WEB engleska verzija end.indd - UNDP Croatia

Human Development ReportCroatia 2006UnitedNationsDevelopmentProgrammeUnplugged:Faces of Social Exclusion in Croatia

United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) is the UN’s global development network, advocating for changeand connecting countries to knowledge, experience and resources to help people build a better life. We are onthe ground in 166 countries, working with them on their own solutions to global and national developmentchallenges. As they develop local capacity, they draw on the people of UNDP and our wide range of partners.Short extracts from this publication may be reproduced unaltered without authorisation, on condition that thesource is indicated.The views expressed in this paper are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the views of UNDP.Copyright © 2006By the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) in Croatia,Kesterčanekova 1, 10000 Zagreb, HrvatskaEditors (in alphabetical order): Deborah Bayley, Tara Susanna Cameron Bray, Helena Gorančić-LazetićAuthors (in alphabetical order): Enrique Aguado Asenjo, Marinka Bakula Anđelić, Đordana Barbarić, PredragBejaković, Reneé Brown, Goran Broz, Sanja Crnković Pozaić, Mirjana Dobranović, Hugh Frazer, Davor Gjenero,Petra Hoelscher, Andreja Horvat, Lidija Japec, Iva Jovović, Sanja Kordić, Suzana Kunac, Teo Matković, JadrankaMimica, Jasmina Papa, Nina Pećnik, Zvonimir Penić, Dražen Puljić, Paul Stubbs, Vedran Šošić, AleksandarŠtulhofer, Maja Gabelica Šupljika, Borka Teodorović, Tomislav Tomašević, Robert Torre, Siniša Zrinščak.Peer reviewers (in alphabetical order): Lovorka Bačić, Aida Bagić, Kristijan Grđan, Nives Ivelja, Mirjana Jerković,Nada Kerovec, Dražen Lalić, Maja Mamula, Teo Matković, Saša Milošević, OSCE, Dunja Potočnik, Vini Rakić, ZoraRaboteg Šarić, UNDP Regional Centre, UNHCR, UNICEF.Translation into English: Davies d.o.o. and Gordana PodvezanecProofreading: Deborah Bayley, Tara Susanna Cameron Bray, Helena Gorančić-LazetićCover and design: Krešimir KraljevićPhotos: Zoran Bogdanović and Lana SlivarPrint: Denona d.o.o.Printed in Zagreb, CroatiaFirst edition 2006ISSN: 1332-3989

CONTENTS

CONTENTSContentsContentsForewordChapter 1: Concept of Social Exclusion1.1 An EU Perspective1.2 Open Method of Coordination1.3 Social Exclusion in Croatia61316161821Chapter 2: Socio-Economic Context2.1 Economic Activity and Labour Market2.2 Living Standards2.3 Unemployment and Social Exclusion2.4 Flexicurity2.5 Regional Disparities2.6 Alleviation of Social Exclusion through Employment Measures2.6.1 Role of the State2.6.2 Boosting Employment2.6.3 Improving Human Capital242425262730313132326Chapter 3: The Socially Excluded3.1 Demographic characteristics3.2 National Minorities3.2.1 Human Rights3.2.2 Access to Social Services3.2.3 Access to Healthcare3.2.4 Access to Education3.2.5 Access to Employment and Employment Services3.2.6 Access to Transportation3.2.7 Access to Information and Communication Technology38384343454546475050

CONTENTS3.2.8 Access to Housing and Basic Infrastructure3.2.9 Social Ties3.2.10 Political Participation3.2.11 Key Challenges3.2.12 Policy Implications3.3 Returnees and IDPs3.3.1 Human Rights3.3.2 Access to Social Services3.3.3 Access to Healthcare3.3.4 Access to Education3.3.5 Access to Employment and Employment Services3.3.6 Access to Transportation3.3.7 Access to Information and Communication Technology3.3.8 Access to Housing and Basic Infrastructure3.3.9 Key Challenges3.3.10 Policy Implications3.4 People with Intellectual Disabilities3.4.1 Human Rights3.4.2 Access to Social Services3.4.3 Access to Healthcare3.4.4 Access to Education3.4.5 Access to Employment and Employment Services3.4.6 Access to Transportation3.4.7 Access to Housing and Basic Infrastructure3.4.8 Social Ties3.4.9 Key Challenges3.4.10 Policy Implications3.5 People with Physical Disabilities3.5.1 Human Rights3.5.2 Access to Social Services3.5.3 Access to Healthcare3.5.4 Access to Education3.5.5 Access to Employment and Employment Services3.5.6 Access to Transportation3.5.7 Access to Information and Communication Technology3.5.8 Access to Housing and Basic Infrastructure3.5.9 Social Ties3.5.10 Key Challenges3.5.11 Policy Implications5051525253535354565657575858595960606162626263636464656566666667686969697070707

CONTENTS83.6 Single Parents3.6.1 Human Rights3.6.2 Access to Social Services3.6.3 Access to Healthcare3.6.4 Access to Education3.6.5 Access to Employment and Employment Services3.6.6 Access to Transportation3.6.7 Access to Information and Communication Technology3.6.8 Access to Housing and Basic Infrastructure3.6.9 Social Ties3.6.10 Key Challenges3.6.11 Policy Implications3.7 The Unemployed3.7.1 Human Rights Violations3.7.2 Unemployment Benefits3.7.3 Access to Healthcare3.7.4 Access to Education3.7.5 Access to Employment and Employment Services3.7.6 Access to Transportation3.7.7 Access to Information and Communication Technology3.7.8 Access to Housing and Basic Infrastructure3.7.9 Social Ties3.7.10 Key Challenges3.7.11 Policy Implications3.8 Youth3.8.1 Human Rights3.8.2 Access to Healthcare3.8.3 Access to Education3.8.4 Access to Employment and Employment Services3.8.5 Access to Transportation3.8.6 Access to Information and Communication Technology3.8.7 Access to Housing and Basic Infrastructure3.8.8 Social Ties3.8.9 Key Challenges3.8.10 Policy Implications3.9 Prisoners3.9.1. Human Rights3.9.2 Access to Healthcare3.9.3 Access to Education3.9.4 Access to Employment and Employment Services71727374747475757576767777787879798081818182828283838485858586868687888888909091

CONTENTS3.9.5 Access to Information and Communication Technology3.9.6 Access to Housing and Basic Infrastructure3.9.7 Social Ties3.9.8 Key Challenges3.9.9 Policy Implications3.10 Women Victims of Family Violence3.10.1 Human Rights3.10.2 Access to Social Services3.10.3 Access to Healthcare3.10.4 Access to Employment and Employment Services3.10.5 Access to Information3.10.6 Access to Housing and Basic Infrastructure3.10.7 Social Ties3.10.8 Access to the Police3.10.9 Key Challenges3.10.10 Policy Implications3.11 The Elderly3.11.1 Human Rights3.11.2 Access to Social Services3.11.3 Access to Healthcare3.11.4 Access to Employment and Employment Services3.11.5 Access to Transportation3.11.6 Access to Housing and Basic Infrastructure3.11.7 Social Ties3.11.8 Key Challenges3.11.9 Policy Implications3.12 The Homeless3.12.1 Human Rights3.12.2 Access to Social Services3.12.3 Access to Healthcare3.12.4 Access to Education3.12.5 Access to Employment and Employment Services3.12.6 Access to Transportation3.12.7 Access to Information and Communication Technology3.12.8 Access to Housing and Basic Infrastructure3.12.9 Social Ties3.12.10 Key Challenges3.12.11 Policy Implications9292939393949495969697979899991001001001011021021031031031041041051051061071081081081091091091101109

CONTENTS103.13 People living with HIV3.13.1 Human Rights3.13.2 Access to Social Services3.13.3 Access to Healthcare3.13.4 Access to Education3.13.5 Access to Employment3.13.6 Access to Transportation3.13.7 Access to Information and Communication Technology3.13.8 Access to Housing and Basic Infrastructure3.13.9 Media and HIV3.13.10 Social Ties and Civil Society3.13.11 Key Challenges3.13.12 Policy Implications3.14 Sexual Minorities as a Vulnerable Social Group3.14.1 Human Rights3.14.2 Access to Healthcare3.14.3 Access to Education3.14.4 Access to Employment and Employment Services3.14.5 Access to Housing and Basic Infrastructure3.14.6 Social Ties3.14.6 Key Challenges3.14.7 Policy Implications3.15 People with Dependency Problems3.15.1 Human Rights3.15.2 Access to Healthcare and Social Services3.15.3 Access to Education3.15.4 Access to Employment and Employment Services3.15.5 Access to Housing and Basic Infrastructure3.15.6 Social Ties3.15.7 Crime3.15.7 Key Challenges3.15.9 Policy Implications3.16 Child Poverty and Child Well-Being3.16.1 Family Situation3.16.2 Economic Situation3.16.3 Education3.16.4 Subjective Health and Well-Being3.16.5 Risk Behaviour3.16.6 Vulnerable Groups of Children3.17 Common Issues and Concerns for Socially Excluded Groups111112112113113114114114114115115115116116116119119119120120120121122122122125125126126127127129128129130131133133133134

CONTENTSChapter 4: Key Challenges4.1 Introduction4.2 Groups at Risk of Social Exclusion4.3 Geography of Exclusion and Regional Inequalities4.4 ‘New’ Risks, Uncertainties and Restructuring4.5 Conclusion - "Smart" Social Policy?138138138140142143Chapter 5: Policy Recommendations5.1 Introduction5.2 Inclusive Labour Market5.3 Deinstitutionalisation and the Development of Social Services5.4 Children and Families at Risk5.5 Areas Experiencing High Levels of Social Exclusion146146147149150151Statistical AnnexTehnical noteBibliographyQuestionnaire for the readers15416416517211

FOREWORDDear Reader,It is my pleasure to offer you the first ever comprehensive analysis of social exclusion issues in the Republic of Croatia.The title of the report contains the word “Unplugged”, which in the highly technological society of today is probablythe best symbolic image illustrating the problem, by no means unique to Croatia. “Unplugged” signifies the verystate of disconnectedness, alienation and inability to be part of the social network, just like a modern appliance isinactive when unplugged from the electricity grid.Although it is a new concept for most Croatians, we would intuitively associate social exclusion with customaryimages of the poor or refugees or the unemployed. While this is indeed the case, the concept of exclusion touchesmany more people who are frequently out of the glare of the TV cameras and hidden from our sight. A relative whohas been placed in a mental institution or “special school” many years ago and whom we visit on holidays and specialoccasions; a physically challenged neighbor who lives concealed in his tiny apartment and rarely shows his facebecause getting out presents an insurmountable logistical challenge; someone from our neighborhood who spenttime in jail for a petty crime and now cannot get a proper job and earn a dignified living for his or her family – allthese people have been marginalized by us or by society at large. In an average society some 10-20% of citizens arein a state of exclusion. They have simply been LEFT BEHIND!Human beings are defined in life through belonging, interaction with others and active participation in the communityand wider society. Discrimination on the basis of race, religion, ethnicity, disability or other differences, aswell as prejudice, injustice or simple neglect violate the basic human right of individuals to be productive membersof the community and develop a sense of self-esteem, pride and ultimately happiness, by knowing that they areappreciated. While to reject and discriminate against someone who is different and does not conform to the generalmold is inherent to the very basic nature of human beings, the ultimate litmus test of a truly mature, open anddemocratic society is how we respond to these tendencies.“Unplugged” is a truly Croatian analysis. It is based on the first pan-European Quality of Life research in the country conductedby the UN and based on the standard European Quality of Life methodology. We asked almost 9,000 Croatiancitizens from all over the country questions about their perception of the quality of life. Twenty focus groups amongthe excluded populations were also asked to give their analysis of the situation. Last, but certainly not least, a groupof some thirty distinguished authors, whom I truly believe are among the best authorities in their respective fields inCroatia, undertook to write up the findings and their perceptions of the situation. The data collection and analysis wasdone largely to support Croatia’s preparation for the Joint Inclusion Memorandum (JIM) – an EU Accession instrument.This effort was led by the Ministry of Health and Social Welfare with wide participation from academia, government andcivil society – a year-long process that is to culminate soon with the signature of the JIM.This report is the final consultation and dissemination mechanism, where Croatian citizens are invited to debate, think,comment and, ultimately, influence the social policy direction of the country.“Unplugged” the Report or “Unplugged” the Popular Guide (both available on the UNDP Website (www.undp.hr),as well as the detailed dataset collected during the research, allow literally anyone - from the average citizen tothe highly specialized academic - to get as much or as little involved as they choose. The important thing is to getinvolved, period. It is your future.Sincerely,Yuri Afanasiev13

