13 and 19 were in the course of being built; the RC 

Maramures-Satmar built 14 and 8 were in the process of construction; the RC 

Brasov built 14 and 4 were in the process of construction; the RC Bucharest built 

7 and 4 were in the course of being built. A total of 238 prayer houses were built 

and 167 were in the course of being built in Romania between 1994- 1998 by the 

Pentecostal local churches. The P.U. national headquarters and three RC 

headquarters possess their own buildings. 

Pentecostal Social and Humanitarian Assistance 

Romanian Pentecostals set up some centres for the assistance of old people and 

children: (1) The Center for Aged Persons "Bethesda" in Arad; (2) The Center for 

old persons and children "Tabitha" in Arad (with the support of the "Bethany" 

church in Arad and of the Pentecostal church in Pforzheim-Germany) which has a 

capacity of 25 places for the aged and 25 for children; (3) The Orphanage in 

Neudorf (Arad county) - fitted out and supported by the Pentecostal youth; (4) 

The Orphanage in Fantanele (Arad county); (5) The Orphanage in Gherla (Cluj 

county); (6) The Orphanage in Campia Turzii (Cluj county); (7) The Home for 

the Handicapped in Jucu (Cluj county). Teams of Pentecostal young people were 

involved in the development of these social-humanitarian centres. In Itcani 

(Suceava county), Mennonites from the USA opened a modem orphanage (that 

has also a primary school) in cooperation with local Pentecostals. Many 

Pentecostal pastors and evangelists partake in the Mission for the Calling and 

Recovery of Detainees in the Prisons. Some of the prisoners have asked to be 

baptized in water. 

Pentecostal Publishing Houses and Journals 

The P.U. Church Council Department for Publishing Houses and Mass Media 

have encouraged the Pentecostal publishing houses and journals. The P.U. 

National Publishing House printed in the period 1994-1998 twelve books and 

booklets in cooperation with the journal The Word of Truth and the PTIB. Other 

Pentecostal Publishing Houses function in Sebis (Arad county), Timisoara, 

Bucharest and have printed many translated books and some Romanian authors 

(especially poets). Other Pentecostal journals that we have not mentioned yet are: 

Harul (The Grace) - Huedin (Cluj county); Resurse Spirituale (Spiritual 

Resources) - Oradea; Jurnalul Meu (My Journal) - Timisoara. In total, the 

circulation of the eight Pentecostal journals in Romania is more than 30,000 

copies. The Pentecostal large calendar was printed every year in more than 

40,000 copies; the small one - in 25,000 copies and the agendum calendar in 

7,000 copies. The large calendar is also printed in a Hungarian translation by the 

P.U. Church Council Department for National Minorities. 

The Pentecostal Contribution to the Religious Education of the Youth 

A two-year training program is offered by each of the eight P.U. Regional Offices 

for Sunday School teachers and youth workers. In Timisoara, the Bible 

Seminaries Elim and Veritas with a schooling of four years function like evening 

schools. In the period 1994- 1998, The Pentecostal Sanitary School of Pharmacy 

was founded in Arad and The Pentecostal Sanitary School of General Medicine 

in Timisoara. The courses last for two years.


In 1997, Bethany School of Theology and Letters was established in Arad, with 

credentials from the P.U. Church Council, which decided on the 3oth of October 

1998 to unite the Bethany School of Theology with The Pentecostal Theological 

Institute of Bucharest (PTIB) in order to function as its afiliated branch in Arad. 

ROMANIAN PENTECOSTAL PERSPECTIVES 

Church Expansion 

The old simplicity of the older Pentecostal church services has ended in Romania. 

The spiritual quality of the services is much higher, but they continue to last two 

or three hours. The Sunday morning service consists of an hour of prayer, 

dominated by concerted prayer; then musical praise and worship time (hymns, 

poems, instrumental music) for about 40 minutes; then follows a Bible lesson 

taken from the P.U. Calendar or an evangelistic exhortation for the unsaved 

guests for 30-40 minutes. The next part of the service contains a sermon for the 

spiritual edification of the believers (the same length of time). In total, it lasts for 

three hours, from 9 to 12am. Of course, this liturgical programme may vary. For 

instance, the Pentecostals pcasants from Heria and Farau, close to Ocna Mures, 

Alba county (pastor Ionel Popa) meet in the week nights (for in the day time they 

work) from 9 p.m. to midnight and more; every night the meeting finishes as in 

the time of the Early Church, with a love meal. The author of this text has 

attended these meetings which include prophecies, visions and healings. In such a 

congregation, he saw a preacher dancing at the pulpit under the power of the 

Holy Spirit. Conservative Romanian Pentecostals reject the Western modem 

perfunctory worship but whcn they recognize the power of the Holy Spirit they 

accept every kind of worship. Thus the ones who prophesy sometimes clap their 

hands (Ezek. 21:14) or fall face downwards on the ground though these 

phenomena are rare. 

