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260 Conclusion: Monism vs. Pluralism Richard Sakwa University of Kent Ukraine and Russia: People, Politics, Propaganda and Perspectives
261 The focus of this collection has been on the dynamics of developments in Ukraine in the context of Russo-Ukrainian relations, with analysis of internal developments in both countries. A number of intersecting crises have been identified, each of which exacerbates the others while their interactions only intensify the contradictions that provoked the crises in the first place. The first crisis is the one within Ukraine itself, which can be identified as the Ukrainian crisis, while the second is the extreme turbulence in international affairs and in particular in the system of European security, which is conventionally labelled the Ukraine crisis. This is accompanied by a potential crisis in the Russian developmental model, exacerbated by events in Ukraine since late 2013 and the new era of contentious politics. These three crises feed on each other, but each has distinctive roots. Clearly, there can be no sustainable solution to the challenges of Ukrainian and Russian national development unless the broader crisis in international affairs is also resolved. However, at present there is little prospect of the latter, hence the former are likely to continue for some time. European Monism The articles presented in this collection clearly indicate a crisis in European development. The Ukraine crisis demonstrated the triumph of a monist vision of Europe, one in which the European Union (EU) would be the main representative of what it means to be European in the context of the Euro-Atlantic alliance system. On the other side, although the Russian power system is profoundly monistic, in terms of European politics as a whole, the country stands for pluralism in the international system. This paradox is not yet reconciled, and endows the whole subject of study with numerous false windows and contradictory perceptions. The crisis is precisely a struggle over who will get to decide the fate of Europe, accompanied by rhetorical, discursive, and practical struggles over the national and political identity of Russia and Ukraine. As far as Europe is concerned, two models are on offer, although with different inflections they do not necessarily have to be in conflict. Since the end of the Cold War, the idea of Wider Europe has become the predominant one in the West. This is the project of a continent centred on the EU, with European space represented as Brussels-focused, with concentric rings emanating from the centre, although with weakening force as they reach the periphery. The six founding members of the European Economic Community created in 1957 have now been joined to encompass 28 members, with the latest entrants coming from the former communist part of the continent. The Central and East European countries sought liberal democracy, market reform, and, above all, the ‘return to Europe’, and this has been achieved with significant results. A remarkable public consensus prevailed in these countries, and in Ukraine and Russia: People, Politics, Propaganda and Perspectives
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Edited collection E-IR.INFO Ukraine
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Ukraine and Russia: People, Politic
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ii Abstract The intense and dangero
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109 The Origins of Peace, Non-Viole
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1 Introduction Agnieszka Pikulicka-
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3 The second chapter, by Nicolai Pe
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5 processes behind the formation of
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7 European security, the internal c
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9 Ethnic and Social Composition of
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11 of the population considered Ukr
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13 Between these two magnets of the
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15 it has supported them with weapo
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17 References Aref’ev, A. L. (201
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19 Understanding the Other Ukraine:
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21 The Left Bank, which includes th
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23 Novorossiya Novorossiya, a name
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25 proposed by Mikhail Gorbachev. T
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27 Another specificity of this regi
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29 language. By contrast, their opp
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31 its rank within that district, a
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33 shifting the discourse of Ukrain
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35 Poluneev, Y. (2014) ‘Desyat’
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37 Since the fall of the Soviet Uni
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39 Figure 1: How Ukrainians View Ru
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41 former president Yanukovych to R
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43 Figure 3: Russians’ Approval o
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45 Figure 5: Russians’ and Ukrain
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47 justified in supporting the guer
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49 divergence could make the furthe
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51 Figure 10: Ukrainians’ Externa
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53 Figure 12: Ukrainians’ Foreign
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55 conditions (and which types of)
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57 Mikhanchuk, D. and Volosevych I.