CHAPTER 1CONCEPT OF SOCIAL EXCLUSION

CHAPTER 1CONCEPT OF SOCIAL EXCLUSIONChapter 1:Concept of Social Exclusion1.1 An EU PerspectiveReducing poverty and social exclusion and promotinggreater social inclusion has been a key policy priorityof the European Union (EU) since the Lisbon EuropeanCouncil in 2000. It was in Lisbon that the Headsof State and Government established the EU’s socialinclusion process - the Open Method of Co-ordinationon poverty and social exclusion. The importance ofthis objective and of the social inclusion process wasreaffirmed in March 2006 at the European Council.In the conclusions of the Council, the Heads of Stateand Government restated the objective of making“a decisive impact on the reduction of poverty andsocial exclusion by 2010”. As an EU candidate country,Croatia is also expected to participate in this process.The origins of the EU’s current approach can be tracedback to the mid-1970s. Between 1975 and 1994 therewas a series of three European poverty programmes.These were essentially pilot programmes that supportedprojects in Member States designed to deepentheir understanding of poverty, raise awareness of theneed for action, and to test strategies to combat theproblem. During the course of these programmes thethinking and terminology developed from focussingexclusively on “poverty” to focussing on “poverty andsocial exclusion”. This move to “poverty and social exclusion”reflected a growing perception that povertyalone was too static a term, and was often too narrowlyunderstood in terms of income only. A broaderunderstanding of the disadvantaged was needed. Ina 1992 submission on Intensifying the Fight against SocialExclusion, the European Commission argued thatsocial exclusion more effectively captured the “multidimensionalnature of the mechanisms whereby individualsand groups are excluded from taking part insocial exchanges, component practices and rights ofsocial integration.” This shift in thinking stressed thatrather than looking at poverty as a specific situationat a given moment in time, it is necessary to considerthe dynamics which affect people’s situations overtime.A number of key learning points emerged from theEuropean Poverty Programmes which have influencedboth Europe-wide and national approachesto reducing poverty and social exclusion. These canbe summarised in three key words: participation,partnership and multidimensionality. Participation refersto the empowerment and active involvement ofthose experiencing poverty and social exclusion andthe organisations that represent them in the design,implementation and monitoring of policies and programmes.Partnership reflects the view that reducingpoverty effectively must be the responsibility of morethan one agency or sector. It requires the coordinationof effort across different policy areas; involvingmultiple government departments and agencies (nationally,regionally and locally), social partners, andcommunity and voluntary groups working together.Multi-dimensionality refers to the recognition thatpoverty and social exclusion are complex processes,and preventing and reducing them requires actionacross many different policy fields, including inter aliaeconomic, employment, social and cultural.While the poverty programmes were important inraising awareness and understanding of the issueat a European level, they were quite small-scale andperipheral programmes. However, the importanceof social exclusion as a European issue increaseddramatically with the adoption of the Treaty of Am-161 For a more detailed description on the background to the EU’s social inclusion process see Atkinson T, Cantillon B, Marlier E, Nolan B,Taking Forward the EU Social Inclusion Process, (forthcoming) and Jonckers J, Towards a European policy on poverty: recent developments,Belgium Yearbook, 2000.

CONCEPT OF SOCIAL EXCLUSIONCHAPTER 1sterdam in October 1997, which subsequently cameinto force on May 1, 1999. In Article 136 of the Treaty,the “combating of social exclusion” was formallyrecognised as a European social objective, togetherwith the promotion of employment, improved livingand working conditions, proper social protection,dialogue between management and labour, and thedevelopment of human resources. Article 137 thenprovided for measures designed to encourage cooperationbetween Member States aimed at improvingknowledge, developing exchanges of informationand best practices, promoting innovative approachesand evaluating experiences in order to combat socialexclusion. This then paved the way for the establishmentof the European social inclusion process inLisbon in 2000.The EU’s current social inclusion process is built onthe poverty and social exclusion concept developedduring the EU Poverty Programmes. The Europeanapproach highlights the fact that poverty and socialexclusion are not primarily the result of people’s individualweaknesses or failings, but are the result ofstructural problems in society. It also recognises thatpeople’s situations are normally affected by a rangeof different factors (economic, social, cultural, etc.)which reinforce and interact with each other. Povertyand social exclusion are more than just a lack of employmentor inadequate resources, although thesefactors can play a role in prolonging or intensifyingthe situation. They are about dynamic processeswhich marginalize and exclude people from normalparticipation in economic, social and cultural life,acknowledging that people’s situations are not staticbut change over time. The concept of poverty andexclusion must also be related to people’s situations,considered in the context of the society in whichthey live, thus raising the question of inequality. Thisprinciple is reflected in the definitions of poverty,social exclusion and social inclusion that have beenagreed upon by Member States and the Commission,as illustrated below.EU DefinitionsPoverty: People are said to be living in povertyif their income and resources are so inadequateas to preclude them from having a standardof living considered acceptable in the societyin which they live. Because of their povertythey may experience multiple disadvantagesthrough unemployment, low income, poorhousing, inadequate health care and barriers tolifelong learning, culture, sport and recreation.They are often excluded and marginalized fromparticipating in activities (economic, social andcultural) that are the norm for other peopleand their access to fundamental rights may berestricted.Social exclusion: Social exclusion is a processwhereby certain individuals are pushed tothe edge of society and prevented fromparticipating fully by virtue of their poverty,lack of basic competencies and lifelong learningopportunities, or as a result of discrimination. Thisdistances them from job, income and educationopportunities as well as social and communitynetworks and activities. They have little accessto power and decision-making bodies and thusoften feel powerless and unable to take controlover the decisions that affect their day-to-daylives.Social inclusion: Social inclusion is a processwhich ensures that those at risk of povertyand social exclusion gain the opportunitiesand resources necessary to participate fullyin economic, social and cultural life and toenjoy a standard of living and well-being thatis considered normal in the society in whichthey live. It ensures that they have greaterparticipation in decision-making which affectstheir lives and access to their fundamentalrights. (Joint Report on Social Inclusion 2004)17

CHAPTER 1CONCEPT OF SOCIAL EXCLUSION1.2 Open Method of CoordinationIn 2001, the Croatian Government applied for accessionto the EU and was granted candidate status in2004. Soon after, Croatia received an invitation todraft a Joint Inclusion Memorandum (JIM) with theEuropean Commission (EC) based on the findings ofthe Göteborg European Council in 2001. The Councilhad determined that the EC and candidate countriesshould initiate a cooperative process would promotethe full participation of candidates in the economicand social policies of the EU. JIMs are created tohelp prepare each country for their engagement inthe Open Method of Coordination (OMC), a strategythat was launched as part of the Lisbon Strategy asa move towards the eradication of poverty in the EUby 2010.The OMC facilitates a constructive dialogue betweenthe EC, Member States, and other actors regardingshared policy objectives, best practices, and goodgovernance, while respecting subsidiarity. The OMChas encouraged Member States to intensify their effortsto fight poverty and social exclusion and has promotedpolicy exchange regarding the maintenanceof adequate and sustainable pensions. 2 With regardto social inclusion and pensions, the OMC process hasagreed on: common objectives to determine high-level,shared goals; the preparation of National Action Plans(NAPs) for Inclusion and National Strategy Reports (NSRs)for pensions (NAPs are generated every two years,based on a set of common objectives); the evaluationof plans/strategies in Joint Commission/Council Reports;and, joint work on indicators to allow for mutualunderstanding, evaluation, and, where appropriate,target setting. The OMC has provided a framework forexchange and learning while promoting openness,transparency, and the involvement of stakeholders(European and national alike) as a means for betterpolicymaking.The JIM identifies and outlines the principal challengesthat Croatia faces in eliminating poverty and socialexclusion. It assesses the strengths and weaknessesof existing Croatian policies, and it identifies futurechallenges and policy priorities. It presents the majorpolicy initiatives that have been taken in order to bringCroatian policy in line with the EU’s common objectives;it highlights key policy issues for monitoring andfurther review; and, it analyses how to mainstream andcoordinate efforts regarding poverty and social exclusionacross all relevant policy fields.The preparation and signing of the JIM by Croatiaand the EC represents a strong commitment by bothto undermine poverty and social exclusion, drawingthese issues closer to the heart of national policymaking.Croatian endorsement of the OMC signifies ahope that, following enlargement, Croatia will be ableto bring new energy and a renewed commitment tothe social inclusion process. This is vital for the achievementof the Lisbon European Council goal of extensivelyadvancing the eradication of poverty throughthe promotion of greater social cohesion by 2010.Like most new Member States, Croatia has faced seriouschallenges in social inclusion while transformingits society and restructuring its economy. However, theintensity of Croatia’s struggle with poverty and social inclusionis no greater than that found in other EU MemberStates. 3 The draft of the Croatian JIM shows that the risksassociated with poverty and social exclusion are akinto those identified in the last EU Joint Inclusion Report.The Report illustrates the same multifaceted causesfor poverty and social exclusion as found in Croatia,such as long-term dependence on low or inadequateincome, long-term unemployment, 4 low paying and/orlow quality employment, low levels of education andtraining, children being raised in vulnerable families, theimpact of physical and mental disabilities, rural-urbandisparities, racism and discrimination, and, to a lesserextent, homelessness and migration.182 The reader should note that, from the beginning of the OMC, “a greater social cohesion” and “the sustainability of the pension system”became the two strands of the OMC. The European Council later sought to extend the work to the future of healthcare and long-term care.3 The risk of poverty as an indicator of social exclusion in the 10 newest EU Member States reaches the level of 15% of the total populationand is equal to the level in the old Member States, but it ranges between 8% in the Czech Republic and 21% in the Slovak Republic(Commission of the European Communities, 2005). If the system of social transfers were inexistent, the total risk of poverty in the newMember States would hover around 29%.4 According to research on the matter (Gallie, 2004), it seems that unemployment does not lead to more social exclusion and there is noeconometric proof in EU Member States that the socially excluded had more difficulties to integrate in the labour market. Data illustratethat when there is exclusion, it is more related to the influence exercised by the mutual reinforcing action of unemployment and poverty.

CONCEPT OF SOCIAL EXCLUSIONCHAPTER 1Furthermore, Croatia faces many of the same majorstructural changes as other EU Member States,which, while creating new opportunities for jobs anddeveloping social inclusion as part of the economictransition, must also address the added vulnerabilityof those unable to adapt to change. These changesinclude: restructuring the labour market in responseto rapid economic change and globalisation; rapidgrowth of a knowledge-based society and InformationCommunication Technologies (ICT); an ageingpopulation and higher dependency ratios; and, continuingchanges in household structures. Therefore,the challenges regarding social inclusion must be assessedin the context of Croatian development overall,and must take into consideration the interaction ofrelevant policies in order to derive the best outcomesin the long term. Croatia, like all countries, facesthe challenge of balancing development betweenimproving overall living standards, and certain fiscalconstraints. Fortunately, Croatia has displayed theinternal capacities that will allow it to cope with thesechallenges. Its first strength lies in the resilience of thesocial protection system, which has played an importantrole in reducing the risks of poverty. Secondly,there are comparatively high levels of enrolment inprimary and secondary education, as well as a lowerdrop out rate. This indicates the promising availabilityof human capital in the near future. Finally, Croatia’sstrength lies in the strong commitment made bynational public authorities, which is reflected in thequality and comprehensiveness of the draft CroatianJIM.In order to support the development of effectivepolicies and programmes to prevent and reduce povertyand social exclusion, it is essential to put in placemechanisms and procedures that will help to coordinateand mainstream anti-poverty activities, mobilizeall actors, and ensure the adequate implementationof policies. To this end, it is clear from the draft JIMthat Croatia will benefit from:- Taking into account social inclusion goals inthe national budget and, in particular, ensuringthat the current Instruments of Pre-accessionAssistance (IPA) and the future EU Structural Fundsare used to help meet these goals.- Strengthening arrangements for co-ordinating andmainstreaming social inclusion policies among allresponsible government departments so that preventingand mitigating poverty and social exclusionbecome key policy goals across all relevant areas ofgovernment.- Developing effective arrangements for supportingand enabling the involvement of social partners,the academic community and NGOs in the development,implementation and monitoring of social inclusionpolicies in general and the NAPs in particular,after accession.- Reinforcing the fight against all forms of discri-minationand fostering the principle of equal treatmenton all the grounds specified by the anti-discriminationdirectives. 5- Ensuring that in developing national social inclusionstrategies, the importance of promoting the participationand empowerment of the excluded is fullytaken into account – particularly by supporting social,community and family networks, and civil societyorganisations.- Ensuring strong links and a clear distribution ofcompetences between national, regional, and localauthorities for effective and co-ordinated development,and delivery of social inclusion policies.- Strengthening the statistical database on incomeand living conditions, especially in relation to themost vulnerable groups which are not well representedby mainstream surveys, 6 and improving theevaluation of policies and programmes.- Continuing the work of the Social Protection Committeeon developing indicators which capture themulti-dimensional nature of social exclusion, in particularthe development of deprivation indicatorswhich capture the reality of life on low incomes, andthe distinctive dimensions of rural poverty.Due to recent developments in the EU, the JIM processin Croatia will evolve in a somewhat differentfashion than it did for the 10 most recently appointedMember States. In 2005, the EU Council reviewed theoutcomes of the Lisbon Strategy and were somewhatdisappointed with the results, particularly with re-5 (2000/43/EC & 2000/78/EC).6 In order to address this deficiency, the UNDP conducted a Research on social exclusion in Croatia: Quality of Life and the Risk of SocialExclusion. UNDP (2006a), Zagreb, Croatia.19