Romanian Pentecostals sing hymns of various musical styles, either folk or 

classical. They like the hymns of Nicolae Moldoveanu, "the little Bach", the most 

educated composer of Romanian hymns. The most important Romanian 

Pentecostal poet is Costache loanid; his poems are often recited or sung in the 

services. There are still popular preachers such as the peasant Simion Nuc who 

amazed the leaders of all the Christian Churches in Romania. However, there are 

now many hundreds of theologically trained preachers whose sermons are much 

appreciated. All the leaders of the Pentecostal Union are famous preachers. A 

famous preacher is the Italian pastor of Bistrita, Gaetano Amato, who speaks 

rather poor Romanian! 

Church services for the healing of the sick take place at least once a week in the 

Pentecostal churches. There are pastors through whom the gift of healing works, 



such as loan Caba (Oradea) or Nelu Veres (Cluj). Caba and Veres unite monthly 

their spiritual power services for anointing with oil which occurs every month in 

other city. To conclude, church services are alive and provide spiritual food for 

future Pentecostalism. The prospects are good. 

Evangelism and Mission 

There are 90 Romanian Pentecostal evangelists under the guidance of the P.U. 

Missions Department: most of them evangelize the South of Romania. They are 

financially supported by the Romanian Pentecostal churches from USA 

(especially by the churches pastored by John Buia, Nicy Pop, Gabriel Fazecas), 

by the Pentecostal churches from Germany and by a few large Pentecostal 

churches in Romania. Good results have been obtained especially in the province 

of Oltenia. 

Romanian Pentecostalism has its own vision, but it is open to dialogue with all 

Christian Churches in Romania, for mutual knowledge disperses 

misunderstandings. We agree with Hollenweger that "the church consists of the 

interplay between different charismata ... In all churches there are testimonies, in 

all there is healing and there are other gifts."' The former chairman of the 

Pentecostal Denomination, Pavel Bochian, had the deepest understanding of the 

tremendous Pentecostal potential to exceed Christian divisions toward a spiritual 

unification by faith, love and power - all three focused around God, the atoning 

sacrifice of Christ and the works of the Holy Spirit. 

The Pentecostal hope is a spiritual Revival. This also could save the Romanian 

Orthodox Church, since the real danger for all Romanian Churches is secularism. 

After two generations, without a Revival, most of the Orthodox churches may be 

closed. Pentecostals are better placed that the Revival starts among them. 

The P.U. chairman, P. Rivis Tipei and the P.U. General Secretary Marine1 

Mesaros are partners in the Committees of the European Pentecostal Conference 

and World Pentecostal Conference. In Western Europe, the P.U. has the best 

relations with the Pentecostal churches from Germany. The P.U. has the closest 

relations with the Church of God, Cleveland, TN. The P.U. is a national 

autonomous Church. Before 1950, the relation between Bradin and Budean did 

not seem to be one of subordination but of brotherly partnership. This is the 

model and the perspective for the future. 

' W. Hollenweger, Pentecostalism: Origins and Developments Worldwide, Peabody: 

Hendrickson (1 997) 309400


Reviews 

REVIEWS 

Dale M. Schlitt, Theology and the Experience of God, American Liberal 

Religious Thought 8 (New York: Peter Lang, 2001). xi +287 pp. Cloth, 

US61.95; ISBN 0-82045 197-5. 

Pentecostals should be the first to recognize that tongues needs to be followed by 

interpretation in order to edify the congregation. Analogously, Peter's sermon on 

the Day of Pentecost was an explication of a strange phenomenon for the benefit 

of sojourners from around the world gathered in Jerusalem that day. In this case, 

interpretation was not addressed to a pre-established ekklesia, but to a large 

crowd of which 3,000 were to constitute the initial ekklesia. What Peter did was 

witness to the experience he and others in the upper room had. In effect, this was 

the translation of something particular strange tongues into a fully public 

language, a "universal" language, as it were, capable of inducing a response from 

those who had come from the "ends of the earth" (Acts 1 :8). 

The coming of age of Pentecostal theology will also require that we open 

ourselves up to the Holy Spirit to allow translations to occur such that our 

experience of God is interpreted in such a way that all interested in the subject 

matter can fully engage the conversation in order to a) receive (perhaps) a similar 

experience and to b) criticize our claims. This kind of theological translation has 

traditionally gone by the name of fundamental or foundational theology. 

("Foundational" my term is not epistemic, but refers instead to the capacity to 

engage a broad, perhaps universal, audience.) Specifically with regard to the 

experience of the Holy Spirit pneumatology individuals such as Donald Gelpi 

and myself have attempted to translate the particularity of the Pentecostal 

experience from its testimonial genres into discourses that will interest, engage 

and challenge wider theological publics (in Gelpi's case, working with the North 

American pragmatist and neo-Thomist traditions, among others, and in my case 

with existentialist and world and indigenous religious traditions). 

