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90 Russians in Ukraine: Before and After Euromaidan Mikhail Pogrebinskiy Kiev Center of Political Research and Conflict Studies Ukraine and Russia: People, Politics, Propaganda and Perspectives
91 In the title of the article, I have reproduced the topic proposed by the editors of the collection, however, I consider the stylistic formula ‘Russians in Ukraine’ to be rather confusing and unable to grasp the essence of the problem. The idea of Russians in Ukraine being a national minority similar to, for instance, Hungarians in Romania or Slovakia, Swedes in Finland, or even Russians in Estonia, is in fact profoundly fallacious. And not because of the scope of inclusion – I will talk about that later. But it is this idea that underlies western policies towards Ukraine and the current crisis. According to that idea, the Ukrainians, with the moral support of the West, are trying to free themselves from the centuries-old Russian colonial oppression, while Moscow resists it in every way, and as soon as it ‘lets Ukraine go’, European values will triumph in Ukraine. Before the crisis, the inadequacy of the European perception of the Ukrainian reality was more or less harmless. Except that it was gradually smoothing the way for ‘inevitability’ of the choice between Russia and Europe – naturally, in favour of ‘the European choice’. During the crisis, such an approach has led to encouraging the inflexibility of the position of the Kiev government that came to power riding the wave of the Maidan, and that in turn has contributed to the loss of Crimea and to the civil war in the South-East. Russians in Ukraine do not represent such a distinctive national group as other large minorities in other countries. The thing is that both contemporary Russians and Ukrainians (at least, inhabitants of the lands of the former Russian Empire, that is the majority of contemporary Ukraine) originate from the people of common (All-Russian, ‘Orthodox’) identity, where the differences between Great Russians (‘Russians’) and Little Russians (‘Ukrainians’) were rather of regional or sub-ethnic nature. I think that it would be more correct to consider Russians, alongside Ukrainians, to be a stateconstituting nation of Ukraine within its 2013 borders, and not a national minority. It is worth noting that almost half of ethnic Ukrainians prefer to speak Russian in private life. In order to provide an adequate description of the ethnic structure of the population of Ukraine, Ukrainian sociologist Valeriy Khmelko introduced the concept of ‘bi-ethnors’, i.e. people with ‘double’ Ukrainian-Russian identity (Khmelko, 2004). Representative surveys of the population of Ukraine carried out during the last 20 years are summarised in this table: Ukraine and Russia: People, Politics, Propaganda and Perspectives
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Edited collection E-IR.INFO Ukraine
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Ukraine and Russia: People, Politic
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ii Abstract The intense and dangero
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109 The Origins of Peace, Non-Viole
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1 Introduction Agnieszka Pikulicka-
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3 The second chapter, by Nicolai Pe
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5 processes behind the formation of
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7 European security, the internal c
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9 Ethnic and Social Composition of
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11 of the population considered Ukr
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13 Between these two magnets of the
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15 it has supported them with weapo
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17 References Aref’ev, A. L. (201
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19 Understanding the Other Ukraine:
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21 The Left Bank, which includes th
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23 Novorossiya Novorossiya, a name
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25 proposed by Mikhail Gorbachev. T
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27 Another specificity of this regi
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29 language. By contrast, their opp
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31 its rank within that district, a
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33 shifting the discourse of Ukrain
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35 Poluneev, Y. (2014) ‘Desyat’
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37 Since the fall of the Soviet Uni
Page 47 and 48: 39 Figure 1: How Ukrainians View Ru
Page 49 and 50: 41 former president Yanukovych to R
Page 51 and 52: 43 Figure 3: Russians’ Approval o
Page 53 and 54: 45 Figure 5: Russians’ and Ukrain
Page 55 and 56: 47 justified in supporting the guer
Page 57 and 58: 49 divergence could make the furthe
Page 59 and 60: 51 Figure 10: Ukrainians’ Externa
Page 61 and 62: 53 Figure 12: Ukrainians’ Foreign
Page 63 and 64: 55 conditions (and which types of)
Page 65 and 66: 57 Mikhanchuk, D. and Volosevych I.
