70-years-chart-illustrates-the-dominance-by-the-cfr-trilaterals-bilderbergers
70-years-chart-illustrates-the-dominance-by-the-cfr-trilaterals-bilderbergers
70-years-chart-illustrates-the-dominance-by-the-cfr-trilaterals-bilderbergers
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QUESTIONER: First of all, I want to say that I think <strong>the</strong> piece is excellent, and I<br />
really appreciate this conversation. I want to ask a couple of questions about this<br />
calculus or potential calculus. Let me just start with a simple one and add a<br />
couple to it.<br />
If -- I'm interested if you took <strong>the</strong> sort of current line-up of players and said, all<br />
right, everybody on this side of <strong>the</strong> line is for <strong>the</strong> concept that some sort of reform<br />
or restructuring of <strong>the</strong>se current institutions needs to take place to recognize that<br />
<strong>the</strong> world order in 2006 is different from <strong>the</strong> one in 1946. And all those who are<br />
ei<strong>the</strong>r, you know, against that or reluctant to do that stand on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r side.<br />
I'm interested -- it's sort of like shirts and skins. I'm interested to know, you<br />
know, in addition to us and obviously China and India and presumably Brazil, et<br />
cetera, who else is on <strong>the</strong> side that favors <strong>the</strong> reform and reorganization in <strong>the</strong><br />
manner that you talk about And who are <strong>the</strong> powers that are against it<br />
A related question is, I was struck <strong>by</strong> something you said near <strong>the</strong> end of your<br />
article when you said developing countries on <strong>the</strong> periphery of <strong>the</strong> global<br />
economy can be expected to back Europe in resisting U.S.-led reform efforts, and<br />
that struck me as slightly counterintuitive. And I wonder if you could just say a<br />
little bit more about that and explain that.<br />
And <strong>the</strong>n, I guess, <strong>the</strong> third question that it leads to for me is: If you were sitting<br />
down with <strong>the</strong> national security team of <strong>the</strong> next administration, whichever --<br />
wherever that comes from, and you were laying this out, what do you think some<br />
of <strong>the</strong> strategic steps that you'd be recommending to <strong>the</strong>m might look like to move<br />
in <strong>the</strong> direction of this reform and reorganization<br />
DREZNER: Okay. Very good questions. I think I can answer your first two in one<br />
swoop, which is who -- you know, who is on what side, <strong>the</strong> shirts and skins.<br />
I mean, to some extent I would argue it corresponds just down to brute interest; which<br />
countries are growing at very, very high rates and which countries are not You know,<br />
<strong>the</strong> U.S. and China and India, and to a lesser extent Brazil and South Africa and South<br />
Korea -- you know, countries that are foreseen as -- perceived as being on <strong>the</strong> rise,<br />
particularly economically, would fall under that one category.<br />
And <strong>the</strong>n, on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand, you've got countries in <strong>the</strong> developing world that are not<br />
growing <strong>by</strong> nearly as fast a rate, namely in Africa and Latin America. These countries<br />
also have relatively long standing colonial ties or ex-colonial ties with members of <strong>the</strong><br />
European Union. So it's not shocking that you'd see, you know, a similar kind of alliance<br />
between those two groups, which is why I argued that -- when I said countries on<br />
periphery, I was primarily referring to Africa on this. Those states have very low growth<br />
rates on <strong>the</strong> whole, you know, with <strong>the</strong> exception of South Africa and Botswana.