Dale Schlitt's Theology and the Experience of God extends this conversation to 

include, among others, those interested in Hegelian idealism and Anglo- 

American experientialist theology. Specifically, Schlitt's discussion of the 

charismatic experience is located within his larger project that shifts the focus of 

the Augustinian-Anselmian "faith seeking understanding" to what might arguably 

be understood as its Hegelian-Anglo-American analogue of "experience of God 

seeking understanding" (Schlitt's phrase). The argument in a nutshell is that 

theology is the attempt to articulate the human experience of God. Discerning 

Pentecostals will certainly not disagree with that, and would even rejoin that all 

theology is "experience of the Spirit of God seeking understanding"! And, in fact, 

that is precisely Schlitt's thesis: that Christian experience is by and through the 

Spirit, of the risen Christ, and toward the mystery of the triune God. Thus Schlitt 

elaborates on "fundamental theology and the experience of God" in Part One, and 

goes from there to practical reflections on charismatic discernment vis- -vis 

pneumatology, ecumenism within a christological framework, and the experience 

of aging as teleologically directed to the reign of God in the three chapters of Part 

Two. The third and last part is a constructive, systematic, and yet provisional 

exposition of central Christian doctrines: of faith, hope, and love as 

characterizing the Christian journey in its phenomenological sequentiality 

(Chapter 5); of sin as impoverishing experiences that hinder and block Christian 

growth (Chapter 6); and of the Trinity as the experiential framework and goal of 

Christian experience (the concluding Chapter 7). The book's trinitarian structure 

reflects an unforced convergence of biblical, theological, experiential, and 

Hegelian motifs. Experientialist categories such as dynamic, liberative, 

empowering, otherness, communal, intersubjective, and relational permeate the 

discussion and therefore justify the title of this volume. 

Of particular interest to readers of this journal will be Chapter 2's "Discerning a 

Charismatic Experience of the Spirit." We find here Schlitt's theology of 

discernment that arises out of a deep sensitivity to and awareness of the 

Pentecostal and (especially Catholic) charismatic renewal movements. (For the 

record, Schlitt is a member of the Oblates of Mary Immaculate, one of the largest 

missionary congregations of the Roman Catholic Church, and currently rector of 

St. Paul University, Ottawa, Canada.) To cut to the quick, a "holistic criterion" is 

developed that takes into the account the "totality of the charismatic situation" 

(loo), including the situation of the individual through whom the charism is 

expressed, the phenomenology of the charismatic manifestation itself, and the 

ecclesial or communal context including the needs of the congregation, their 

recognition of such needs, their anticipation of responses to those needs, and so 

on, all of which, Schlitt insightfully notes, are also part and parcel of the work of 

the Spirit, and hence of our capacity to discern the charism as being of that same 

Spirit within which the charism occurs. Central to this holistic criterion is the 

resulting relationship between individual and community (having to do with the 

reception or rejection of the charism), and between community members 

themselves (what kind of fruit the charism bears, how reconciliation is effected, 

what kind of relationships ensue, etc.). 

The nuance, sophistication, and pastoral sensitivity of Schlitt's discussion 

concerning the charisms needs to be appreciated within the larger argument of the 

book as a whole. Insights regarding discerning the Spirit carry over into 

ecumenical relationships between churches and interpersonal relationships 

between members of the body of Christ. What emerges is an insightful 

experiential theology that is capable of crossing confessional and even religious 

lines exactly what a fundamental or foundational theology should do. 

Pentecostal readers will certainly come away from this book with an increased 

awareness of the experiential processes that undergird Christian reflection in

The Journal of the European Pentecostal Thcological Association, Vol. XIX, 1999 

Reviews 

general and Pentecostal reflection in particular. They will also, however, gain a 

better sense both of how to do Pentecostal theology that engages other (non- 

Pentecostal) publics and of the extensive work that lies ahead with regard to 

communicating the "pentecostal experience" to and for "outsiders." My hope is 

that readers inspired by Schlitt's work will turn next to Gelpi's oeuvre, which this 

volume does not engage, in order to further understand the Christian task of 

"experience of God seeking understanding" from specifically Pentecostal 

perspectives. 

Amos Yong 

K.Runia, Op zoek naar de Geest, (Kampen: J.H. Kok, 2000) 237 pps, lSBN 

9043502723. 

Klaas Runia, emeritus Professor of Practical Theology for the Reformed 

Churches (Kampen), calls attention to the charismata. Alluding to J.H. Bavinck's 

contribution in the collection De Heilige Geest (The Holy Spirit, 1949), Runia 

challenges the reader to do some inward research: 'What are my obstructions and 

defences that hinder the work of the Sprit in my life' (12). It is a practical book 

looking for ways to integrate the charismata in the life of the Church and of the 

individual. 

Runia treats the Pentecostal and Charismatic Movements with openness and 

respect. He acknowledges the mistakes his Church has made towards these 

movements, but also notices the shortcomings on the other side. It is not 

surprising that Runia is more in sympathy with the Charismatic Renewal, that 

remained within the Church, than with the Pentecostals. 