CHAPTER 1CONCEPT OF SOCIAL EXCLUSIONgard to employment. To provide the Strategy withnew momentum, the EC proposed a simplified coordinationprocedure with fewer and less complexreports, and an increased focus on the NAPs. The ECproposed that Member States should appoint a “Mr”or “Ms Lisbon” at the national level to oversee theimplementation of the reforms. They also de-emphasisedtargets, 7 leaving only one remaining; for3% of GDP to be devoted to research and developmentby 2010. The timeline of the Strategy has alsoshifted from the medium-to-long term, and beendeemed “urgent”. The mid-term review of the LisbonStrategy required that all of the EU’s socio-economicprocesses should be more focused on implementationand visibility.In March 2006, the EC adopted a new framework forthe social protection and social inclusion process. Thisframework includes a new common set of three overarchingobjectives, 8 for each of the three policy areasof social inclusion, 9 and objectives on pensions, healthand long-term care. This progression is based on anEC Communication that was adopted in December2005, entitled: “Working together, working better: Anew framework for the OMC of social protection andinclusion policies in the EU”. This Communication outlinesa streamlined framework to further develop theOMC beginning in autumn 2006. It takes into accountthe findings of recent evaluations and assessmentsof the OMC 10 by Member States. The revised LisbonStrategy concentrates on policies to boost employmentand seeks to overcome the implementationgap identified in its review.This more general presentation of objectives shouldallow Member States and candidate countries to focuson the policy priorities which are most importantin each national context, for example, homelessness,child poverty and the alienation of youth, immigrantsand ethnic minorities, the disabled, and e-inclusionor inequalities in education and training. This reflectslessons learned from the analysis of the 2005 implementationof NAPs for inclusion - that inclusion objectivesmust be mainstreamed into relevant publicpolicies, including structural fund programmes andeducation and training policies; and that policy makingis enhanced by good governance.Also, when considering social exclusion, national specificshave to be taken into account. There are strongdifferences in the seriousness of the social situation ineach country, as well as in the commitments of governmentsand communities to improve social security.This tends to depend on inter alia: social, historicaland cultural values, the level of development and efficacyof the social welfare system, the level of socialtransfers, formal and informal institutions, the senseof community and solidarity, and the level of socialcapital. History can have a distinctive (sometimes7 This is true for the general Lisbon process review, but does not apply in relation to poverty and social exclusion. The new framework forthe OMC highlights a renewed focus on target setting.8 The three new objectives are:(a) Promoting social cohesion and equal opportunities for all through adequate, accessible, financially sustainable, adaptable andefficient social protection systems and social inclusion policies.(b) Interacting closely with the Lisbon objectives on achieving greater economic growth and more and better jobs as well as with theEU’s Sustainable Development Strategy.(c) Strengthening governance, transparency and the involvement of stakeholders in the design, implementation and monitoring ofpolicy.9 The objectives of social inclusion are:20(d) Ensuring the active social inclusion of all by promoting participation in the labour market and by fighting poverty and exclusionamong the most marginalised people and groups.(e) Guaranteeing access for all to the basic resources, rights and social services needed for participation in society, while addressingextreme forms of exclusion and fighting all forms of discrimination leading to exclusion.(f) Ensuring that social inclusion policies are well-coordinated and involve all levels of government and relevant actors, includingpeople experiencing poverty, that they are efficient and effective and mainstreamed into all relevant public policies, includingeconomic, budgetary, education and training policies and structural fund (notably ESF) programmes and that they are gendermainstreamed.The JIM process in Croatia follows the logic of the old objectives (as per document dated in Brussels, 30 November 2000, titled “Fightagainst poverty and social exclusion – Definition of appropriate objectives”. But once the JIM is signed Croatia will have to abide by theterms of the new objectives and the streamlined approach.10 Brussels 8 March 2006, SEC(2006) 345, Commission Staff Working Document, Evaluation of the Open Method of Coordination for SocialProtection and Social Inclusion. The responses to the evaluation show that those who have been close to the OMC value it. The question isindeed not whether the OMC has been valuable but whether it has been sufficient to the challenge.

CONCEPT OF SOCIAL EXCLUSIONCHAPTER 1decisive) effect on a country’s ability to improve theirlabour market, combat long-term unemployment,and social exclusion. A diverse institutional system isthe outcome of a complex historical process, whichmaintains the interest and structure of political influencesfrom numerous individuals and social groups.Finally, there are numerous other factors that caninfluence the process of change and contribute toeconomic development or stagnation.1.3 Social Exclusion in CroatiaAlthough there is no generally-accepted definitionfor social exclusion, it is by and large taken to be amulti-dimensional phenomenon which weakensthe relationship between the individual and thecommunity. The weakening of this relationship canhave economic, political, socio-cultural and evenspatial impacts. The more ways in which this relationshipis impacted, the more vulnerable an individualbecomes. Exclusion is most commonly visible in thelabour market, the most essential social services, humanrights, and the social safety net. Social exclusionis often linked to unemployment and poverty, butcan be caused by any number of factors.In 2006, the United Nations Development Programme(UNDP) in Croatia conducted a national research onthe quality of life and the risk of social exclusion. Thequality of life concept was selected because it attemptsto quantify the overall well-being of a society whilefocusing on individuals. It also uses both objectiveindicators (living conditions, income, employment,housing, etc) 11 and subjective indicators (satisfactionwith family life, working conditions, work-life balance,quality of public services and institutions, health conditions,security of immediate environment, optimismabout the future etc). The UNDP national survey wasbased on the first quality of life Pan-European surveylaunched in 2003 12 to support common EU objectiveson social policy. The UNDP survey facilitated an appropriatecomparison between Croatia and the EU MemberStates, which provided a baseline for establishingdevelopmental priorities.The research consisted of three components:a) The Quality of Life Survey (with a sample of 8,534respondents; representative at the county level);b) Survey on social welfare service providers; 13 andc) Focus group discussions with 20 social groupsconsidered to be at risk of social exclusion.The focus groups included individuals with physicaland intellectual disabilities, parents of children withdisabilities, the long-term unemployed, the homeless,returnees, single parents, children without parentalcare, victims of domestic violence, Roma, sexual minorities,the elderly, people with low education levels,and youth with behavioural difficulties. Most of thesegroups were less likely to be represented in a nationalsurvey sample because they have no registered residenceor live in illegal settlements, welfare residentialinstitutions and shelters.According to the three dimensions of social exclusion14 used in the survey, one in ten Croatians issocially excluded (11.5%). This is approximately thesame percentage of Croatians (11%) that were foundto be poor in the 2006 World Bank Living StandardAssessment, which points to the tight correlationbetween poverty and social exclusion. However, interms of self-perception, 20% of Croatians believethey are socially excluded. 15 Social exclusion is directlycorrelated with education, gender, and livingenvironment. People with primary education or lessand even those with only secondary education aresocially excluded more frequently (61.3% and 37.1%,respectively). Women are twice as likely to be socially11 European Quality of Life Questionnaire was used with the permission of the European Foundation for the Improvement of Living andWorking Conditions.12 Pan-European survey includes the EU25 and the three candidate countries (CC3) – Romania, Bulgaria and Turkey.13 Representatives of 200 social service providers were asked about their working conditions and job satisfaction, relationship with theusers, cooperation with other institutions and perceptions of the usefulness of their work and willingness to participate in communitybased services.14 In order to be considered socially excluded, respondents had to be deprived in the following three dimensions: economic (incomeper household member is below 60% of median), labour (the unemployed), and socio-cultural (absence of social participation or tertiarysociability, e.g. non-involvement in voluntary, humanitarian, religious, political organisations or activities)15 This includes respondents who completely or somewhat agreed with the statement: “I feel left out of society“.21

CHAPTER 1CONCEPT OF SOCIAL EXCLUSIONFigure 1: Proportion of socially excluded respondents by county[%]40200County of Istria27,2 27,724,125,022,2 22,516,3 16,913,9 14,211,6 12,5 12,59,5 10,06,78,73,6 4,55,51,7City of ZagrebCounty of VaraždinCounty of Primorje-Gorski kotarCounty of ZagrebCounty of Split-DalmatiaCounty of Dubrovnik-NeretvaCounty of KarlovacCounty of MeđimurjeCounty of Sisak-MoslavinaCounty of Krapina-ZagorjeCounty of ZadarCounty of Šibenik-KninCounty of Koprivnica-KriževciCounty of Lika-SenjCounty of Osijek-BaranjaCounty of Bjelovar-BilogoraCounty of Vukovar-SrijemCounty of Slavonski brod-PosavinaCounty of Požega-SlavonijaCounty of Virovitica-Podravinaexcluded than men (66% as opposed to 34%), whilerural dwellers are three times as likely to becomesocially excluded (75%) than urban dwellers (25%).Income disparities can also contribute to social exclusion.In Croatia, the income per equivalent adult memberof household 16 in 13 counties is below the medianof 2,200 HRK (or approximately 304 EUR per month).The regions of Slavonija and Lika, and particularly theCounty of Bjelovar-Bilogora, face the greatest difficulties.Like the respondents from Virovitica-Podravinaand Požega-Slavonija, respondents from Bjelovar-Bilogoracounty have the lowest household income peradult member (1,250 HRK or approximately 173 EURper month). They have also expressed the highestlevel of dissatisfaction with their amount of education(91.7%) and quality of housing (more then 40%of households in Vukovar-Srijem, Virovitica-Podravinaand Bjelovar-Bilogora counties lack a sewage system).Citizens of Istria and Varaždin counties are mostsatisfied with their standard of living while citizensof Split-Dalmatia county showed the highest level oflife satisfaction and happiness. Although not entirelysatisfied with the quality of social welfare, health andpension systems, Croatian citizens showed a relativelyhigh level of satisfaction with their living conditions.Two thirds of Croatian citizens are optimistic abouttheir future. According to these indicators, Croatiaranks closely with the EU15.Croatia fares better than the other candidate countries(CC3) in terms of economic deprivation. Althoughmuch higher than in the original EU15 (10%),the proportion of households having difficulty withbasic living expenses in Croatia is 31%, which is lowerthan in the CC3 (47%), as well as lower than in the tennewest Member States (39%).The research conducted by the UNDP indicated thatthe most vulnerable groups in Croatian society arepeople with primary education or less, people above65 years of age, women, and unemployed youth.Further examination of focus groups demonstratedthat people with physical and mental disabilities areparticularly marginalized especially with respect totheir participation in the labour market, access tosocial services, opportunities to enjoy independentliving (i.e. outside of institutions), and the freedom tomake personal choices. Together with single parents,people with special needs most frequently mentionthat their lives would be significantly improved if theyhad a personal assistant available. The most importantfindings drawn from the focus group discussionsare presented throughout the chapter on vulnerablegroups (Chapter 3).2216 The total income per household is divided by the number of equivalent adult members of the household; the number of the equivalentadult members is defined as the sum of the points given to every member following the formula: the first adult member=1, every nextadult member=0.5, child=0.3.

