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the role of property rights in natural resource management, good ...

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commons. Similarly, <strong>in</strong> Tanzania, <strong>the</strong> village Land Act recognizes customary occupation or use <strong>of</strong> land. InUganda, <strong>the</strong> Constitution and Land Act provide secure tenure to holders <strong>of</strong> customary land <strong>rights</strong>, andauthority <strong>of</strong> local land committees to adm<strong>in</strong>ister customary laws. The Act allows for communal ownershipand communal claims to <strong>the</strong>se <strong>resource</strong>s (FAO, 2002b). In neighbor<strong>in</strong>g Botswana, Namibia and Malawi,state-enabl<strong>in</strong>g frameworks similarly authorize local committees or user groups to govern and manage severaltypes <strong>of</strong> renewable <strong>natural</strong> <strong>resource</strong>s. Even though <strong>in</strong> certa<strong>in</strong> cases those are new <strong>in</strong>itiatives, <strong>the</strong>y draw <strong>the</strong>same power, legitimacy, and efficiency from <strong>the</strong>ir local foundations as do comparable local <strong>in</strong>itiatives <strong>of</strong>longer stand<strong>in</strong>g.In Lat<strong>in</strong> America and parts <strong>of</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asia over <strong>the</strong> past two decades, national laws have promoted legalrecognition <strong>of</strong> <strong>rights</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>digenous peoples, giv<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>alienable <strong>rights</strong> to customary claims. In South America,for example, <strong>in</strong>digenous <strong>rights</strong> are legally recognized <strong>in</strong> a number <strong>of</strong> countries <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g Brazil, Colombia,Peru, Bolivia, and Ecuador. In Bolivia, <strong>the</strong> 1996 Agrarian Reform Law legally recognizes <strong>the</strong> TierrasComunitarias de Orig<strong>in</strong> giv<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>digenous groups collective <strong>in</strong>alienable <strong>rights</strong> over customary claims to land and<strong>resource</strong>s (FAO, 2002b). In Ecuador, <strong>the</strong> Constitution recognizes <strong>in</strong>alienable land claims <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>digenousgroups to customary claims. In <strong>the</strong> Philipp<strong>in</strong>es, <strong>the</strong> 1997 Indigenous Peoples Rights Act recognizes<strong>in</strong>digenous ownership and control <strong>of</strong> ancestral doma<strong>in</strong>s. Associated regulations prevent encroachment andexpropriation by outside groups. This trend <strong>in</strong> recognition <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>digenous <strong>property</strong> <strong>rights</strong> is also visible <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong>west. For <strong>in</strong>stance, Canadian law recognizes <strong>rights</strong> <strong>of</strong> Canada’s First Nations (<strong>in</strong>digenous groups) and, <strong>in</strong> sodo<strong>in</strong>g, recognize a wide variety <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>digenous claims to <strong>resource</strong>s, e.g., extremely valuable timber, wildlife, fishand water <strong>rights</strong> (McNeil, 2001).Over <strong>the</strong> past two decades, co-<strong>management</strong> and community-based <strong>natural</strong> <strong>resource</strong> <strong>management</strong> (CBNRM)approaches have recognized rural populations and <strong>the</strong>ir <strong>property</strong> <strong>rights</strong> to <strong>natural</strong> <strong>resource</strong>s <strong>in</strong> variouscapacities. These hybrid <strong>property</strong> <strong>rights</strong> typically have implications for use or <strong>management</strong> <strong>rights</strong>, but rarelyfor transfer <strong>rights</strong>. Various forms <strong>of</strong> co-<strong>management</strong> and CBNRM models exist (Child, 2005). However, <strong>in</strong>general, both co-<strong>management</strong> and CBNRM <strong>in</strong>itiatives seek to work <strong>the</strong> diverse stakeholder groups (<strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>glocal user groups) l<strong>in</strong>ked with specific units <strong>of</strong> land and stocks <strong>of</strong> <strong>natural</strong> <strong>resource</strong>s, and attempt to reconcile<strong>the</strong>ir diverse <strong>in</strong>terests. Under such arrangements, stakeholder groups enjoy specific benefits and shareresponsibility for <strong>management</strong> or governance <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> specific unit <strong>of</strong> land or associated <strong>natural</strong> <strong>resource</strong>.Lynch (1999) makes a useful dist<strong>in</strong>ction between decentralization and devolution on <strong>the</strong> one hand andcommunity-based <strong>property</strong> <strong>rights</strong> on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r; advocat<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> latter for long-term occupants <strong>of</strong> specific areasand to <strong>the</strong> commons. As Lynch notes, <strong>the</strong> former mechanisms gives group <strong>rights</strong> to local communities foruse <strong>of</strong> public land and <strong>natural</strong> <strong>resource</strong>s conta<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>the</strong>re<strong>in</strong>. In such cases, <strong>the</strong> government reta<strong>in</strong>s ownership<strong>of</strong> lands but grants leases or delegates <strong>property</strong> <strong>rights</strong> for a specific period <strong>of</strong> time to local user groups undercommunity forestry, or hybrid forms <strong>of</strong> <strong>property</strong> <strong>rights</strong> such as CBRNM or co-<strong>management</strong> arrangements.Lynch advocates community-based <strong>property</strong> <strong>rights</strong>, or legal recognition <strong>of</strong> private group <strong>rights</strong>, given thatprivate <strong>rights</strong> provide greater security and are subject to fewer state controls than are use <strong>rights</strong> underdecentralized systems <strong>of</strong> <strong>natural</strong> <strong>resource</strong> <strong>management</strong>. Such private <strong>rights</strong> also allow local communities tonegotiate with governments and outside <strong>in</strong>terest groups on more equal terms than those associated with use<strong>rights</strong> on public lands.As decentralized and devolution approaches to <strong>natural</strong> <strong>resource</strong> <strong>management</strong> become popular around <strong>the</strong>world, <strong>the</strong>re is also recognition that devolution <strong>in</strong> particular is not a panacea. As Larson (2004) notes,decentralization or devolution may not always lead to susta<strong>in</strong>able <strong>management</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>natural</strong> <strong>resource</strong>s, nor do allcustomary systems ensure equity <strong>of</strong> <strong>resource</strong> distribution and decision mak<strong>in</strong>g. Elite capture may lead topowerful groups dom<strong>in</strong>at<strong>in</strong>g decision mak<strong>in</strong>g and <strong>resource</strong> use at <strong>the</strong> expense <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> poorer and marg<strong>in</strong>alizedgroup(s). In o<strong>the</strong>r cases, customary systems may be biased aga<strong>in</strong>st a specific gender (typically women).Devolution <strong>of</strong> some but not all powers is <strong>the</strong>refore recommended by some, hence ensur<strong>in</strong>g social equity andenvironmental susta<strong>in</strong>ability as def<strong>in</strong>ed by national governments (Ribot, 2004). In o<strong>the</strong>r cases, collaborative orco-<strong>management</strong> models may provide appropriate checks and balances to ensure equitable distribution <strong>of</strong><strong>rights</strong> and environmental susta<strong>in</strong>ability.ROLE OF PROPERTY RIGHTS IN NRM: GOOD GOVERNANCE AND EMPOWERMENT OF THE RURAL POOR 15

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