Of particular interest is his investigation into the search for the Spirit within his 

own Reformed tradition. Starting with Calvin, he speaks of a charismatic 

shortage (37). Calvin limits the work of the Holy Spirit to rebirth and justification 

and does not deal with the gifts. The Reformed confessions continue along this 

line. All emphasis of the work of the Holy Spirit is on justification and 

sanctification (39-41). Even in the circles of the 'Nadere Reformatie' (a kind of 

reformed Pietism), where subjectivism is strong, there is no interest in the 

charismata. 

Abraham Kuyper (1837-1920) in his Het werk van den Heiligen Geest (The work 

of the Holy Spirit, 1888) does pay attention to the charismata. But Kuyper 

purposely leaves out all that bears a slight likeness to the exceptional and limits 

this to the first period of the Church (45). Herman Bavinck (1854-1921), though 

not denying the possibility of the charismata in the present, ascertains that the 

period of miracles as described in the New Testament has finished with the 

establishment of the Church (46). Followers of Kuyper and Bavinck like F.W. 

Grosheide, A.B.W.M. Kok, A. Ringnalda, G.Y. Vellenga and A.J. Kret 

consciously draw a line after the first period and by definition, limit the 

charismata to this period. With a call to 1 Corinthians 13:11 they state: 'In the 

childhood of the church God acts differently than in the years of maturity' (49). 

Slowly the tide changes in the Reformed tradition. G.C. Berkhouwer, J.L. Koole 

and H.N. Ridderbos have turned against this line-theology. Ridderbos says: 'It is 

very well possible, that the Spirit also in our time wants to bring the church alive 

by means of certain breakthroughs and outpourings of gifts. I think we should 

rather pray for it, than turn against it' (51). In 1961, D.G. Molenaar wrote his 

book De doop met de Heilige Geest (The baptism with the Holy Spirit), while in 

1960, the Nederlands Hervormde Kerk (Netherlands Reformed Church) issued 

the Pastoral Letter, De Kerk en de Pinkstergroepen (The Church and the 

Pentecostal groups). Here too, the line-theology is definitely repudiated. The 

Synodical report of the Reformed Churches Het werk van de Heilige Geest in de 

gemeente (The work of the Holy Spirit in the Assembly, 1968) is still very 

cautious. 

In a chapter on this shift in theology, Runia pays attention to H. Berkhof, H. 

Ridderbos, J. Veenhof, J.P. Versteeg, C. Graafland and B. Wentsel. All 

(Ridderbos the least) leave room for the functioning of the charismata in the 

present. Remarkable is the statement of Graafland (Orthodox Reformed): 'For a 

long time I have earnestly prayed to receive the gift of tongues, but the Lord has 

not given it to me. ... Lately, I increasingly experience it as a loss, especially in 

prayer' (70). 

In the meantime, the Reformed Churches have established a deputation for the 

conversation with the Charismatic Renewal, that also meets with the 

Pentecostals. Runia concludes that Reformed Theology has moved away from its 

earlier stand, that charismata only occurred in the apostolic age and has by and 

large adopted the views of the Charismatic Renewal (122). With the Pentecostals 

and Charismatics, Runia is able to speak of a third work of the Holy Spirit: 

besides justification and sanctification, also filling. But Runia repudiates the 

teaching of a 'second blessing' (105). For Runia, the filling or baptism with the 

Holy Spirit is not a second experience, but something simultaneous with rebirth. 

The Pentecostal teaching of the baptism with the Holy Spirit as a distinct 

experience is mainly based on the book of Acts. I find Runia's opinion, that Luke 

primarily wrote as historian and therefore his writing cannot be normative for the 

ongoing life of the church, debatable. Herewith, Runia underestimates the 

theological value of Acts. Pentecostals generally believe that in Acts Spirit 

Baptism follows conversion. Runia, in his treatment of the relevant passages in 

Acts, rejects this position, but I feel he does not disprove it (96-98). Runia claims 

he is not able to find a fixed pattern, but this is only because he includes more 

than conversion and Spirit Baptism (like water baptism that occurs both before


Reviews 

and after Spirit Baptism, or the laying on of hands that both does and does not 

occur). Limited to conversion and Spirit Baptism there does seem to be a fixed 

pattern in sequence and this is the core of the matter. This core of the Pentecostal 

teaching about Spirit Baptism can indeed, as Runia ascertains, not be deduced 

from the Letters. 

Runia's reproach that for Pentecostals, all that matters is the experience with the 

Spirit, and therefore Jesus and His work of salvation moves to the background, is 

not justified (223). The only argument he brings forward is the limited number of 

pages that G.P. Duffield and N.M. van Cleave in their theology dedicate to the 

person of Jesus Christ. Here, I suspect insufficient knowledge of the Pentecostal 

movement. Runia treats of all his sources fair, but they are only few and some are 

outdated. He does not seem to be aware of the scholarly Pentecostal journals and 

conferences of EPTA, EPCRA and SPS. 

Runia adds valuable chapters on the gifts of prophecy, glossolalia and healings; 

and on the relation between charisma and office. His book is pleasant to read and 

provides interesting insights in how the Dutch Reformed tradition is opening up 

for the charismatic experience. In the end, Runia pleads for a new and refreshing 

work of the Holy Spirit in the church, starting with ourselves. Somebody say 

Amen! 