CHAPTER 2SOCIO-ECONOMIC CONTEXT

CHAPTER 2SOCIO-ECONOMIC CONTEXTChapter 2:Socio-Economic Context2.1 Economic Activity andLabour MarketFor a number of years, Croatia has enjoyed considerableeconomic growth of about 4% per annum.Although this rate is slightly lower than that foundin Moldova and Albania, it still places Croatia in aposition of enviable growth. The economic growthin Croatia has been primarily generated by a growingforeign demand and the annual dynamics of fixedcapital investments. At the same time, the growthof personal consumption has slowed and nationalreserves have become considerably lower.In 2005, the physical scope of industrial productionincreased by 5.1%, which is a substantial increaseover the 2004 rate of 3.7%. However, the extensivecycle of investments in road construction and waningstate investments in road infrastructure have resultedin a pronounced deceleration of construction work,declining about 1% in 2005. Total retail trade increasednominally by 6.5% compared to the previousyear while the real increase in retail trade was 2.8%,slightly higher than the 2.6% growth rate in 2004.The tourist industry was exceptionally successful in2005. There was a 6.2% increase in the number ofarrivals over 2004, raising the number of overnightstays by 7.6%. In foreign trade, the export of goods asa share of GDP decreased mildly from 50.1% in 2004to 49.4% in 2005. After a substantial increase in theearly 2000s (at annual rates of 6% in 2000 and 4.4%in 2001), the import of goods and services as a shareof GDP, has dropped in the past two years to 57.2% in2004, and 56.4% in 2005.After a significant increase in 2002, the balance ofpayments deficit has decreased. In 2004, the deficitfell by 5.1% of GDP, and fell further in 2005 by 6.3%of GDP. After a steep climb in total foreign debt overthe last several years, this rate of increase is finallybeginning to decline. In 2005, foreign debt was 82.5%of GDP, an increase of 2.3% over 2004. However, theshare of repaid foreign debt from the export of goodsand services increased from 21.3% in 2004 to 23.7%in 2005. The deficit in the consolidated central governmentbalance was also reduced from over 7% ofGDP in 2000 to 3.4% in 2005.The annual nominal growth of the average net salary in2005 was 4.9% (0.9 % less than in 2004), while the realgrowth of net salaries reached an annual rate of 1.5%,which is 2.2% less than in 2004. A positive economictrend is also evident in the labour market where employmentrates are increasing. After a decade of decliningemployment rates (by approximately 35% in relation to1990), in 2001 the trends changed and the employmentrate began to rise - regardless of the data source. 17 Anincrease in the number of employed was maintainedthrough 2005. In 2005, the active population (boththe employed and the unemployed) increased by approximately10,000 people (0.6%). A 0.8% increase inthe number of employed was accompanied by a 0.4%decrease in the number of registered unemployed.Most of the employed work for legal entities – 1,113,208or 78.4% (0.9% more than in 2004); in trades, crafts, andfreelance professions – 258,332 or 18.2% (significantly2417 In Croatia there are two sources concerning the movements in employment and unemployment. Firstly, there are the administrativesources, that is, data on registered unemployed persons in the Croatian Employment Bureau (CEB). Secondly, there are labour force surveys,which are conducted by the Central Bureau of Statistics as of 1996, and whose methodology is in line with the rules and instructions ofthe International Labour Organisation and the European Statistics Office (Eurostat), thus ensuring methodological comparability withthe surveys conducted in EU countries. Possible differences in employment and unemployment rates according to the two sources arethe result of the strict definition of the Ministry of Labour according to which an unemployed person is considered to be the person whois able to work and who is actively seeking employment. There are a number of unemployed people who register with the employmentoffice in order to be able to exercise certain rights (previously mostly because of health insurance and today because of the social welfaresystem rights) while in fact they are not seeking job.

SOCIO-ECONOMIC CONTEXT CHAPTER 2more than the 2.5% recorded in 2004); and in agriculture– 49,034 or 3.4% (9.9% less than in 2004). 18 Based on theadministrative sources of data, according to the structureof the employed per activity, Croatia’s employmentdistribution is starting to resemble that of a developedsociety; 63% of the employed work in the service sector,31% in non-agricultural activities, and 6% in agriculturalactivities. In comparison to 2004, the share of the servicesector has grown, and the share of non-agricultural andagricultural activities has declined.After years of an extremely high rate of registered unemployed,which reached its peak in 2002 (amountingto almost 390,000 people), the number of unemployedis starting to decrease. According to administrativesources, the unemployment rate (seasonally adjusted)continued to decrease in 2005, but at a much lower rate(of 0.4%) than that seen in 2003 (15%) and 2004 (6%).With a slight decrease in the number of unemployed,and a simultaneous increase in the number of employed,the average annual rate of registered unemployment inCroatia decreased only slightly from 18.0% in 2004 to17.9% in 2005. This high rate of unemployment is thehighest of the Central and Eastern European countries,most of whom are now new members of the EU. However,the labour force survey demonstrates an unemploymentrate of 12.7%. Given that the survey does notreflect the specific characteristics of national systems, 19it is a much better base for comparison. Based on thisrate, Croatia does not appear different from any of theother countries in Central and Eastern Europe. Theunemployment rate in the labour force survey has aneven greater rate of decline than the one provided byadministrative sources. In 2003 and 2004, the rate was14.3% and 13.8%, respectively.2.2 Living StandardsIt is difficult to conduct international comparisonsof living standards, primarily due to differences inpurchasing power, general conditions (such as, forexample, climatic - higher heating or cooling costs),accepted social values towards work and leisuretime activities, and changes in habits and attitudes.However, comparisons generally employ GDP percapita, according to purchasing power parity (PPP).According to EUROSTAT (2006), the living standard inCroatia reaches almost one half of the average livingstandard in the EU. Croatia has the highest living standardof all candidate countries, and data from the lastseveral years displays this constant growth. Croatiais followed by Romania, where GDP per capita (PPP)reaches 35% of the EU average, Bulgaria with 32%,and finally Turkey with 31%. Of the EU Member States,only Latvia has the same level in living standards asCroatia. In Latvia, GDP per capita at the end of 2005was 47% of the EU average, while Poland (50% of theaverage) and Lithuania (52%) rank somewhat higher.Quite favourable economic trends are also seen inthe area of Croatian poverty. According to a workingversion of research that was conducted by the WorldBank entitled Regional Development and Living StandardAssessment, the incidence of absolute povertyhas not diminished substantially. However, accordingto the absolute poverty rate (4.30 USD per person perday), less than 5% of Croatia’s population falls belowthe international poverty line. According to the OECDmethodology, the relative poverty rate was 11.2% in2002 and 11.1% in 2004.18 The data is based on the number of insured people in the Croatian Pension Insurance Institute. According to the labour force survey,approximately 14% of the employed still work in the (predominantly individual) agriculture. These are mostly (elderly) people who do notpay their insurance contributions.19 The particular characteristics of the national systems for registering the unemployed primarily relate to incentives for registration in theform of rights that the unemployed enjoy and in the form of obligations that the registered have to fulfil.25

CHAPTER 2SOCIO-ECONOMIC CONTEXT2.3 Unemployment and Social ExclusionAs previously mentioned, the link between unemployment,poverty and social exclusion is not definitive. Incases where unemployment is the result of a dynamiclabour market that produces new jobs, and in whichthe unemployed do not stay that way for long, even thehigh levels of unemployment do not have to produceserious social consequences. In other words, even if alarge number of people are unemployed for a shorttime, they probably will not become poor or sociallyexcluded. However, if employment, particularly newemployment is scarce, even a low level of unemploymentmay result in serious unwanted social consequencesand represent a challenge to social security.The labour market policy, in addition to its most importanttask of managing the economy, should have threeadditional functions. First, it should assist the unemployedto avoid poverty and social exclusion, otherwisetheir position may worsen and opportunities for theirparticipation in the labour market diminish. Second,by encouraging education and re-training of the unemployed,the labour policy should facilitate transitionfrom an industrial to a service-based economy. Third,the policy should serve to enhance the flexibility of thelabour market, to eliminate unnecessary restrictionswhich contribute to disparities between unprotectedunemployed outsiders, and well-protected employedinsiders (Esping-Andersen, 1996).The trend of economic openness tends to occur simultaneouslywith rises in political, social and culturalopenness, which is evident in a freer and more intensivecirculation of information, border-crossing, cultural exchange,and development of global awareness. Whereliberalisation encourages economic integration, thedemocratisation of a society enhances political andsocio-cultural integration through processes whichenable freedom of expression, and improve travel andcooperation. For the vast majority of Croatia’s population,economic connections and European integrationprovide numerous opportunities, but some view thisas a serious threat (for example, for those employed inthe economic branches that presently receive extensivestate subsidies or have a monopolistic position onthe market). The complexities of this situation, both forbetter or for worse, will certainly have an impact onCroatia’s labour market. The important question hereis: how can the benefits of such movements – especiallythat of approximation and accession to the EU– be made greater than the cost? As Croatia furthersits economic development and gains full entry into theEU, individuals with post-secondary education, foreignlanguages skills, and a high degree of computer literacywill have no difficulty finding employment. Continuingtraining of the employed and of those who are still inthe education system is of utmost importance. Olderemployed people with lower levels of education, whoare unilingual and do not have adequate computercompetencies are most likely to encounter problems.In most transitional Central and Eastern Europeancountries unemployment is not solely the result ofan under-utilisation of production resources and lossof GDP. Transition brings about the disintegration ofmany jobs and the creation of new ones in other economicsectors, but many vacancies are filled by thosewho were previously employed, and not by the unemployed.As a result, in transitional countries long-termunemployment, social exclusion and poverty becomeclosely related. The long-term unemployed are at ahigher risk of becoming poor, while the obsolescenceof human capital due to unemployment and poorconnections with the labour market creates a circle ofexclusion and poverty. That is why an understandingof the forces present in transitional labour markets, aswell as the opportunities offered by economic policyand feasible options, are of special significance in thefight against poverty and social exclusion.The danger of poverty and social exclusion in Croatiais even greater if low levels of education are combinedwith high rates of unemployment. Those who live inhouseholds where the head of the family is unemployedor inactive are three times more likely to beimpoverished compared to the general population. 20Therefore, the causes of poverty in Croatia increasinglyresemble the causes of poverty in Western Europe,and are significantly connected with participationin the official labour market, and with the level ofknowledge and expertise of the individual (Grootaertand Braithwaite, 1998). In general, Croatia’s economicgrowth has not succeeded in creating a sufficientamount of economic opportunities for the poor.2620 Poor and socially excluded people are fully aware of the importance of work. In a UNDP study (2006b), they say: “Without work, youcannot live. If you don’t work, you won’t earn money”. Although they do look for work and most of them (71.0%) express high motivation towork, there are differences of view regarding the duration of unemployment. If they form part of the long-term unemployed (more than ayear), they stop believing that they will ever find a job. Furthermore, low working motivation is more frequently seen in those unemployedwho are over 55 years of age and those who have a low level of education (UNDP, 2006a).

