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• GIDEON ROSE: Hi <strong>the</strong>re. Welcome, everybody. I'm Gideon Rose, managing<br />

editor of Foreign Affairs, and we're delighted to have you with us today to have a<br />

discussion with Dan Drezner, <strong>the</strong> author of an important new piece in <strong>the</strong> new issue of<br />

Foreign Affairs called "The New New World Order."<br />

•<br />

The -- if you were to think of a Venn Diagram between top political economists and<br />

prominent bloggers, <strong>the</strong>re probably would be a very, very small population in that<br />

middle. But <strong>the</strong> chief in that overlap would be Dan Drezner, who is associate professor<br />

of international politics at Fletcher -- Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy at Tufts.<br />

The author -- his latest book is called "All Politics is Global" coming out next month, I<br />

believe.<br />

DANIEL W. DREZNER: Yes.<br />

ROSE: And he has written a very interesting article for us on <strong>the</strong> new power alignments<br />

in <strong>the</strong> world and how <strong>the</strong> Bush administration is reacting to <strong>the</strong>m.<br />

So what we're going to do is, we're going -- I'm going to talk with Dan for a little bit<br />

about <strong>the</strong>m, and <strong>the</strong>n we'll turn it over to you. And we'll run as long as <strong>the</strong> questions<br />

keep coming.<br />

So Dan, why don't you start <strong>by</strong> giving a brief precise of what you argue in <strong>the</strong> piece.<br />

DREZNER: Sure. Thanks, Gideon, and thanks once again to Foreign Affairs for<br />

printing <strong>the</strong> piece.<br />

The precise is pretty simple. If you take a look at any sort of measure of power out <strong>the</strong>re,<br />

it's quite obvious that China and India are becoming much more powerful. And<br />

projections in <strong>the</strong> future, although <strong>the</strong> future can always change, but <strong>the</strong> projections are<br />

<strong>the</strong>y will become, you know, among <strong>the</strong> top five states in terms of economic size or what<br />

have you within <strong>the</strong> next 15 <strong>years</strong>, 15 to 20 <strong>years</strong>.<br />

The problem we've got is that most of <strong>the</strong> really important international institutions that<br />

were set up were set up between 1945 and 1955, and China and India were not nearly as<br />

powerful back <strong>the</strong>n. This gives rise to an interesting problem, which is how do you cut in<br />

rising states to international institutions that have already been set up, that privileged<br />

states that are on <strong>the</strong> decline, such as many that are potentially in <strong>the</strong> European Union.<br />

You would not think that <strong>the</strong> Bush administration would be well suited for handling this<br />

problem, since <strong>the</strong> administration -- you know, first impressions are lasting impressions,<br />

and <strong>the</strong> impression of this administration has been it's a belligerent, unilateralist foreign<br />

policy course of action. And yet <strong>the</strong> funny thing is that if you take a look at what <strong>the</strong><br />

U.S. has done over <strong>the</strong> past five <strong>years</strong> or so, <strong>the</strong>y've taken several steps to try to cut<br />

in <strong>the</strong> Chinese and <strong>the</strong> Indians into international regimes that <strong>the</strong> U.S. had set up<br />

with <strong>the</strong> idea that if we can cut <strong>the</strong>m in, <strong>the</strong>y might actually in <strong>the</strong> end want what we<br />

want and support what we want.

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