Cornelis va6 der Laan 

Antonio C. Barata, Fernando Martinez, Joao T. Parreira, Samuel R. 

Pinheiro and Torcato Lopes, Linguas de fogo: Historia da Assembleia de 

Deus em Lisboa (Lisboa: Casa Publicadora da Convencao das Assembleias de 

Deus em Portugal, 1999). 152 pps. ISBN: 972-580-092-3. 

This beautifully produced book, enhanced by dozens of carefully selected and 

finely reproduced photographs, examines the history of Pentecostalism in Lisbon, 

and by extension, with implications for the rest of Portugal. The book 

accomplishes many things. It presents a historiographcial analysis of Portuguese 

.Pentecostalism and its place in the Pentecostal world, it presents the theological 

and sociological profiles of the tradition, describes the multi-faceted ministries of 

the churches and points toward the future. The method of the review is to 

summarise the arguments of the volume and proffer an evaluation. 

A significant historiographical statement is made on the cover of the book: on the 

front cover is a portrait of the Swedish missionary Jack Hardstadt (1895-1973) 

and family, and on the back cover is a photograph of the Swedish missionaries 

Tage (1902-1980) and Ingrid (1902-1998) Stahlberg. There is, throughout the 

volume, a careful recognition of the origins of Pentecostalism in Lisbon in the 

ministries of Swedish Pentecostal missionaries. There is also a celebration of the 

Brazilian connection. The contributions of other Swedish, Finnish, Norwegian, 

and British missionaries are celebrated and the influence of Korean evangelists 

and American "Faith Healing" evangelists, in the development of the Pentecostal 

congregations of Lisbon, is acknowledged. The first Pentecostal church in 

Lisbon was founded by Jack Hardstedt. Other Swedish missionaries included the 

Samuel Bustrom (1 936- 1938) and Samuel Nystrom (1 891-1960) families. Tage 

and Ingrid Stahlberg served as missionaries in Lisbon from 1938-1976. 

The roots of Portuguese Pentecostalism go back to Swedish Pentecostal 

missionaries and their converts. Daniel Berg and Gunnar Vingren, arrived in 

Brazil in 191 1. When these brought the Pentecostal message to Belem do Para, 

Brazil, among the first converts was the family of Jose Placido da Costa (1869- 

1965). In April 1913, the Placido family left Brazil to become evangelists in 

Portugal. They began work in Porto. There they served as interim pastors of a 

Baptist congregation before moving to the interior. They were followed by Jose 

de Mattos (1888-1958). He had been converted in 1913 in Brazil, and in 1921 he 

returned to Portugal. There he developed a literature distribution ministry in the 

provinces of Beira Alta and Biera Litoral. He then settled in the Algame where 

the first Portuguese Pentecostal congregation was established. He pastored this 

congregation until 1938 when he shifted his focus to founding congregations 

across the country. The church in Porto was finally organized in 1934 by Daniel 

Berg, the Swedish missionary to Brazil. 

Infrastructure crucial to Portuguese Pentecostalism is located in Lisbon and 

closely connected to the history of the congregations. Primary among these is the 

Casa Publicadora das Assembleias de Deut (CPAD) founded in Lisbon in 1943. 

It has produced a continuous flow of books and periodicals. The periodicals 

include: Novas de Alegria, Revista Avivamento, Expositor Dominica1 (biblical 

education), Boa Semente (children). The national hymnbook is Cantos de 

Alegria Supplemented by the gospel song book Coros de Alegria. A yearbook, 

Prontuario das Assembleias de Deus is published with addresses and 

organizational information. 

The Lisbon congregations have produced a number of prolific scholars, many of 

whom show up in the pages of this volume. These include Alfredo Rosendo 

Machado who has written numerous and extensive biblical commentaries, 

including a volume on Galatians [A Magna Carta da Liberdade (Epistola aos 

Galatas (n.d.)] and on the twelve minor prophets [Os Doze Profetas Imortais (2 

vols., 1970)l as well as volumes on spirituality: Como Jesus ve as lgrejas (1975), 

Vem Ofim, Ofim Vem (1976), and Entregues ao Espiritu (1976). Among the 

other many contributions to Pentecostal theology and scholarship are the books of 

Jorge Pinheiro on Messianism [0 Messiaismo (1976)l and the commentary on the 

biblical Book of Tobit by Antonio de Costa Barata [0 Apocrijb Tobias (1981)l. 

In addition, there have been missiological studies, including that written by Maj- 

Lis Johanson [0 Nosso Mundo Clama (1983)], a study of the life and ministry of


Reviews 

the Indian Holiness leader Sadhu Sundar Singh by Boanerges Ribeiro [0 

Apostolo dos Pes Sangrentos (n.d.), and novels such as Elvira Lopes, Urn 

Romance a Bordo ( 1 983). 