SOCIO-ECONOMIC CONTEXT CHAPTER 22.4 FlexicurityAs enterprises continue to restructure in response tothe new global market, traditional labour relationshave become strained. This has forced social partnersto redefine and eventually renegotiate what werepreviously thought to be stable labour market agreements.An analyses of cross-country labour marketdata indicates that countries which have been themost successful at renegotiating traditional economicpositions are those which have historically had lowerlevels of Employment Protection Legislation (EPL), (forexample, the United States and the United Kingdom).These countries also seem to have more dynamic jobcreation, but also a higher labour turnover rate. Thishas led many policy makers to conclude that rigidEPL may act as a barrier to job creation, and that shiftstowards deregulation are needed to allow the labourmarket to adjust more efficiently. However, there aretwo countries, Denmark and the Netherlands, whichhave had traditionally higher levels of EPL and havestill been rather successful at developing flexiblelabour markets. These two nations seem to share onecommon feature – a tradition of trust between socialpartners. Both have small, open economies with efficientmechanisms for settling disputes betweentrade unions and management. Also, both countrieshave developed and institutionalised new forms ofemployment security which do not hinder marketflexibility.In Eastern Europe a model is emerging that achievesflexibility through deregulated legislature. However,the record of this model’s job creation has remaineddisappointing. Even in the most flexible markets, littlesuccess has been achieved in terms of job creation,despite the fact that these markets are relatively freefrom most legal barriers. It is precisely in these sectorsthat low levels of security seem to be reducing labourmarket mobility and its propensity to adjust.The Danish Golden Triangle is an example of howthe cost of adjustment can be divided among threesocial partners. Here, total deregulation of the EPLis buffered by generous wage replacement benefitsand efficient redeployment institutions (employmentservices). These institutions are equipped with amplefunds for activation, training and subsidies of variouskinds to aid re-entrance into the labour market. TheDutch, on the other hand, have legalized flexibleforms of work which appear spontaneously, easingadjustments to change. This has been done in a waywhich has increased the coverage of flexible jobs withbenefits that are traditionally reserved for permanentfull-time jobs.What seems to be a clear prerequisite for attainingand maintaining a competitive edge both economicallyand nationally, is the acceptance of a new formof labour market security which does not includelife-long employment with one employer. In fact, theability to remain employable despite changes in themarket seems to offer more security than traditionalreliance on a single employer. Therefore, being securerequires being flexible and a willingness to developone’s employability in changing circumstances. Thus,the responsibility for good labour market outcomeshas shifted substantially away from the employer, tothe state and the individual.27

CHAPTER 2SOCIO-ECONOMIC CONTEXTFigure 2: Employment Protection Legislation Index (range: 1 low – 6 high)43.532.5CROATIA21.510.50PortugalSloveniaSource: ILO, unpublished material.What is flexicurity?ItalySpainFranceGermanyNorwaySwedenEconomic flexibility is the extent to which marketforces determine labour market outcomes and thedegree to which knowledge and skills are free tomove to new productive uses. Economic securityis the ability to retain employability in a changingeconomic environment. Flexicurity is a combinationof these two features, creating the art of finding asocially acceptable balance between the needs ofchanging enterprises (a short-term, globally-determinedgoal) and a development strategy based onhuman resources (a long-term, national goal).EstoniaBelgiumSlovakiaAustriaJapanNetherlandsFinlandCzech RepublicPolandHungaryDenmarkSwitzerlandAustraliaMeasures of national flexibility are usually relatedto EPL indices. These are based on factors such as:how difficult is it to fire a worker? What is the timeperiod and the cost of achieving separations? Howhigh are the replacement rates of the unemployed?What is the extent of income support that one mayreceive after the unemployment insurance paymentshave ceased? What are the conditions under whicheconomic restructuring can occur? What sort of institutionalsupport can those who are downsized expectto receive in their search for new employment?Measures of security include the duration of employmentwith a single employer, amount of coverageprovided by work related insurances, the incidence ofunwanted part time/temporary employment or lowwages.How flexicure are transition countries?IrelandCanadaU.K.New ZealandU.S.Former socialist countries are experiencing slowdissolution in some areas of social security, whichincludes wide-spread deregulation. Hungary, Polandand the Czech Republic seem to be the most flexibleamong the transitional countries, although Slovakiahas recently expedited its deregulation process. Thesecountries are also more flexible than most other Europeancountries, with the exception of Slovenia whichhas recently embarked on a deregulation program.Economic indicators of flexibility and security in Croatiapoint towards the slow development of a stablelabour market. There have been noticeable changesin certain elements of economic security that haveencouraged this stabilization, while flexibility has remainedlargely unchanged. Employment in the informalsector seems to be diminishing and the presenceof formerly inactive groups on the labour market hasdropped from 8.7% in 2002 to 5.8% in 2004.21 The percentage of the previous wage which is ensured through the unemployment benefit.2822 Formally inactive persons – pensioners, housewives, the unemployed registered at the Croatian employment service, students, etc.These are groups who are formally inactive but are nevertheless involved in economic activities and are employed by ILO definition ofemployment.

SOCIO-ECONOMIC CONTEXT CHAPTER 2Table 1: Dominant work relationships in Croatia (2002-2004)2002.u %2004.u %DifferenceWages and full insuranceTotalPublic sector employeesPrivate sector employeesSelf-employed and helping family membersShort term contracts and own account workers77.090.788.140.15.085.499.696.946.18.9+8.4+8.9+8.8+6.0+3.9Types of contractsOpen-ended contactsFixed-term contractsSeasonal contractsShort-term contracts87.59.71.31.587.610.31.30.8+0.1+0.60-0.7Duration of contractLess than 1 month1-5 months6-12 months12 months and longerAs required3.151.615.78.920.72.154.917.79.515.9-1.0+3.3+2.0+0.6-4.8Duration of employment with present employerUnder 1 year1 to 10 years11 to 20 yearsMore than 20 years12.147.420.321.78.751.514.924.9-3.4+4.1-5.4+3.2Source: Labour force survey, 2002 and 2004.The security of full remuneration and work-related insuranceis enjoyed almost equally amongst public and privatesector employees, as indicated by the change from 2002 to2004. In general, all members of the employed class havemanaged to improve their status in this regard except forthe self-employed, domestic care givers, and contractors.These groups have coverage below 50% and below 10%,respectively. There have also been some minor changesto the popular terms of contract employment. There hasbeen a slight increase in the amount of both open-endedand fixed-term contracts. Correspondingly, there has beena reduction in the amount of short-term contracts, whichoffer the least amount of job security.Despite these positive developments, there hasalso been an increase in fixed-term contracts with aterm of only 1 to 5 months. In 2002, there were only51.6% of such contracts, which rose to over 54% in2004. However, the number of new employmentopportunities that offer a fixed-term contract is increasingand is now over 85%. In terms of duration ofemployment, there has been an increase from 47.4%to 51.5% among those who have been with theirpresent employer for 1-10 years. In fact all bracketsof employment duration have increased with theexception of those who have been with their presentemployer for 11-20 years.29

CHAPTER 2SOCIO-ECONOMIC CONTEXTFlexicurity – can an agreement be reached?According to economic indicators, it would appearthat the degree of flexibility in the Croatian labourmarket has not increased. In fact, it seems that theglobal trend towards more flexibility and less securityis not occuring in Croatia. In the past two years therehave been no changes in the legislative framework relatingto the labour market, but there are expectationsfrom trade unions that certain changes in Labour Lawand Employment Law will be made. The major pointsof contention have not been made public yet butthere will be attempts to bring more security into thelegislature, as a reaction to the growing market shareof contract work. High levels of unemployment andslow job creation are put forward as arguments demonstratingthat increasing flexibility has only reducedsecurity for the existing work force to the benefit ofoutsiders (i.e. those who are exposed to the churningof the labour market, mostly young and first-time jobseekers). While it is true that an increase in flexibility isnot in itself enough to generate new employment, ifCroatia were to continue with higher levels of protectionrelative to the region, maintaining competitivenesswould become difficult. The economic edge inCroatia would need to stem from high quality goodsand services which sustain higher wages and whichrequire highly skilled human resources.Like Denmark and the Netherlands, Croatia is a small,export-based, liberal economy. As such it will haveto learn to combat the insecurity which comes fromincreasing liberalisation, with the understanding thata high level social security system such as Denmark’sis very costly, and as such not an option for Croatia.However, the trust between social partners in Croatiais still not strong enough to support such a difficultbut open dialogue.2.5 Regional DisparitiesRegional economic disparities are greatly determinedby the presence of industry, level of income, developmentof small businesses, damage caused by war, andspatial mobility of the labour force. At the moment,strong labour demands are only present in a few regionsin Croatia – the City of Zagreb, and the Counties of Istriaand Primorje-Gorski Kotar. In all other Croatian counties,the number of registered unemployed far exceedsthe number of job vacancies. Traditionally, economicdifficulties are most evident in rural areas, however theislands are also suffering from comparative disadvantagessimilar to areas affected by war.Existing regional differences have been intensified by apronounced difference in the amount of foreign tourismeach area receives, which affects seasonal employment.Approximately two-thirds of tourists stay in Istria,the County of Primorje-Gorski Kotar, and the County ofSplit-Dalmatia, while the continental parts of Croatia,especially Lika, Kordun and Eastern Slavonia, do notshow the same benefits from this market.Croatia has yet to make a definitive decision regardingits regional organisation. Currently the only datasetsavailable are related to unemployment levels and GrossDomestic Product (GDP) per county. In 2005, the highestnumber of unemployed people was in the City of Zagreband in the County of Split-Dalmatia. However, thehighest unemployment rates (unemployed populationrelative to the general population) were in the Countyof Vukovar-Srijem, the County of Sisak-Moslavina, andthe County of Brod-Posavina. According to the latestavailable data from 2002, GDP per capita in the mostdeveloped county, the City of Zagreb, was 71,111 HRKor 9,597 EUR. This is just over three times higher than inthe GDP per capita in the least developed county, theCounty of Vukovar-Srijem (23,400 HRK or 3,158 EUR).30

SOCIO-ECONOMIC CONTEXT CHAPTER 22.6 Alleviation of Social Exclusionthrough Employment MeasuresNo state authority is able to guarantee economic development(and consequently an alleviation of socialexclusion), and can sometimes hinder it. An inert andinflexible labour market, divided into those with fullysecuredemployment and the long-term unemployedor those employed in the informal economy, is a significantindicator of social exclusion. This, combinedwith a population that may have high levels of lowhuman capital (in terms of labour-force knowledge,skills, education, failing health, etc) can intensify thedifficulties associated with social exclusion.2.6.1 Role of the StateDespite the many scientific and technological advances,democratisation, abolition of totalitarian regimes,and political and economic interdependency,poverty has yet to be significantly reduced. Certainstate policies may successfully target vulnerablegroups, but the emphasis should be placed on economicgrowth rather than undermining the businessand entrepreneurial climate with, for example, tradebarriers and restrictions, which can hinder economicgrowth and employment possibilities – the mainpreconditions for the reduction of social exclusion.(Kohli, Moon, Sørenson, 2002).Reducing regional disparities, developing professionaldomestic institutions, and creating the capacity forefficient oversight are all necessary preconditions foreconomic development and alleviation of poverty. Anumber of experts, such as Barro (1998), believe thata strong judiciary is the fundamental component toeconomic growth (and, consequently, alleviation ofpoverty). While others, such as De Soto (2000), suggestthat real growth lies in recognising the importanceof property rights. Easterly (2002), on the otherhand, suggests that prosperity is achieved when themembers of society have adequate incentives towork towards economic success. When investing inthe future – for example, when establishing a smallenterprise or sending children to school – it is essentialthat people believe the benefits of a particularendeavour will outweigh the costs. If people perceivea net benefit, they will increase their efforts, thriftinessand dedication to development. If this benefitis not perceived, people will spend money recklessly,will not be enticed to improve their knowledge andskills, and will increase activities that plunder, defraudor take from those perceived to have more. State socialwelfare programmes should reward constructiveopportunities to earn money, 23 and the tax systemshould be as transparent as possible.A state’s domestic economic policies should beprimarily focused on job creation, and not on there-distribution of existing wealth. Economic growthis necessary but not sufficient for the reduction ofpoverty. Other important conditions are the establishmentof the rule of law, reduction of corruption,realisation of the efficient social policy and the like.What is the role of state authorities in Croatia?The Government of Croatia tends to contribute to economicdevelopment through government subsidies,and co-financing employment. In 2001, governmentsubsidies amounted to 5.25% of GDP, while the EUaverage was only 1.01% of GDP (Kesner-Škreb, Plešeand Mikić, 2003). A relatively considerable amount offunds (0.2% of GDP in 2002-2005) are also allocated tothe Active Labour Market Policy (ALMP) (Babić, 2003).However the effects of these programmes have notbeen evaluated and there are indications that theprogrammes have benefited people who were notgenuinely in need of the assistance. A substantialshare of the total cost of ALMP measures consist ofgeneral wage subsidies that are not targeted at specificvulnerable groups, and do not overly increasepeople’s knowledge, skills or employability (Šošić,23 Social cash transfers can create negative incentives to work: if the right to receive certain financial rights terminates when someone findsa job, this may cause de-motivation for finding employment (the so-called trap of unemployment). In order for work to pay off, severalcountries have launched measures - financial incentives - to boost employment opportunities for the marginal groups on the labourmarket. The measures aim to increase income and to improve incentives for work to people who realise income only from transfers. Thisserves to encourage the activation of the long-term unemployed and slow down the danger of social exclusion.31

