20Eastern psyche as an Eternal Truth. Classical tales recount the couple's journeytogether to the chosen place, leaving forever behind them familiar scenes, agonizingmental conflicts, <strong>and</strong> the last tender farewells (Mace & Mace, 1980).To today’s young individualistic Americans <strong>and</strong> Europeans, such tales of forbiddenromance may seem ridiculous. But to Asian young romantics, who knew that passionhad little chance of flowering into marriage, the tales were sublime tragedies.In traditional cultures, it was the lovers who had to adapt, not society. Individualhappiness mattered little; what was important was the well-being of the family <strong>and</strong> themaintenance of social order. As one modern Chinese woman asserted: “Marriage is not arelation for personal pleasure, but a contract involving the ancestors, the descendants, <strong>and</strong>the property” (Mace & Mace, 1980, p. 134).In contemporary societies, however, East <strong>and</strong> West, most young men <strong>and</strong>women do meet, fall in love, feel sexual desire, <strong>and</strong> live together or marry. In thissection, we will discuss the revolution that is occurring in the ways young men <strong>and</strong>women (heterosexual <strong>and</strong> homosexual) currently select their romantic, sexual, <strong>and</strong>marital partners. We will see that throughout the world parental power is crumbling<strong>and</strong> that arranged marriages are being replaced by the ideal of love marriages.A. Arranged MarriagesThroughout history, cultures have varied markedly in who possessed the powerto select romantic, sexual, <strong>and</strong> marital partners.As we have seen, in the distant past, in most societies, parents, kin, <strong>and</strong> thecommunity usually had the power to arrange things as they chose. Marriage wasassumed to be an alliance between two families (Dion & Dion, 1993; Lee & Stone,
211980). Families might also consult with religious specialists, oracles, <strong>and</strong> matchmakers(Rosenblatt & Anderson, 1981). When contemplating a union, parents, kin, <strong>and</strong> theiradvisors were generally concerned with a number of background questions. What wasthe young person's caste, status, family background, religion, <strong>and</strong> economic position?Did their family possess any property? How big was their dowry? Would they fit inwith the entire family? In Indian families, for example, men <strong>and</strong> women observed thatwhat their families cared most about in arranging a marriage was religion (whether onewas a Hindu, Muslim, Sikh, or Christian), social class, education, <strong>and</strong> familybackground (Sprecher & Ch<strong>and</strong>ak, 1992). If things look promising, parents <strong>and</strong> gobetweensbegin to talk about the exchange of property, dowries, the young couple’sfuture obligations <strong>and</strong> their living arrangements.Some problems were serious enough to rule out any thought of marriage.Sometimes religious advisors would chart the couples’ horoscopes. Those born underthe wrong sign may be forbidden to marry (Bumroongsook, 1992). Generally, youngpeople were forbidden to marry anyone who was too closely related (say, a brother orsister or a certain kind of cousin). Sometimes, they were forbidden to marry foreigners.(In Thail<strong>and</strong>, Thais are often forbidden to marry Chinese, Indian, Japanese, Mons, orMalay suitors [Bumroongsook, 1992]).Similar assets <strong>and</strong> liabilities have been found to be important in a variety ofcountries—such as India (Prakasa & Rao, 1979; Sprecher & Ch<strong>and</strong>ak, 1992), Japan(Fukuda, 1991), Morocco (Joseph & Joseph, 1987), <strong>and</strong> Thail<strong>and</strong> (Bumroongsook,1992).
- Page 1 and 2: 78. Hatfield, E., Rapson, R. L.. &
- Page 3 and 4: 3of neural activation (see Bartels
- Page 5 and 6: 5After observing many kinds of prim
- Page 7 and 8: 7someone, there is less need to ass
- Page 9 and 10: 9mutability of human behavior. They
- Page 11 and 12: 11evidenced in the availability of
- Page 13 and 14: 13Chu (1985; Chu & Ju, 1993), too,
- Page 15 and 16: 15To test the notion that passionat
- Page 17 and 18: 17preferences. He found that for so
- Page 19: 19. . . everybody knows that love c
- Page 23 and 24: 23fact they do not. Joseph and Jose
- Page 25 and 26: 25To test this notion, Sprecher and
- Page 28 and 29: 28jealousy's pangs. She observed:
- Page 30 and 31: 30cuckold should fail to detect the
- Page 32 and 33: 32sure, but stories none-the-less.
- Page 34 and 35: 34The Toda of Southern India, who w
- Page 36 and 37: 36extreme jealousy) and the Toda tr
- Page 38 and 39: 38women were “supposed” to resp
- Page 40 and 41: 40This treatment of an unfaithful w
- Page 42 and 43: 42Naturally, cultural differences s
- Page 44 and 45: 44Bringle, R. G., & Buunk, B. (1986
- Page 46 and 47: 46Dion, K. K. & Dion, K. L. (1993).
- Page 48 and 49: 48Hatfield, E. & Rapson, R. L. (198
- Page 50 and 51: 50Kitayama, S. (2002.) Culture and
- Page 52 and 53: 52Prakasa, V. V., & Rao, V. N. (197
- Page 54 and 55: 54Sternberg, R. J. (1988). Triangul