Education has long been a central concern of the tradition. The initial paradigm 

was to encourage youth to profit from the public education system in Portugal 

and to supplement that with three or four week "Bible School" sessions on the 

Scandinavian model. In 1965, at the Seventeenth Annual Convention of 

Workers, in Portimao, approved the development of a Bible Institute, which 

opened in Lisbon in 1966. Among the faculty were Dr. Jorge Pinheiro and Dr. 

Fernando Martinez. Since 1972, this institution has been controlled by North 

American interests and has been perceived to be less than responsive to the 

churches and so a pastoral training centre has been developed in Lisbon on the 

earlier model. 

The Lisbon Pentecostal churches were born of mission and have been involved in 

various aspects of mission. Foreign mission has been undertaken in the Azores, 

Angola, Mozambique, Madeira, Guinea-Bissau, Timor and Macau, as well as 

Spain. Pentecostal clergy also accompanied or followed the emigrants to South 

Africa, Europe and North America. Other mission involves social services, a 

retirement centre and evangelistic work. 

Life has not atways been easy for the Pentecostal churches in Lisbon. From the 

beginning, they incurred the wrath of the Catholic clergy. During World War 11, 

the Catholic church attempted to make a concordat with the Portuguese state 

(which often sympathised with the Nazis in Italy and Germany) to remove 

Pentecostals. However, since the late 1960~~ there has been relative freedom and 

a growing Catholic Charismatic movement. This freedom, combined with the 

disciplined spirituality and ecclesiology of the Lisbon congregations leads the 

authors to express optimism with regard to the future of the church. 

No book can do everything, especially one clearly intended for laity as well as 

scholars. This reviewer wishes that in the volume (or somewhere else) an effort 

might be made to deal more fully with the arrival in Portugal of the "Universal 

Church of the Reign of God" from Brazil that has established a visible presence 

in Lisbon. Also, the oblique references to the Catholic Charismatic movement 

nearly begs for more attention as do the references to the North American "Faith 

Healing" movements. Other issues relating to Lisbon/Portuguese Pentecostal 

history are worth more words. This is especially the case with regard to the 

foreign mission programme of the Portuguese Assembleia de Deus. It is a 

significant part of the story of global twentieth century Pentecostal development. 

The expression of a desire to have a careful analysis of these issues is not 

intended as a criticism of thc volume. To the contrary, the book is an incredibly 

fertile piece that will certainly inspire additional research. It is hoped that an 

eventual reprint might include an index! The sources of the information 

contained in the book are clearly indicated, but a bibliography would have been 

helpful. 

As it is, this passionate volume provides the first reliable generally available 

history of a vital part of the European Pentecostal tradition. It proudly, 

justifiably, presents the Portuguese Pentecostal church. The focus on an 

important city adds clarity to the narrative and allows for important illuminative 

detail to be present in the text. The historiographical argument summarized 

above is accurate and lacks only access to the Swedish and other Scandinavian 

sources. These would not change the story, but would provide important clues 

for more fully understanding the patterns of Portuguese ecclesial life, mission 

strategy and spirituality. The authors and publisher are to be congratulated on an 

important achievement. 

David Bundy 

Hans D. Pedersen, 2000 ar med Den Hellige And till Norsk ved Lars-Toralf 

Storstrand (Oslo: Rex Forlag, 2000). 403 pps. ISBN: 82-7388-695-6. Original 

Danish title: 2000 ar med Den Helligeanden (Copenhagan: Forlaget Proskrift, 

1999). 

The Norwegian version of this text is reviewed here because efforts to obtain the 

original Danish have not yet been successful. It is also reviewed here because it 

is a substantial and important contribution to Pentecostal historiography. The 

thesis of the volume is not new: there has been a tradition faithful within 

Christianity to the biblical understanding of the Holy Spirit in the Christian life, 

and although persecuted and usually at the edges of the Church, the modern 

revivals have spread this vision throughout the world. What is novel about this 

expression of the thesis is that the new reality of the Spirit is to be found in the 

so-called "Third Wave" churches. It is a classic "history of heresies" or "history 

of revivals" historiography frequently found in the writings of Holiness and 

Pentecostal historians, but with a new ending! 

Pedersen develops the argument in four sections with thirty-one chapters. The 

first section @p. 15-54) takes a Pietist approach to the history of the early Church, 

recognizing, as did Hamack, the transformation of a "persecuted minority" by the 

"Hellenizing" of the Church under Constantine. Attention is given to authors and 

Church persons who worked to encourage the spirituality of the Church and to 

protect spirituality from becoming merely a curiosity within the ecclesial 

structures. As is the case in all sections, this section is written in dialogue with 

Swedish and other Scandinavian Pentecostal historians. The second section (pp. 