CHAPTER 2SOCIO-ECONOMIC CONTEXT2005). Finally, funds allocated for education and Researchand Development (R&D) also seem to have anegligible effect. Despite the injection of funds, theCroatian system of education and research is stillwithout effective quality control, or proper institutionalaccountability.Adequate economic and social policies should ensurethat the disadvantaged benefit from economicgrowth and development. It is necessary to empowerthe disadvantaged providing them with an activerole in their economic development. Empowermentmeans treating these individuals as partners, providingassistance in their acquisition of knowledge, expertiseand skills and improving their employability,decisiveness and motivation in improving their situationand enhancing their social inclusion.2.6.2 Boosting EmploymentResearch of unemployment throughout the worldhas revealed numerous possible factors relating tothe state and rate of unemployment. These factorsinclude inter alia: employment insurance, labour marketpolicies, market competition, negotiating systemsfor determining pay scales, legislation concerning laboursecurity, and average working hours. Long-termunemployment is a special problem, because afternumerous unsuccessful attempts at finding a job,the prospect of returning to the work force decreasessignificantly. One of the reasons for this is that individualsfind their expertise has become obsolete, andtheir self-confidence suffers. Youth in this situationare prone to criminal activities, while older individualsmay abandon the labour market altogether.The ALMP is designed to re-distribute the availableemployment options, to decrease the number oflong-term unemployed and/or recipients of socialassistance. Although there is considerable debateover the efficiency of the ALMP (Dar and Tzannatos,1999), the inclusion of the long-term unemployed iscertainly worthy of attention as a strategy of social inclusion.While there is no reliable research on the specificconditions in Croatia, international experiences,data from the Ministry of Health and Social Welfare,and the Šućur’s analysis (2001) point to four of themost likely causes of long-term unemployment, notincluding the aggregate lack of jobs:- Low employability caused by poor quality orinsufficient education and working experience,resulting in a lack of competitiveness in the labourmarket;- Employers viewing long-term unemployment asan indication of a lack of motivation and otherunwanted personal characteristics;- Passivity in pursuing employment, and anindecisiveness in accepting available (mostlypoorly paid) jobs; the long-term unemployedoften blame others for their situation. At the sametime, they do not see any substantial financialgain in accepting low paying jobs, which is notalways true, especially if these jobs lead to morepermanent and better paying positions;- Unwillingness of the unemployed to change theirpresent “way of life”, because they are afraid ofchanges and fear they will find themselves in aneven worse position. While their current situationmay be unfortunate, it is stable and within theirlimited control. In certain cases, the unemployedhave extra sources of unregistered income (workin the informal economy or on small agriculturalholdings) which they may be unwilling to forfeitfor the sake of legitimate employment.International indicators and Croatian experiencesdemonstrate that vacant posts can exist even in thecase of high long-term unemployment (deficit inhuman resources). Until recently, long-term unemploymentin Croatia was steadily increasing, affectingalmost half of all the unemployed, causing an increasein the number of unemployed individuals to be removedfrom the active labour force. This has affectedthe efficiency of the labour market, the material positionof affected people, and social welfare costs.2.6.3 Improving Human CapitalHuman capital consists of formal education, knowledgeand skills that might be acquired informally,and investments in healthcare. Therefore, the levelof human capital does not necessarily have to equalthe average level of formal education, but attentionshould also be paid to the health of the population.A disparity in opportunities is easily transferred from32

SOCIO-ECONOMIC CONTEXT CHAPTER 2one generation to the next, as the children of disadvantagedparents frequently have restricted access toquality education and healthcare, thereby decreasingtheir employability and reinforcing the cycle (WorldBank, 2006). According to the Human DevelopmentIndex (UNDP, 2005), which better describes the qualityof life, since it includes life expectancy and education,in 2004 Croatia ranked 44th among 57 countrieswith a high level of human development. Croatiadisplayed a considerable increase in the measure ofhuman development, from 0.799 in 1995 to 0.826 in2000 and 0.846 in 2004.Education, enhancement of knowledge andexpertiseEducation is by far the most important factor in employability.In Croatia, as in other countries, peoplewho have better education find jobs more easily, andenjoy other benefits (e.g., easier access to information,better care for one’s health and more activeparticipation in social life - thus encouraging citizens’responsible democratic behaviour - the choice ofdemocracy and the realisation of the rule of law). Theeconomically disadvantaged are especially proneto non-participation in education; they experiencea much higher drop-out rate, which limits their employmentopportunities and increases their exclusion(World Bank, 2001). There are a significant numberof young people in Croatia who do not completesecondary school, and even more who never pursuepost-secondary education. To aggravate this situation,there is also a dangerous lack of second chanceschools 24 aimed at young people who have droppedout but may wish to return.Discouraging young people from leaving the educationsystem will require developing an optimumlevel of flexibility and mobility within the system. Thesystem must be adaptable to the needs of participants,society and the market. Flexibility in educationcan be achieved by re-certifying the existing levelsof training and recognising the value of informaleducation. To increase mobility, “blind alleys” must beminimized. Blind alleys are educational paths (typesof programmes) that make it impossible to move tohigher levels of education or to another type of programme.Blind alleys diminish the availability of educationand the utility of human resources. Mobility isachieved by creating a sufficient number of verticaland horizontal paths within the system that enablestudents to customize their education, and avoidthe averaging of students’ achievements. It is theseconnections that offer the possibility of transferringto and between different levels of education.Measures that encourage the return of young peopleto education, especially to secondary and post-secondaryeducation, will increase their employability,reduce unemployment, and mitigate the phenomenaof long-term unemployment and social exclusion.Participation in education has increased in the past25 years across the EU and other developed Europeanstates, however this increase has developed unevenlybetween countries, between national regions, andbetween varying social, economic, and ethnic groups.Although the condition and causes of unemploymentin Croatia may differ from the EU, it is estimatedthat Croatia (like France and Finland) would benefitfrom motivating unemployed youth to improve theireducation, and (like Spain and Italy) by increasing vocationaleducation and training programmes, (OECD,1996). Substantial efforts need to be made to improvethe basic knowledge of the long-term unemployed,and to develop a new educational approach thatprovides opportunities to gain work experience.Education has become a socially acceptable way ofestimating the value of an individual. It is believedthat those with better education are more intelligent,and more dedicated. The highest level of educationattained is directly related to an individual’s previoussuccess in school, and it is taken as an indicationof the person’s level of motivation, persistence24 Mostly secondary education for adults, which is attended and completed in Croatia by approximately 2,000 persons a year. Of thatnumber, two-thirds are younger than 24.33

CHAPTER 2SOCIO-ECONOMIC CONTEXTand organisational skills. These are all traits that arehighly valued by perspective employers, and henceindividuals with high academic credentials areconsidered attractive candidates for most forms ofemployment.While there has been no direct research regarding Croatia,research conducted in a number of other countries(Wolf, 2002) has revealed that the educational systemcan actually intensify existing social divisions. Thosewho are less privileged are not able to make full use ofthe state-provided education system, and those whoare exceedingly privileged can afford to attend higherquality private schools which offer better opportunitiesfor further education, employment and professionaldevelopment. In most transitional countries, theexisting education systems are expensive, inefficient,and focus on providing a quantity of information asopposed to developing critical and analytical skills. Toimprove this, the focus must be shifted towards an activerelationship between the teacher and the studentby modernising teaching methods.Although improving formal education is an ideal longtermgoal, short-term steps should be taken to reducethe rate of functional illiteracy in the country, andraise the minimum skills threshold. The consequencesof functional illiteracy are long-term unemploymentand rather reduced employability. Even in Sweden, acountry with one of the highest literacy rates, it is estimatedthat about 8% of the adult population haveserious difficulties with reading and comprehension.In other countries, the illiteracy rate can be as highas 25%. With rates this high, a substantial segmentof the adult population is left unable to understandprinted information of any kind, and thereby suffersfrom extremely low employability (UNESCO, 2000).The minimum skills threshold requires a certain scopeof knowledge without which it is not possible to surviveon the labour market. This generally includes aminimum knowledge of computer skills and foreignlanguages, but also includes personal and inter-personalskills, customer service, a readiness to learn,and motivation.Improving healthIn addition to education, another important factorlinked to poverty and social exclusion is the healthof an individual and their family. Failing health anda limited working capacity, or a serious illness in thefamily, jeopardises prospects for employment, professionaldevelopment, and economic betterment.Nearly all former socialist countries have a history ofallocating substantial funds to healthcare and, consideringtheir level of economic development, havehad quite impressive achievements in providingrights to health insurance. However, the socialist systemtakes little account of costs or potential savings,resulting in a significant surplus in medical capacity.General and specialized hospitals often providedlong-term in-patient accommodation to the elderlyand the infirm, and allowed patients to prolong theiraverage hospital stay for far longer than necessary.Furthermore, the price of drugs was determined onan administrative level and was considerably lowerthan actual market prices, which often encouragedunnecessary and even harmful over-consumption.Primary healthcare was underdeveloped, becausedoctors and medical staff had limited knowledge,skills and resources available. Patients began toregard general practitioners as a transit point on theway to a specialist and hospital care, even in the caseof minor ailments.As transitional countries began their move toward amarket economy, they discovered a serious lack offunds available for healthcare. This resulted in a deteriorationof the quality (or sometimes almost a totalabsence) of healthcare services, which compoundedthe general lack of care that the general populationtook with their own health. This, in turn, led to ashorter average life expectancy and a serious declinein general health indicators. Private health insuranceand private services gradually gained more and moresignificance in these countries, but there is still agenerally accepted feeling that public allocations forhealthcare are justified (Box 1).34

SOCIO-ECONOMIC CONTEXT CHAPTER 2Box1: Why are public allocations for healthcare justified?From a cost and benefit analysis, it appears obvious why the state should invest in healthcare, particularlyin prevention. There are also less tangible benefits such as the creation of positive outside effects, theprocurement of public goods, the mitigation of material inequalities, and the avoidance of subsequentextensive allocations. For example, adequate protection provided to mothers and children reduces theirmortality rate and supports future human capital - an important precondition for economic growth anddevelopment. The children of mothers suffering from malnutrition have lower birth weights and difficultphysical development. Such children are more prone to illness, more likely to do badly in school, and aremore prone to chronic diseases in their adult years. In addition, with the death or illness of the mother,society loses a member whose work and activities are crucial to the life and cohesion of the family andcommunity.Healthy individuals have more leisure time, and better developed social skills, which are both importantpreconditions for the creation of social capital. The fiscal costs of healthcare transform into long-termbenefits arising from the development of human and social capital. Public investment in healthcare alsostimulates equality in a community. People who suffer from protracted illnesses often have lower levelsof education and employability, and are generally unemployed, poorer or socially excluded. Their socialstatus is often transferred to their children. Thus, public funding in healthcare – especially for mothersand children – has the potential to correct this social injustice (World Health Organisation, 2006).Despite a relatively high allocation of funds, 25 theprovision of health services in Croatia has been concentratedin large urban centres, particularly Zagreb,while rural areas have been left with poorly equippedhealth institutions. Still, the common developmentindicators of the Croatian healthcare system (suchas infant mortality and inoculation rates) are closerto those of developed European countries than thetransitional countries of Central and Eastern Europe.The greatest challenge in Croatian healthcare is inits difficult and uneven access 26 which, coupledwith informal payments and usage of private healthservices, negatively impacts the less fortunate segmentsof society. There is no reliable research on thisissue for Croatia (Transparency International, 2006),but evidence of this can be derived from a generalanalysis of the Croatian healthcare system and worldexperiences, which clearly describe the problemsconnected to a lack of available healthcare services forthe less fortunate. In Croatia, the general absence ofpersonal care for one’s own health, as well as frequentdiseases connected with unhealthy behaviour, 27 representa mounting national health concern.For a number of years, Croatia has been implementinghealthcare reforms. The last reform began in2000 with a reorganization of the healthcare systemdesigned to improve the general health of thepopulation, increase the financial sustainability ofthe system, privatise some of the services, strengthenprimary healthcare, and reduce the considerable disparitiesin the availability of services. Further reformsare planned to strengthen institutional capacitieswithin the healthcare system, implement new pilotprogrammesin healthcare services, and improve, developand integrate healthcare information systems.The reforms have been structured around the appli-25 In Croatia, the total expenditure for health care per capita adjusted according to purchasing power amounted to USD 630 in 2002. Ofthat, the share of public expenditure in the total expenditure accounted for 81.4%. The share of total expenditure for health care in GDP in2002 was 7.3% (World Health Organisation, 2006).26 Individuals with physical disabilities voice the most complaints against the (financial) unavailability of health care services. Theinterviewees express the greatest degree of dissatisfaction precisely with the system of health care, because: “The situation is at its worsein the field of health care. They have revoked so many benefits that we used to enjoy. They simply began to harass us. Paying for drugs,imposing norms on the visiting nurse...”. (UNDP, 2006b).27 Poor nutrition, smoking, alcohol, abuse of narcotic substances, excessive weight, insufficient physical activity, etc.35

