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206 Russia as Ukraine’s ‘Other’: Identity and Geopolitics Mikhail A. Molchanov St. Thomas University Ukraine and Russia: People, Politics, Propaganda and Perspectives
207 Russia’s annexation of the Crimean Autonomous Republic and the barely hidden fomenting of the separatist movement in eastern Ukraine have brought the country to the edge of a new Cold War with the West. Western media has depicted Putin’s government as an antipode of all that is good and normal in international relations, as having been ‘evil enough’ (Motyl, 2014) to merit comparisons with neo-Nazis and the Ku Klux Klan. German Chancellor Merkel led an attack on Russia’s president personally, starting with accusations of him living ‘in another world’ (Baker, 2014) and ending with a homegrown psychoanalysis of ‘he acts the way he does to “prove he’s a man”’ (Ernst, 2014). Ukraine, being in a de facto state of war with Russia’s proxies in Donbas, has not fallen short of related rhetoric and sought to outdo its western sponsors in vilifying Russia and the Russians. A typical set of clichés includes ‘a country of the insane’ (Shchetkina, 2014) – although the WHO (2011) statistics shows the actual burden of mental health disorders in Russia to be one half of the western average – ‘a fake, phantom country… biggest madhouse on Earth’ (Kostyk, 2014), ‘a large gas pump with atomic missiles’ (Lutsenko, 2014), ‘a special operation writ large’ (Golovakha, 2014), and, of course, a ‘Mordor’ (Presa Ukraïny, 2014). Both the ‘Mordor’ and the ‘madhouse’ designations crept into official and semi-official pronouncements of Ukraine’s political elite: ministers, spokespersons for the government, and the like. An advisor to Ukraine’s Minister of Defence, Oleksandr Danyliuk, vows to engage the relatives of the Russian army volunteers fighting on the separatist side in Donbas ‘so that they would become the principal anti-war activists in Mordor’ (Vidomosti, 2014). The Minister of Interior answers the question on chances for Russia’s invasion by qualifying it as ‘a type of question of when the madman will have his next bout’ (The Insider, 2014). The deputy governor of the Dnipropetrovsk region Borys Filatov calls Russian politicians ‘the Kremlin bastards’ (Kostyk, 2014). All of this gets sympathetic press in the West, which, in turn, reinforces the vilification zeal back in Ukraine. As the title of a recent Bloomberg View article goes, ‘Putin's Russia, Tolkien's Mordor: What's the difference?’ (Bershidsky, 2014). Clearly, such portrayal, if anything, reinforces the besieged fortress mentality that keeps Putin’s regime going. Vilification of the opponent does not help to solve either international or inter-ethnic conflicts, just the opposite. And yet, the situation of a de facto breach of Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, which the unlawful annexation of the Crimea represents, seemingly justifies the hostile rhetoric on Kiev’s part. Equally, Russia’s support of the separatist movement in Donbas cannot but trigger Ukraine’s worst suspicions of a neighbouring country’s desire to dismantle Ukraine by force. It appears natural, in such a situation, that Russia’s image would get a serious Ukraine and Russia: People, Politics, Propaganda and Perspectives
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Edited collection E-IR.INFO Ukraine
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Ukraine and Russia: People, Politic
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ii Abstract The intense and dangero
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109 The Origins of Peace, Non-Viole
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1 Introduction Agnieszka Pikulicka-
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3 The second chapter, by Nicolai Pe
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5 processes behind the formation of
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7 European security, the internal c
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9 Ethnic and Social Composition of
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11 of the population considered Ukr
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13 Between these two magnets of the
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15 it has supported them with weapo
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17 References Aref’ev, A. L. (201
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19 Understanding the Other Ukraine:
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21 The Left Bank, which includes th
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23 Novorossiya Novorossiya, a name
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25 proposed by Mikhail Gorbachev. T
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27 Another specificity of this regi
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29 language. By contrast, their opp
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31 its rank within that district, a
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33 shifting the discourse of Ukrain
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35 Poluneev, Y. (2014) ‘Desyat’
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37 Since the fall of the Soviet Uni
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39 Figure 1: How Ukrainians View Ru
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41 former president Yanukovych to R
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43 Figure 3: Russians’ Approval o
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45 Figure 5: Russians’ and Ukrain
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47 justified in supporting the guer
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49 divergence could make the furthe
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51 Figure 10: Ukrainians’ Externa
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53 Figure 12: Ukrainians’ Foreign
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55 conditions (and which types of)
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57 Mikhanchuk, D. and Volosevych I.
