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Comparative vs. superlative quantifiers Superlative and comparative ...

Comparative vs. superlative quantifiers Superlative and comparative ...

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<strong>Superlative</strong> <strong>vs</strong>. <strong>comparative</strong> Indefinites, numerals, <strong>and</strong> scales <strong>Comparative</strong> modifiers <strong>Superlative</strong> modifiers Experimental evidence<br />

Distributional restrictions<br />

If the modal analysis is correct, there should be restrictions on the<br />

distribution of <strong>superlative</strong> <strong>quantifiers</strong> just as there are on the<br />

distribution of bona fide modals (<strong>and</strong> epistemic ones in particular):<br />

{Each / Most / ?About five / ∗None} of the guests . . .<br />

[1] . . . may have dispatched the butler.<br />

[2] . . . had at least 3 cocktails.<br />

[3] Nabokov might not have written ‘Pnin’. (Only wide scope for ⋄.)<br />

[4] ∗Nabokov didn’t write at least/most 3 novels.<br />

Bart Geurts & Rick Nouwen: <strong>Comparative</strong> <strong>vs</strong>. <strong>superlative</strong> <strong>quantifiers</strong><br />

<strong>Superlative</strong> <strong>vs</strong>. <strong>comparative</strong> Indefinites, numerals, <strong>and</strong> scales <strong>Comparative</strong> modifiers <strong>Superlative</strong> modifiers Experimental evidence<br />

Experimental evidence<br />

Bart Geurts & Rick Nouwen: <strong>Comparative</strong> <strong>vs</strong>. <strong>superlative</strong> <strong>quantifiers</strong>

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