57-107) develops the narrative from the Constantinian era to the eve of the 

Lutheran Reformation. The literary allusions and references to sources are quite 

diverse and it is clear that the author finds few heroes in the period. The third

a The Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Associalion, Vol. XIX, 1999 

Reviews 

section (pp. 11 1-265) continues the story from Luther to the end of the nineteenth 

century. Significant attention is given to the Wesleyan revival in England and to 

the influence of the Pietist, Holiness and Reveil traditions in North America and 

Europe. There is some discussion of the missionary movement of the eighteenth 

and nineteenth centuries. Here again there is a wide diversity of sources and 

supporting documentation. The final unit discusses the Pentecostal revivals of 

the twentieth century from Azusa Street to Brownsville and the "third'wave" 

churches. 

This reviewer congratulates the author for developing a coherent narrative on the 

basis of such a long and complicated tradition. It is copiously documented 

throughout with nearly a thousand footnotes @p. 356-383). The bibliography 

(pp. 384-403) includes volumes by Pentecostal and non-Pentecostal authors, 

materials that are both scholarly and intended for general Church reading. It is a 

magisterial effort that one hesitates to criticize even when one disagrees with the 

analysis at various points. The very courage manifested in undertaking such a 

massive project provokes a certain reverence. 

That being said, and sincerely, it would not be respectful to the scholarly process 

to not raise issues of concern. These are briefly stated because of the limits of the 

review format. Concerns include: (1) in this analysis, Christianity including the 

Pentecostal tiadition is treated as a Western development and the diversity 

(geographical and theological) of Christianity throughout its history is not 

recognized; (2) there is a lack of attention to social realities that would have 

nuanced certain conclusions; (3) the analyses of early, medieval, enlightenment 

and reformation Church life generally do not take into account the research of the 

last decades, including important manuscript discoveries; (4) there is often a 

confbsion about the term "Pentecostal" in North American publications reflecting 

an unawareness of the use of the term by Holiness authors both before and after 

the Pentecostal revival quite outside a Pentecostal context; (5) anti-Pentecostal 

authors are sometimes used to support assertions about Pentecostal spirituality 

and theology, once again reflecting a problem sorting out the convoluted context 

and imprecise language of North American Christianity; (6) the narrative of the 

development of Pentecostalism in Europe and North America appears to assume 

that that development was quite simple and does not recognize serious ecclesial 

and theological differences even within Denmark, Sweden and Norway; (7) it is 

debatable whether the PietistlHoliness/Pentecostal historiography should not be 

significantly revised. The use of the paradigm is comforting for it provides 

models and a usable history (in the Marxist sense) that allow adherents to the 

theory to hold a vision of themselves as the modem expression of a righteous 

remnant. This was more useful, perhaps, when Pentecostalism was indeed a 

small, persecuted minority. While that persecution is not over, Pentecostals are 

no longer a minority and need to develop a historiography that enables 

Pentecostal believers to function from a position of strength in society and to 

suffer the same temptations of power, greed and control that are found to be SO 

repugnant in Constantinian and worldly churches. There are certainly ways of 

writing the history of Christianity from a Pentecostal perspective that allows one 

to struggle with these issues more realistically. 

These questions are a tribute to the book and to the author who provoked them. 

The book will be a standard work of Pentecostal historiography for a very long 

time. It is truly an important book because of its coherence, its carefully defined 

theoretical framework, its interaction with earlier scholarship, and the questions it 

raises for another generation of Pentecostal historians. 

David Bundy 

Amos Yong, Discerning the Spirit(s): A Pentecostal-Charismatic Contribution 

to Christian Theology of Religions (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 2000), 

pp. 392 

A native Malaysian living in the USA, Yong sets out to address the question of 

how the Holy Spirit relates to other religions, a topic that may surprise 

Pentecostals who are more familiar to think of relating to other religions mainly 

in terms of missionary proclamation. After a short introduction, Yong establishes 

his methodology and thesis: "The Holy Spirit is par excellence the symbol of 

divine presence and activity in the cosmic realm" (p. 29). And it is precisely this 

cosmic dimension within pneumatology that allows Pentecostals and 

Charismatics to contribute fresh insights to a Christian theology of religions. 

In chapter two, Yong outlines the various christological approaches to a theology 

of religions (exclusivism, inclusivism and pluralism) as well as the impasse of 

such an approach. Towards the end of this chapter he argues that addressing the 

issue from a pneumatological perspective might be an avenue to do justice to 

both the particularity and the universality of the Christian faith. 

Having said that, the stage is prepared to present in chapter three his plea for a 

pneumatological approach to all religions. Not that such an approach by-passes 

the christological questions, but it opens the dialogue with reference to the 

universal before addressing the particular. Discussing the filioque debate, he 

concludes that "the economies of the Word and that of the Spirit are mutually 

related, and should not be subordinated either to the other" (p. 69), or expressed 

metaphorically: the Spirit and the Word are the right hand and the left hand of 

God. The rest of the chapter is mainly a discussion of theologians whose works 

are potential resources for Yong's own approach (Rahner, Tillich, and Lodahl). 

Some readers may be surprised that Yong does not refer more to Moltmann's 

God in Creation or to P hlmann's Gottes Geist - Zeitgeist oder Weltgeist who 

both strongly argue for a cosmic dimension in Christian pneumatology and for 

the work of the Spirit outside the Christian church. It is even more surprising


Reviews 

since P hlmann too comes up with some proposals for discerning the Spirit of 

God both within and outside the church. 

