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practice of “locked doors” (i.e., no admissions after the beginning of the<br />

show), audiences during the war years had no choice but to sit through the<br />

entire program of newsreel, cultural film, and main feature. The resultant<br />

mixture of fact and fiction was considered essential to the process of derealization<br />

that had informed the restructuring of the fascist public sphere<br />

from the very beginning. However, at the movies, the active participation<br />

of the audience produced both very predictable results and less calculable<br />

effects. Anecdotal accounts from the war years are filled with stories about<br />

women and children who turned the motion-picture theater into their “asylum<br />

for the homeless,” 14 literally and figuratively speaking. In letters from<br />

the front, soldiers, too, confess using excursions to theaters in occupied<br />

cities to immunize themselves against the horrors of war. Taking advantage<br />

of such individual survival strategies, the Ministry frequently organized<br />

mandatory film screenings for those special units of the SS (Schutzstaffeln)<br />

involved in the Final Solution (e.g., in the case of The Eternal Jew), as well<br />

as for members of the armed forces fighting for the Final Victory (e.g., in<br />

the case of Kolberg).<br />

The official anxieties over the elusive nature of spectatorship are nowhere<br />

more apparent than in the personal viewing habits of the minister in<br />

charge. Until the war, Goebbels saw most films prior to their release, made<br />

recommendations about changes, and had unlimited access to foreign films<br />

even after they were banned in 1939. His diaries give some indication of how<br />

he thought about audience reactions and how he intended to control a film’s<br />

potentially subversive effects. On 27 January 1939, for instance, Goebbels<br />

noted about Hotel Sacher: “Superbly made, but not quite politically watertight.<br />

I shall have it re-edited and a few scenes reshot.” 15 And on 10 October<br />

1940, he concluded about Über alles in der Welt (Above All in the<br />

World): “Absolutely naïve and primitive, but could well be a big hit with the<br />

public. Ritter says patriotic things with a lack of inhibition that would have<br />

anyone else blushing. A few things will have to be changed.” 16<br />

Throughout, Goebbels uses the metaphoric registers of transgression<br />

and containment to identify the two sides in the textual actualization of ideological<br />

positions. Terms like “not quite watertight” and “lack of inhibition”<br />

present spectatorship as a destabilizing force. By evoking the image<br />

of a pressure chamber, Goebbels implies that any excess of representation<br />

might threaten the precarious balance between aesthetic and political intentions<br />

and give rise to dangerous forms of “reading against the grain.” His<br />

sharp distinction between two groups of audiences hides this more troubling<br />

74 Popular Cinema of the Third Reich

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