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59 Roots and Features of Modern Ukr
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61 movement hesitated to set out th
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63 Europe after the fall of the Sov
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65 artificial mass starvation of th
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67 at least, to allow their childre
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69 Everyday Life After Annexation:
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71 The Crimean Tatars consider them
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73 Crimea as Part of Newly Independ
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75 A good example of this unevennes
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77 almost a parody, the government
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79 The Moscow Times (2014) ‘Medve
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81 Crimea before Secession and Russ
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83 allied with nationalist Ukrainia
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85 Some other Russian leaders - suc
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87 The Ukrainian government’s off
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89 Magocsi, P. R. (2014) This Bless
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91 In the title of the article, I h
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93 Russia and for the state status
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95 Language Law (K-K) that elevated
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97 The 2 May tragedy in Odessa was
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99 LB.ua (2014) ‘Poroshenko Iklyu
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101 Ukrainian Politics since Indepe
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103 and the stick of a legal and ta
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105 Kuchma was, however, weakened b
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107 Hromadske TV tapped new audienc
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109 The Origins of Peace, Non-Viole
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111 Rise of Authoritarian and Neo-S
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113 who supported the independence
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115 was the first of what became ca
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117 2014). France’s neo-Nazi Fron
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119 home (not NATO or EU). Spiritua
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121 Kupchinsky, R. (2009) ‘The St
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123 The Ukrainian Crisis and its Im
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125 example of an almost blood-free
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127 status. The ‘Russian World’
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129 An Unnecessary War: The Geopoli
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131 1997, p. 46). Ukraine’s new l
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133 The US Position In the 1990s, t
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135 (Bosnia, Macedonia, Montenegro,
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137 Tymoshenko’s release as a con
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139 The chances for miscommunicatio
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141 Between East and West: NATO Enl
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143 That was more or less where mat
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145 some point, his government woul
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147 replaced by the ‘realist’ a
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149 become members of NATO… There
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151 Central to this project - not o
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153 Editorial Board of The New York
Page 163 and 164: 155 section Three PROPAGANDA Ukrain
Page 165 and 166: 157 When Russian special forces sei
Page 167 and 168: 159 Service (SVR), the Main Intelli
Page 169 and 170: 161 government would make suitable
Page 171 and 172: 163 and political pressure represen
Page 173 and 174: 165 Putin’s Nationalism Problem P
Page 175 and 176: 167 nationalist support for the ele
Page 177 and 178: 169 main metropolitan centres of Mo
Page 179 and 180: 171 development (Bunin, 2014). For
Page 181 and 182: 173 Vladimir Putin: Making of the N
Page 183 and 184: 175 and socio-cultural structures o
Page 185 and 186: 177 To reflect these theoretical st
Page 187 and 188: 179 personnel, thus creating an ava
Page 189 and 190: 181 Gray, J. (2000) Two Faces of Li
Page 191 and 192: 183 Dominant Narratives in Russian
Page 193 and 194: 185 These narratives attribute vari
Page 195 and 196: 187 European states, on the other h
Page 197 and 198: 189 that Russia is still a vast, mu
Page 199 and 200: 191 Russia doesn’t abandon its ow
Page 201 and 202: 193 it has come under scrutiny in t
Page 203 and 204: 195 Putin V. (2014) radio interview
Page 205 and 206: 197 The Ukraine Story in Western Me
Page 207 and 208: 199 The Wall Street Journal, The Da
Page 209 and 210: 201 parliament called an emergency
Page 211 and 212: 203 Many reports presented the conf
Page 213: 205 BBC World Report (2014) ‘Ukra
Page 217 and 218: 209 version of the agreement on the
Page 219 and 220: 211 Myth-Making as Geopolitics Ukra
Page 221 and 222: 213 the Creator of a great civilisa
Page 223 and 224: 215 Kolomoisky is back, and ready t
Page 225 and 226: 217 Boiko, D. (2014) ‘Koalitsiia
Page 227 and 228: 219 Motyl, A. (2014) ‘Putin, just
Page 229 and 230: 221 UNA-UNSO (n.d.) ‘Zaiava UNA-U
Page 231 and 232: 223 Western Economic Sanctions and
Page 233 and 234: 225 on imports of fruit, vegetables
Page 235 and 236: 227 To sum up so far, the economic
Page 237 and 238: 229 self-sufficient, quasi-autarkic
Page 239 and 240: 231 Conclusion As should now be cle
Page 241 and 242: 233 Democracy and Geopolitics: Unde
Page 243 and 244: 235 The defensive view sees Russia,
Page 245 and 246: 237 word ‘sovereign’ in this fo
Page 247 and 248: 239 If we focus primarily on territ
Page 249 and 250: 241 Putin, V. (2014a) ‘Address by
Page 251 and 252: 243 Any observer looking at Russian
Page 253 and 254: 245 us - Russia ‘found itself in
Page 255 and 256: 247 insists on referring to Western
Page 257 and 258: 249 regime, particularly given that
Page 259 and 260: 251 Diversity Policy in Ukraine and
Page 261 and 262: 253 In brief, the main features of
Page 263 and 264: 255 political parties. This phenome
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257 preferential treatment of the
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259 Prina, F. (2011) ‘Homogenisat
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261 The focus of this collection ha
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263 July 1989. He outlined a vision
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265 rich variety of other peoples,
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267 Russia, Ukraine, and the Breakd
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269 Yushchenko was torn by factiona
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271 Contributors Edwin Bacon is Rea
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273 aspects of contemporary Russian
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275 Press, 2008), and The Lukashenk
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277 http://nationalismwatch.wordpre
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279 The intense and dangerous turmo
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