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Innovative Secondary Education For Skills Enhancement

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Introduction: The Global Employment Picture<br />

By 2030 the global labor force will be 3.5 billion, an increase<br />

of 600 million from today. Sixty percent of this net<br />

increase will be in South Asia and Africa. Unless secondary<br />

education trends double or triple, one billion of the 3.5<br />

billion will lack secondary education, one-third in India<br />

and another quarter in Africa and the rest of South Asia.<br />

A recent overview suggests that the 2030 global workforce<br />

will contain a potential surplus of 90 to 95 million<br />

low-skilled workers, 58 million of them in developing<br />

countries. By contrast, there will likely be a shortage of 45<br />

million medium-skilled workers in developing countries,<br />

as industrialization raises demand but secondary education<br />

does not keep pace (McKinsey, June 2012).<br />

These long-term trends assume slower job growth in the<br />

past than in recent years, and come on top of a serious<br />

current youth unemployment situation. Everywhere,<br />

youth unemployment is higher than overall unemployment,<br />

and because youth make up such a large proportion<br />

of the population and labor force, the numbers of<br />

unemployed youth often exceed those of adults. In South<br />

Asia, for example, youth unemployment rates are three<br />

to four times as high as adult rates (Srivastava and Khare<br />

2012). Globally, youth unemployment in 2012 is about 75<br />

million, or a rate of 12.7 percent, varying from 28 percent<br />

in the Middle East to 13.5 percent in South Asia. <strong>Skills</strong><br />

mismatches are one important cause of unemployment in<br />

general—and of youth unemployment in particular. They<br />

are not the only cause, of course, with macroeconomic<br />

demand being a major factor. Persisting unemployment<br />

in the face of job vacancies, however, does indicate that<br />

there is some mismatch due to labor force entrants having<br />

inadequate skills.<br />

In Africa and Asia, the focus regions of this study, several<br />

trends are apparent. First, the proportion of workers in<br />

agriculture has fallen, but absolute numbers in agriculture<br />

remain roughly constant. Sixty-seven million non-farm<br />

jobs have been created in India, for example, since 2000,<br />

but the number employed in agriculture has remained<br />

constant at 240 million. Second, the demographic advantage<br />

countries in these regions have had could in the<br />

future become instead a major disadvantage, resulting in<br />

too many low-skilled workers.<br />

If education systems fail to respond more rapidly to changing<br />

economies, to expand sufficiently, and to become more<br />

relevant to employment, these skills mismatches seem<br />

likely to increase because of broader trends. Advances in<br />

technology are reducing the demand for low-skill and even<br />

some medium-skill jobs and certainly increase the frequency<br />

with which skills need to be upgraded.<br />

<strong>Skills</strong> and Individual<br />

Livelihoods 3<br />

<strong>Education</strong> and skills have strong economic benefits for<br />

people. Studies have looked at number of years in school,<br />

cognitive skills, and at non-cognitive skills. They have<br />

found an average 10 percent private return on individual<br />

earnings for each additional year of schooling and that<br />

the returns to education overall have evolved depending<br />

on the education level and have especially increased for<br />

postprimary education in growing economies, as schooling<br />

levels have increased overall. Beyond just years of<br />

education, there is increasing evidence that cognitive skills<br />

(as measured by standardized literacy tests) are strongly<br />

and significantly associated with individual earnings in<br />

both developed and developing countries. Similarly noncognitive<br />

skills are also highly positively associated with<br />

productivity and earnings in developing countries on the<br />

whole. Private returns to both years of schooling and to<br />

cognitive skills are generally higher in developing than in<br />

developed countries, partly reflecting the greater scarcity<br />

of schooling and of skills in the developing world.<br />

Similarly these returns in developing countries tend to be<br />

higher for women than for men, again reflecting relatively<br />

lower school attendance and so learning by women. This is<br />

in part because women may need only basic literacy skills<br />

to obtain high-paid employment whereas men need higher<br />

levels of literacy. One important study in Pakistan showed<br />

that, for women, the returns to skills were stronger than<br />

those to schooling, but with the opposite result for men,<br />

implying that for men school provides a credentialing that<br />

is missing for women. No long-term trend data are available<br />

for developing countries, but data for OECD countries<br />

does show that the effect of cognitive (literacy) skills on<br />

individual earnings has increased in the last three decades.<br />

Other important findings about specific cognitive skills<br />

include that numeracy skills have particularly high returns<br />

as do computing skills, both across different levels of<br />

development. The evidence on non-cognitive skills is still<br />

3 This section and the one that follows draw heavily on Guison-Dowdy (2012).<br />

10 <strong>Innovative</strong> <strong>Secondary</strong> <strong>Education</strong> <strong>For</strong> <strong>Skills</strong> <strong>Enhancement</strong> (ISESE)

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