CHAPTER 2SOCIO-ECONOMIC CONTEXTcation of a cost-benefit analysis and on strengtheningthe connections between hospitals and primary andsecondary health protection. Better organisation andconnection between these three levels of healthcarewill generate a greater reliance on primary servicesand reduce pressures on specialized and hospitalservices.The reform activities are classified into three groups:service provision, equipment acquisition, and developinghealthcare related information technology.Connections with the local community are also beingestablished with more homecare services, improvedhospital patient release procedures, and the involvementof general practitioners in out-patient recovery.There is also a plan to improve the general expertiseand number of nurses. Doctors and primary healthcarepractitioners have the most contact with patientsand therefore have the greatest impact on the impressionthe population has of the overall healthcaresystem. Healthcare management expertise must alsobe improved quickly so that the next generation ofpractitioners can be prepared to manage healthcareinstitutions. Methods of attracting medical staff totransitional and developing countries must be improved.Finally, public planning must include a longtermstrategy to ensure the financial sustainability ofthe healthcare system as a whole. In conclusion, it isessential to clearly and precisely define, coordinateand modernise the minimum financial standards inhealthcare. Coordination between the powers andresponsibilities of the owners of health facilities(mostly local authorities) and those providing thefinancing (Croatian Health Insurance Institute) mustalso be improved.36

CHAPTER 3THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDED

CHAPTER 3THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDChapter 3:The Socially Excluded383.1 Demographic characteristicsPopulation movement in CroatiaWith 4,437,460 inhabitants and a territory of 56 594 km2,Croatia is one of the smaller countries in Europe. Accordingto the 2001 census, there were 89.63% ethnic Croatsand 7.47% national minorities. With 4.54%, the Serbnational minority was the largest, while other nationalminorities accounted for slightly under 3%.Croatia’s population has grown steadily over the past100 years, but the economic emigration of the 1960s hasled to unfavourable trends in the natural movement ofthe population, primarily affecting the birth rate (Živić,2005). The trends have resulted in the disruption of inthe development of certain demographic structures,but this was not visible in movement patterns until the1990s, when trends intensified due to a lack of comprehensive,long-term family policies, especially in birthrate, and also to the onset of war in Croatia (Živić, 2005).It is estimated that in 1991-2001, 455,297 people emigratedfrom Croatia, most of them in their prime (Živić,2005). The effect of emigration was mitigated by thearrival of 232,966 people to the country – mostly Croats,189,039 of whom came from Bosnia and Herzegovina.However, many of them were people at an advanced age(Akrap, 2005). In addition to migratory losses caused bythe war or war-related circumstances, there was an additionalloss of 22,283 direct casualties of war. Up to 70%of the 8,668 killed and missing Croatian defenders werebetween the ages of 20-40 years, which had a notableimpact on the demographic structure of the population(Živić, 2005). It is difficult to articulate the indirect lossesof the population brought on by war, such as decreasedbirth rate, but this type of loss has certainly had a significantimpact on the present demographic picture ofCroatia as well.Table 2: Structure of the population according toethnicityETHNICITYCroatsIn totalSerbsBosniacsItaliansHungariansAlbaniansSloveniansCzechsRomaMontenegrinsSlovaksMacedoniansGermansUkrainiansRussiansJewsPolesRomaniansBulgariansTurksAustriansOthersUndeclaredUnknownNational minoritiesNUMBER3,977,171331,383201,63120,75519,63616,59515,08213,17310,5109,4634,9264,7124,2702,9024,31490657656747533130024721,81389,13017,925Source: Central Bureau of Statistics, 2001 censusPERCENTAGE89.637.474.540.470.440.370.330.300.240.210.110.110.100.070.090.020.010.010.010.010.010.010.492.010.41

THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDCHAPTER 3Figure 3: Natural Movement of Population in Croatia (1991 – 2004)13121110981991.1992.1993.1994.1995.1996.1997.1998.1999.2000.2001.2002.2003.2004.live bornstill bornSource: Croatian Bureau of Statistics, Statistical Yearbook 2005.Aside from the War for Independence, the declinein population numbers in the past fifteen years wasaugmented by many other factors as well. The birthrate in Croatia during that period was constantlynegative, save for the three years after the War whenCroatia experienced a “baby boom”. The total fertilityrate has also been on the decline and, in 2004, it fellto 1.35. It is anticipated that the population will continueto decline, and that eventually, over a period offifty years, the total population will be reduced by half(Gelo et al., 2005). Economic migration is also affectingthis decline, primarily because the younger populationis leaving Croatia at a fertile age, which, in addition tothe direct loss of inhabitants, also causes an indirect loss- the future children of the emigrants who would havebeen born in Croatia. 28 Such factors are partly a result ofthe war, but also of the general demographic trends andunfavourable economic situation in the country.Another problem related to the present demographicsituation in Croatia is the age structure ofthe population. According to the 2001 census, 15.7%of the population in Croatia were over 65 years ofage, 29 which places Croatians amongst some of theoldest populations in the world, according to UnitedNations classification. The average age is 39.3 years,which is 2.2 years older than it was in 1991. In 2004the average life expectancy at birth was 72 years formen and 79 years for women. 30 Life expectancy at 65years of age is 12.9 years for men and 16.6 years forwomen. 31A decreasing number of children and a smallerpercentage of the population in the 0-14 age group(17.1%), together with a total fertility rate of 1.35(2004), 32 does not give much hope for a betterdemographic picture in Croatia’s future. Also, in thepast century the average age of women deliveringtheir first child has increased; in 1960 it was 23.4, butin 2000 it was 25.5, which leads to the narrowing ofthe effective fertile period (Gelo et al., 2005). 33 Withregards to the rate of divorce in Croatia, it is low incomparison to other Western European countries, butin comparison to the countries in the region, there are28 In the period from 1991 to 2000, the migration balance in Croatia was -247.3 thousand (Gelo et al., 2005.).29 This piece of information from Eurostat tells us that this share was 16.5% in Croatia back in 2004, while that same year the share of thoseover 65 in the neighbouring Slovenia was 15%, Germany 18%, Bulgaria 18%, Romania 14.4%, and in Slovakia 11.5%.30 For the whole of Europe, the average is 76 years for men and 81.9 years for women. Source: Council of Europe, Country reports 2002.;Eurostat, Population and social conditions.31 For Slovenia, it is 14.5 years (men), 18.5 years (women), and 15.4 (women), for Bulgaria 13.0 (men) and 15.6 (women). Source: Council ofEurope - Comparative Report, 2002.32 According to the Council of Europe, this rate was 1.91 in 1981, 1.55 in 1991, and in 2001 it fell to 1.38.3933 According to the Council of Europe, in 2001 the age is 25.8 years.

CHAPTER 3THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDFigure 4: Age-gender structure of the population in Croatia in 200110095M W908580757065605550454035302520151050-40000 -30000 -20000 -10000 0 10000 20000 30000 40000no major differences. 34 This rate can be explained bythe traditional views and values of marriage in theseareas, but also by the economic and social crisis, inwhich existential problems are the main reason whymany couples decide to stay together, although theywould otherwise part. 35Data on the household structure in Croatia showsthat Croatian households are usually small, whichmeans that 63.37% of households have three or lessmembers, while only 6.81% of households have sixor more members. In 2001 the average family withchildren, which is usually the equivalent of a householdin Croatia, had only 1.7 children. 36 In view ofthe household structure by use of residence, it isimportant to note that 82.93% of households live inresidences that they own or co-own.In addition to the narrow population base and thelarge proportion of older individuals, there are somemore peculiarities in the age-sexual structure ofCroatia. According to the 2001 census, the number ofwomen at an advanced age was twice that of men,a result of the longer life span of women. Thus, thepercentage of women in the total population washigher than the percentage of men (51.9% vs. 48.1%).In addition, the population that is approximately 55years old is reduced because of World War Two, whilethe population of approximately 30 year-olds is less asa result of the migrations that preceded 1970. 37 This,along with an unfavourable economic situation andlong-term trends in low fertility rates, has resulted infewer children (0-4 years).Taking the above into consideration, it would appearthat the Croatian population is regressing. It isprobable that with the present and indicative trendsin population movement, Croatia will become evensmaller and demographically poorer.Croatia’s Educational structureThere are several trends occurring in the educationalstructure of the population in Croatia. Almost 19% ofCroatia’s population over 15 has not finished primaryschool. Most of these are elderly people which constitutean uneducated older population in Croatia. Thesituation is much better in the working contingent34 In 2000, the rate is 0.97 in Croatia, 2.4 in Austria and Germany, 2.6 in Belgium, 2.7 in Denmark, 1.0 in Bulgaria, and 1.0 in Slovenia. Source:Council of Europe – Comparative Report.35 Puljiz, V., Zrinščak, S. (2002) Hrvatska obiteljska politika u europskom kontekstu. Revija za socijalnu politiku, No 2/2002.4036 In 2001, 26.85% of families had only one child. 47.45% had two children, 17.75% had three, 5.18% had four children, and 2.74% offamilies had five or more children. Source: Author’s calculations based on the data in the 2001 census.37 Migration saldo from 1961 to 1970 was -258.5 thousand (Gelo et al., 2005).

THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDCHAPTER 3Table 3: Educational Structure of the population in Croatia according to age groups (in %)Education 15-24 25-6465+Primary school not completed (NSCE 0 and 1)Primary school (NSCE 2)Three-year secondary schools (NSCE 3.3)Four-year secondary schools and gymnasiums (NSCE 3.1)Two-year post-secondary schools (NSCE 5.2)Colleges, master’s and doctor’s degrees (NSCE 5.1 and 6)Total %3.7837.8625.4330.950.971.0110011.2819.6132.2720.915.210.7310056.9915.7912.727.243.124.14100Source: Croatian Bureau of Statistics, Census 2001 (computed by the author)(aged 15 - 64). The share of the population who havegraduated from secondary school is 71.4%, while thesame group in the EU is only 67.9%. 38 However, thesame does not apply to post-secondary education.In Croatia, only 10.73% of the working contingenthas at least university education. 39 Students accountfor 2.84% of the total population, while in the EUstudents account for 3.79% of the total population.It can be concluded that Croatia has a relatively highshare of secondary school graduates, a considerableshare of an uneducated older population, and a lowshare of university graduates. 40The economically active population in Croatia(including both the employed and the structurallyunemployed who meet their statutory obligations towardsthe Croatian Employment Bureau) account for44.18% of the total population, while the share of theemployed in the total population is 35.01%. 41 Retiredpeople account for 21.79% of the total population,and the ratio between the retired and the employedis 1:1.6. 42 This demonstrates a low share of employeesin the population and a very high number of retiredpeople. It is expected that in about ten years’ timethe number of retired people will increase, as the socalled“baby-boom” generation (those born before1960) will retire, while the less numerous generationswill enter the work force. This problem is closely relatedto the rate of registered unemployment, whichis about 17% (in April 2006, the rate was 17.6% and inMay 2006, it was 16.7%), 43 and the low fertility rate.Figure 5: Economically non-active population by status,Census 2001Domesticcaregivers12.31%Disabled fromwork2.37 %Children notattendingschool13.84%Other2.14 %Students30.16%Source: Croatian Bureau of Statistics, Census 2001Retired persons39.18%38 Source: Eurostat, population and social conditions.39 Source: Central Bureau of Statistics, 2001 census (author’s calculations).40 Source: Eurostat, Population and social conditions (author’s calculations).41 Source: Central Bureau of Statistics, 2001 census42 Source: Central Bureau of Statistics, 2001 census (author’s calculations); the data in the census are different from the data of the CroatianPension Insurance Institute (HZMO; 2003 Report), which mention the ratio of 1:1.37. The data differ because of the different way of makingthe calculation: the HZMO compares the number of insured persons and retired persons, while in the census the Central Bureau of Statisticscompares the number of employed persons and retired persons.43 Source: Central Bureau of Statistics, announcements 2006.41