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59 Roots and Features of Modern Ukr
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61 movement hesitated to set out th
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63 Europe after the fall of the Sov
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65 artificial mass starvation of th
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67 at least, to allow their childre
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69 Everyday Life After Annexation:
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71 The Crimean Tatars consider them
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73 Crimea as Part of Newly Independ
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75 A good example of this unevennes
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77 almost a parody, the government
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79 The Moscow Times (2014) ‘Medve
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81 Crimea before Secession and Russ
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83 allied with nationalist Ukrainia
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85 Some other Russian leaders - suc
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87 The Ukrainian government’s off
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89 Magocsi, P. R. (2014) This Bless
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91 In the title of the article, I h
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93 Russia and for the state status
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95 Language Law (K-K) that elevated
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97 The 2 May tragedy in Odessa was
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99 LB.ua (2014) ‘Poroshenko Iklyu
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101 Ukrainian Politics since Indepe
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103 and the stick of a legal and ta
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105 Kuchma was, however, weakened b
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107 Hromadske TV tapped new audienc
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109 The Origins of Peace, Non-Viole
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111 Rise of Authoritarian and Neo-S
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113 who supported the independence
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115 was the first of what became ca
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117 2014). France’s neo-Nazi Fron
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119 home (not NATO or EU). Spiritua
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121 Kupchinsky, R. (2009) ‘The St
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123 The Ukrainian Crisis and its Im
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125 example of an almost blood-free
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127 status. The ‘Russian World’
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129 An Unnecessary War: The Geopoli
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131 1997, p. 46). Ukraine’s new l
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133 The US Position In the 1990s, t
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135 (Bosnia, Macedonia, Montenegro,
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137 Tymoshenko’s release as a con
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139 The chances for miscommunicatio
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141 Between East and West: NATO Enl
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143 That was more or less where mat
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145 some point, his government woul
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147 replaced by the ‘realist’ a
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149 become members of NATO… There
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151 Central to this project - not o
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153 Editorial Board of The New York
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155 section Three PROPAGANDA Ukrain
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157 When Russian special forces sei
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159 Service (SVR), the Main Intelli
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161 government would make suitable
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163 and political pressure represen
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165 Putin’s Nationalism Problem P
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167 nationalist support for the ele
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169 main metropolitan centres of Mo
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171 development (Bunin, 2014). For
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173 Vladimir Putin: Making of the N
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175 and socio-cultural structures o
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177 To reflect these theoretical st
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179 personnel, thus creating an ava
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181 Gray, J. (2000) Two Faces of Li
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183 Dominant Narratives in Russian
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185 These narratives attribute vari
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187 European states, on the other h
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189 that Russia is still a vast, mu
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191 Russia doesn’t abandon its ow
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193 it has come under scrutiny in t
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195 Putin V. (2014) radio interview
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197 The Ukraine Story in Western Me
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199 The Wall Street Journal, The Da
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201 parliament called an emergency
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203 Many reports presented the conf
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205 BBC World Report (2014) ‘Ukra
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207 Russia’s annexation of the Cr
Page 217 and 218: 209 version of the agreement on the
Page 219 and 220: 211 Myth-Making as Geopolitics Ukra
Page 221 and 222: 213 the Creator of a great civilisa
Page 223 and 224: 215 Kolomoisky is back, and ready t
Page 225 and 226: 217 Boiko, D. (2014) ‘Koalitsiia
Page 227 and 228: 219 Motyl, A. (2014) ‘Putin, just
Page 229 and 230: 221 UNA-UNSO (n.d.) ‘Zaiava UNA-U
Page 231 and 232: 223 Western Economic Sanctions and
Page 233 and 234: 225 on imports of fruit, vegetables
Page 235 and 236: 227 To sum up so far, the economic
Page 237 and 238: 229 self-sufficient, quasi-autarkic
Page 239 and 240: 231 Conclusion As should now be cle
Page 241 and 242: 233 Democracy and Geopolitics: Unde
Page 243 and 244: 235 The defensive view sees Russia,
Page 245 and 246: 237 word ‘sovereign’ in this fo
Page 247 and 248: 239 If we focus primarily on territ
Page 249 and 250: 241 Putin, V. (2014a) ‘Address by
Page 251 and 252: 243 Any observer looking at Russian
Page 253 and 254: 245 us - Russia ‘found itself in
Page 255 and 256: 247 insists on referring to Western
Page 257 and 258: 249 regime, particularly given that
Page 259 and 260: 251 Diversity Policy in Ukraine and
Page 261 and 262: 253 In brief, the main features of
Page 263 and 264: 255 political parties. This phenome
Page 265 and 266: 257 preferential treatment of the
Page 267: 259 Prina, F. (2011) ‘Homogenisat
Page 271 and 272: 263 July 1989. He outlined a vision
Page 273 and 274: 265 rich variety of other peoples,
Page 275 and 276: 267 Russia, Ukraine, and the Breakd
Page 277 and 278: 269 Yushchenko was torn by factiona
Page 279 and 280: 271 Contributors Edwin Bacon is Rea
Page 281 and 282: 273 aspects of contemporary Russian
Page 283 and 284: 275 Press, 2008), and The Lukashenk
Page 285 and 286: 277 http://nationalismwatch.wordpre
Page 287: 279 The intense and dangerous turmo
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