Chapter four introduces the main categories for discerning the Spirit(s). In order 

to do so, Yong first constructs a "foundational pneumatology": "I will therefore 

argue, on the one hand, that a theology of the Holy Spirit emerges out of our 

experience of God's presence and activity in the world ..." (p. 103). To these, 

Yong adds the third category: divine absence. This third category is especially 

crucial in order to speak about the demonic. In the last section of this chapter, 

Yong addresses the issue of discernment and the interpretation of religious 

symbols. As a guiding question, Yong asserts that "a basic question at this level, 

for example, would be whether or not a non-Christian religious ritual 

accomplishes in its practitioners values or relations similar to what the Holy 

Spirit works through Christian rituals" (pp. 143-144). 

Yong's book is a most stimulating work that will stir up many discussions in the 

future. He shares with Moltmann, P hlmann, Hollenweger and others the cosmic 

dimension of pneumatology. His main contribution is in establishing a framework 

for a Pentecostal-charismatic contribution to a theology of religions. His criteria 

for discerning the Spirit(s) reflect issues and concerns defined in works on a 

Pentecostal hermeneutic: the role of the community, the work of the Spirit, 

experience of the Spirit etc. One criterion in a dialogue of religions that could 

have received more weight is the issue of trust in the work of the Spirit(s) versus 

the manipulation of the Spirit(s). Finally, an area of further research is to trace the 

marks of a cosmic pneumatology in the writings of both the Old and the New 

Testament. 

Matthias Wenk 

Chapter five provides the reader with an overview of the Pentecostal-Charismatic 

movement as a framework for understanding the specific contribution to be 

expected for a Christian theology of religion. In order to pinpoint this framework, 

Yong discusses the historical roots, the Pentecostal-Charismatic experience of the 

Spirit and gives some parameters of a Pentecostal-Charismatic pneumatology. 

In chapter six, he reviews Pentecostal responses to other religions (especially 

Suurmond afid Allan) and presents a case for entering such a dialogue: 

"Pentecostal-charismatic missions need to be ecumenical to a larger degree than 

they currently are. This means, in part, that a Pentecostal missiology will need to 

emphasize both proclamation and dialogue" @. 214). 

Before presenting a test case in chapter eight, Yong analyses in chapter seven the 

resources for a Pentecostal-charismatic theology of religions. He defines them 

mainly as religious experience, religious utility and religious cosmology. Again, 

these categories are discussed from the viewpoint of divine activity, divine 

presence and divine absence. There can be no discernment of divine activity or 

presence apart from the discernment of divine absence. This again fosters a 

discussion of the demonic as the expression of divine absence. In the next 

chapter, Yong applies these categories in a very fruitful way to the Umbanda- 

Pentecostal dialogue. After an analysis of Umbanda faith and rituals, he compares 

them with Pentecostal faith and rituals and outlines what they can learn from each 

other and where Pentecostalism differs from and could re-interpret Umbanda 

faith and rituals. 

Yong's book concludes with a series of questions and areas for further research, 

since his approach provides an entrance door to a theology of religions through 

the universality of the divine Spirit without denying the particularity of 

christology.

THE EUROPEAN PENTECOSTAL THEOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION 

History 

The European Pentecostal Theological Association was founded in 1979 as a Fellowship 

of those actively engaged in Pentecostal education or ministerial training in Europe. 

Membership is open both to individuals and institutions who agree with EPTA's purposes 

and share its convictions. Many of Europe's finest Bible Colleges are included in EPTA's 

membership. 

Purposes of EPTA 

1. To promote excellence and effectiveness in Pentecostal scholarship, 

ministerial education and theological literature. 

2. To foster exchange, fellowship and co-operation betweenmember institutions 

and individuals. 

3. To foster exchange and fellowship between the Association and other 

associations with similar objectives and commitments. 

4. To strengthen the testimony of Jesus Christ and His Church in Europe and to 

bring glory to God in all actions and concerns. 

EPTA Conferences 

Each year the Association holds its annual conference at a different venue, usually in the 

facilities of a member institution. These meetings, in addition to the necessary business, 

include papers, seminars and discussions that stimulate theological discussion and 

encourage an interchange of ideas and information. 

East-Europe Committee 

This committee was established in 1989 to encourage and assist the development of 

theological education and ministerial training in Eastern Europe. The committee seeks to 

link the resources and teachers within the Association with those churches or colleges in 

Eastern Europe that require them. The committee also seeks to raise financial support for 

delegates from Eastern Europe to attend EPTA conferences. 

Membership of EPTA 

Membership enquiries should be addressed to the: 

Secretary/Treasurer, Dr Matthias Wenk, Bernstrasse 36G, CH-3324, HINDELBANK, 

Switzerland. e-mail: wenk@datacomm.ch

jepta 2001 21 - European Pentecostal Theological Association

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