Page 67 and 68: 59 Roots and Features of Modern Ukr
Page 69 and 70: 61 movement hesitated to set out th
Page 71 and 72: 63 Europe after the fall of the Sov
Page 73 and 74: 65 artificial mass starvation of th
Page 75 and 76: 67 at least, to allow their childre
Page 77 and 78: 69 Everyday Life After Annexation:
Page 79 and 80: 71 The Crimean Tatars consider them
Page 81 and 82: 73 Crimea as Part of Newly Independ
Page 83 and 84: 75 A good example of this unevennes
Page 85 and 86: 77 almost a parody, the government
Page 87 and 88: 79 The Moscow Times (2014) ‘Medve
Page 89 and 90: 81 Crimea before Secession and Russ
Page 91 and 92: 83 allied with nationalist Ukrainia
Page 93 and 94: 85 Some other Russian leaders - suc
Page 95 and 96: 87 The Ukrainian government’s off
Page 97: 89 Magocsi, P. R. (2014) This Bless
Page 101 and 102: 93 Russia and for the state status
Page 103 and 104: 95 Language Law (K-K) that elevated
Page 105 and 106: 97 The 2 May tragedy in Odessa was
Page 107 and 108: 99 LB.ua (2014) ‘Poroshenko Iklyu
Page 109 and 110: 101 Ukrainian Politics since Indepe
Page 111 and 112: 103 and the stick of a legal and ta
Page 113 and 114: 105 Kuchma was, however, weakened b
Page 115 and 116: 107 Hromadske TV tapped new audienc
Page 117 and 118: 109 The Origins of Peace, Non-Viole
Page 119 and 120: 111 Rise of Authoritarian and Neo-S
Page 121 and 122: 113 who supported the independence
Page 123 and 124: 115 was the first of what became ca
Page 125 and 126: 117 2014). France’s neo-Nazi Fron
Page 127 and 128: 119 home (not NATO or EU). Spiritua
Page 129 and 130: 121 Kupchinsky, R. (2009) ‘The St
Page 131 and 132: 123 The Ukrainian Crisis and its Im
Page 133 and 134: 125 example of an almost blood-free
Page 135 and 136: 127 status. The ‘Russian World’
Page 137 and 138: 129 An Unnecessary War: The Geopoli
Page 139 and 140: 131 1997, p. 46). Ukraine’s new l
Page 141 and 142: 133 The US Position In the 1990s, t
Page 143 and 144: 135 (Bosnia, Macedonia, Montenegro,
Page 145 and 146: 137 Tymoshenko’s release as a con
Page 147 and 148: 139 The chances for miscommunicatio
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141 Between East and West: NATO Enl
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143 That was more or less where mat
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145 some point, his government woul
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147 replaced by the ‘realist’ a
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149 become members of NATO… There
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151 Central to this project - not o
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153 Editorial Board of The New York
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155 section Three PROPAGANDA Ukrain
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157 When Russian special forces sei
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159 Service (SVR), the Main Intelli
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161 government would make suitable
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163 and political pressure represen
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165 Putin’s Nationalism Problem P
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167 nationalist support for the ele
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169 main metropolitan centres of Mo
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171 development (Bunin, 2014). For
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173 Vladimir Putin: Making of the N
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175 and socio-cultural structures o
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177 To reflect these theoretical st
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179 personnel, thus creating an ava
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181 Gray, J. (2000) Two Faces of Li
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183 Dominant Narratives in Russian
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185 These narratives attribute vari
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187 European states, on the other h
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189 that Russia is still a vast, mu
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191 Russia doesn’t abandon its ow
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193 it has come under scrutiny in t
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195 Putin V. (2014) radio interview
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197 The Ukraine Story in Western Me
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199 The Wall Street Journal, The Da
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201 parliament called an emergency
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203 Many reports presented the conf
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205 BBC World Report (2014) ‘Ukra
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207 Russia’s annexation of the Cr
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209 version of the agreement on the
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211 Myth-Making as Geopolitics Ukra
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213 the Creator of a great civilisa
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215 Kolomoisky is back, and ready t
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217 Boiko, D. (2014) ‘Koalitsiia
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219 Motyl, A. (2014) ‘Putin, just
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221 UNA-UNSO (n.d.) ‘Zaiava UNA-U
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223 Western Economic Sanctions and
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225 on imports of fruit, vegetables
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227 To sum up so far, the economic
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229 self-sufficient, quasi-autarkic
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231 Conclusion As should now be cle
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233 Democracy and Geopolitics: Unde
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235 The defensive view sees Russia,
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237 word ‘sovereign’ in this fo
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239 If we focus primarily on territ
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241 Putin, V. (2014a) ‘Address by
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243 Any observer looking at Russian
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245 us - Russia ‘found itself in
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247 insists on referring to Western
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249 regime, particularly given that
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251 Diversity Policy in Ukraine and
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253 In brief, the main features of
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255 political parties. This phenome
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257 preferential treatment of the
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259 Prina, F. (2011) ‘Homogenisat
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261 The focus of this collection ha
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263 July 1989. He outlined a vision
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265 rich variety of other peoples,
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267 Russia, Ukraine, and the Breakd
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269 Yushchenko was torn by factiona
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271 Contributors Edwin Bacon is Rea
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273 aspects of contemporary Russian
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275 Press, 2008), and The Lukashenk
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277 http://nationalismwatch.wordpre
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279 The intense and dangerous turmo
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