CHAPTER 3THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDThe fact that one-fifth of the population over 65(131,414 people) do not receive a pension, 44 is alsoimportant. It is also necessary to emphasize therelatively high share of female domestic caregivers inthe inactive population (one-eighth). They constitutea specific group within the inactive population, becausethey are able to work and could become activein the labour market. The structure of the employedshows that 81.57% of the employed work in anysector of ownership, while the remaining 18.43%are self-employed and individual agriculturalists. InCroatia, 67,690 people employ others (i.e., 4.4% of theemployed are employers). 45Figure 6: People with disabilities in Croatia accordingto the cause of disability, 2001 censusTraffic accidents4.29 %Illness45.97 %Other4.73 %Birth-related5.87 %Source: Central Bureau of Statistics, 2001 censusWorld War Two and itsconsequences3,08 %HomelandWar and itsconsequences10.66 %Work relateddisabilities25.41 %Box 2: Personal Experience“I will be 18 soon. I have grown up in a family with two older brothers. I have attended school until the fifthgrade. I had a boyfriend, but my parents were against me having a relationship. They did not let me to go toschool because I was seeing him there. I was not allowed to go anywhere on my own, my mum went with meeverywhere. Teacher said she would wait for me until this was resolved. School was sending letters… A yearwent by, but then I was embarrassed to go back to school. I have forgotten a lot of school stuff… Which gradewould I go to?I was helping my mum with housework. I think it is easier for boys: from time to time they cut wood logs, feedpigs… but girls have to work every day. I got married at the age of 16. Nowadays girls rarely marry at the age of14 or 16, because they could end up in an institution, and boys, if they are not underage could go to prison. Thereare girls in our village who have completed primary school and a couple of them completed vocational training.None of the women are employed. I live with my husband’s family. They are nice to me. I do not have to workhard, my tasks are to clean the house, sweep the yard, and wash clothes, my mother-in-law cooks. Sometimesthey even buy things for me. The custom here is to live in an extended family, but there are some young couplesnow who want to live on their own. My husband provides for us, so I do not have to go out to earn.Three moths ago I gave birth to a baby girl. The midwife visited us soon after we came home from the hospital. Inthe Health Centre they write down the dates when babies should be brought for vaccination. It is up to parentsthen to take care of it. But the Health Centre is about an hour’s walking distance, and the bus rarely operates.Sometimes I see my friends, but they are married too, so we do not have time to spend together. When I was inschool I used to have ‘peasant’ girlfriends (non-Roma). I used to dance in a folk-group when I was single. That wasthe best thing in my life. I cannot do it anymore; it is embarrassing to do that when one is married. It is possibleto dance at wedding parties, or some celebrations, but not in a folk group.My daughter is now the most important person in my life. I would like her to go to school, perhaps she couldwork until she gets married, but when she does and has children, it would be better that her husband providesfor her, so she does not have to suffer.” (From interview, Capraške Poljane, 25.08. 2006.)4244 Source: Central Bureau of Statistics, 2001 census (author’s calculations).45 Source: Central Bureau of Statistics, 2001 census (author’s calculations).

THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDCHAPTER 3People with disabilitiesCroatia has 429,421 people with disabilities. It is importantto point out that almost 75% of these peopleare independently mobile. 46 To compare people withdisabilities in different Croatian towns by their physicalmobility, there are no major differences. 47 Thereare differences, however, in the cause of the disability.This relates to disabilities provoked by the consequencesof the War. People with disabilities accountfor 9.68% of the population of Croatia, ranging from19.9% in Osijek, 8.6% in Zagreb to 5.4% in Čakovec. 48In December 2003, there were 236,132 people in Croatiawho received disability pensions in the averageamount of 1,519.92 HRK 49 (reduced by tax and surtax,inclusive of additions to pension), while in that samemonth the average net salary in Croatia was 4,045.00HRK 50 . The disability pension was at 37.6% of theaverage net salary in Croatia.3.2 National Minorities 513.2.1 Human RightsThe Croatian Constitutional Act on the Rights of NationalMinorities defines the term national minorityas: “a group of Croatian citizens whose members aretraditionally settled in the territory of the Republic ofCroatia or in one of its areas, and whose members haveethnic, linguistic, cultural and/or religious characteristicsdifferent from those of other citizens and who areguided by their desire to preserve such characteristics.”Any group meeting the conditions contained in thedefinition may exercise any of the rights providedfor in the Constitutional Act. Therefore, the Croatiansystem of minority protection does not recogniseany difference between “autochthonous” and “nonautochthonous”minorities. 52 When the Constitutionof 1990 was being adopted, the preamble identifiedautochthonous minorities, and the first documentthat elaborated on the rights of minorities, theConstitutional Act on Human Rights and Freedomsand the Rights of Ethnic and National Communitiesor Minorities of 1991, reserved special rights for thespecified minorities.The protection of minority rights in Croatia has beena key political issue over the past several years. It wasonly with the adoption of the Constitutional Law onthe Rights of National Minorities (CLNM) in December2002 – which was a condition of accession to theStabilisation and Association Agreement betweenthe EU and Croatia – that a consistent system for theprotection of minorities was put in place. The currentsystem of protection is based on three pillars: (1) theright of minorities to have representation in the Parliament,(2) the right to proportional representationin the representative and executive bodies of localgovernment, where minorities account for more than15% of the population, and (3) the right to self-governance.The research conducted on the protection of minoritiesby the Open Society Institute in Croatia in 2005, todetermine the index of openness of Croatian society,illustrates that the rights of minorities are institutionallywell-protected, but that there are insufficientlydeveloped mechanisms for monitoring this protection.There is also evidence of insufficient readinessamong the majority to respond to violations of therights for minorities. Currently there is an absence ofimplementing legislation that would enable a translationof rights for minorities from the ConstitutionalAct to actual representation in the bodies of stateadministration, the judiciary, public services andthe administrative apparatus of local governments.Although the positive discrimination principle is46 There are 75.57% of those whose physical mobility is fine, there are 2.91% of those who are completely immobile, while people whoare permanently confined to a wheel-chair account for 1.68%, and those who have to move with the help of a walking stick, crutches orwalking frame account for 19.85%. Source: Central Bureau of Statistics, 2001 census47 This is the author’s conclusion based on the data of the Central Bureau of Statistics.48 Source: Central Bureau of Statistics (author’s calculations).49 Source: Croatian Pension Insurance Institute, annual data, 2003.50 Source: Central Bureau of Statistics, announcements 2003.51 The section on National Minorities (3.2) is complemented by the section on Returnees (3.3).52 Most modern states adopt the principle of “autochthony” and grant special minority rights only to minorities explicitly enumeratedin a particular document (constitution, law). An autochtohonous minority is usually the minority settled for at least three generationsin a defined area (not the area of the entire state), a homogenous territory, and whose presence is not the consequence of economicmigrations.43

CHAPTER 3THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDincluded in Article 22 of the Constitutional Act as anintentio legis, it has yet to be realised.There has been considerable progress in implementingthe protective provisions of the CLNM, particularlyin regard to political representation. The Croatian Parliamentcurrently seats eight minority MPs, and LocalCouncils of National Minorities have been establishedas advisory bodies for local and regional government.While these actions are encouraging, the LocalCouncils are still struggling to be recognized as fullinstitutional partners, and clarification is still neededon how minority quotas should be calculated for proportionalrepresentation. Currently, the key areas ofthe CLNM which are lacking in implementation concernemployment of minorities in the public serviceand anti-discrimination provisions.There are only two minority communities that arethreatened by social exclusion: the Serbs and theRoma. 53 According to the openness index:The social distance towards the Roma minorityis worrying and it has received the worst gradeof all the examined indicators. The distance thatthe majority maintains towards the membersof national minorities is in general considerablylow. The indicator towards the Serbs is alsosignificant, as they were once the nationalminority most exposed to the language ofhatred and political discrimination, but thesocial distance of the majority towards the Serbminority today is almost on the same level as itis towards any other national minority. 54Despite the legislation and institutional rights, theexperience of the Roma community relative to thegeneral public, as well as the executive branch inCroatia, is similar to that of a marginalized socialgroup as opposed to an ethnic minority whose statusis regulated in the Constitutional Act.The position of the Serb minority is unique, partiallydue to recent processes, and also due to the unequalpolitical and social treatment of Serbs in various partsof Croatia:The Serbs from the Podunavlje region haverealised their rights based on the Erdut Accordand the process of peaceful reintegration. Itis true that minorities there lead a ghetto-likeexistence and that each of the two nationalcommunities has completely separate institutions(from kindergartens to secondary schools, forexample in the schooling system)… The Serbsreturning as refugees to the areas where theyhad been a majority before the war, that is, theKnin and Glina District, officially enjoy the rightsguaranteed to them in the Constitutional Act,but in reality they are exposed to complete socialisolation. In bigger urban areas, Serbs are mostlydispersed and gradually become assimilated.People returning as refugees to the areas thathad a mixed population before the war and thatare not passive and isolated as the largest part ofthe former Knin and Glina District are in the mostdifficult position. It is there, like for example inthe Zadar hinterland, that the pressure appliedto prevent their return is the greatest, and stateinterventions are mostly non-existent. 55Research has shown that the formal protection of minorityrights is no longer the issue regarding minorityprotection, but instead it is the relationship betweenthe majority and the minority, the level of developmentof protective mechanisms, and the capacity ofthe system to respond to incidents. Concerning thetreatment of the minority by the majority, the heightenedlevel of tolerance of authorities, the public, andthe media to the Serbs and other national minoritiesis evident, but such progress is not evident regardingmarginalized social groups (including the Roma ethnic4453 In this section, an examination of social exclusion of the Serb and Roma minorities in Croatia attempts to combine three approaches:(1) the protection of the rights for national and ethnic minorities, (2) human rights, and (3) the development of community and socialmovements. These three approaches have been chosen for several reasons. These have been identified as key to the accession of newmember states to the European Union. A rights-based approach promotes the standpoint that it is necessary to strengthen both citizens“demanding” their rights and state institutions providing them. Focusing on the development of the community and social movementspermits an analysis of processes, key actors, and various interactions at the local, national and international levels. Although most Romaassociations are primarily active at local levels, their interactions with national institutions, as well as international actors is significant.This is especially true in the case of two documents designed to improve the position of the Roma and to fight social exclusion: TheNational Programme for the Roma and The Decade of Roma Inclusion 2005-2015. The influence of the Council of Europe was decisive inthe consultation of Roma associations and representatives in the development of the first national document, and when monitoring itsimplementation.54 Open Society Croatia, 2005: 63.55 Ibid: 61.

THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDCHAPTER 3community). Building mechanisms of political responsibilityin the implementation of minority rights andthe elimination of ‘hate speech’ lags behind the positivechanges that have occurred in the public domain.Regarding the Roma in particular, reports commissionedby national and foreign organisations pointto violations of rights and discrimination against theRoma in various aspects of civil, social and politicallife. 56 However, discrimination in education againstthe Roma children is most evident and has resultedin complaints filed to the European Court of HumanRights. More attention is also being paid to the discriminationand violation of rights for Roma women,which has been referred to as multi-dimensional discrimination.Roma women are discriminated againstwithin their family, where a predominantly patriarchalstructure prevails; they are also discriminated againstby the majority population based on their genderand their ethnicity.3.2.2 Access to Social Services‘We’ve got confidence and they do try to go theextra mile, but they cannot give us as much helpus as we need. (Participant of the focus group, Sisak,UNDP, 2006b)According to the official data, the Roma account forless than 1% of the total population, however theyaccount for 13.56% of the recipients of social assistance.Most of the social welfare services they use arefor financial assistance. It seems that there are twobasic tensions between the representatives of socialwelfare and the Roma as the recipients of their services.57 Both tensions concern a degree of confidencein the system which is frequently connected withsocial workers understanding of the accumulation ofunfavourable life circumstances and the use of discretionaryjudgement in circumventing stringent rules. Asstated by a focus group participant, “[the] social welfarecentre prohibits us from having vehicles, but if we didnot have them, we could not survive.” This points to theneed to have the Centres of Social Welfare (CSW) adopta more active approach in customizing individual plansfor recipients in which the financial assistance wouldhave the form of temporary assistance. There is also aneed to build closer connections between CSW, theCroatian Employment Bureau, and the private sector.The Serbs do not object to their level of access to socialwelfare, it is the families that were separated duringtheir period as refugees, whose children have grownup and established a new life in the areas where theyused to be refugees (Serbia, BiH), that have problems.The social problems of families who have youngermembers are somewhat mitigated by family solidarityand older members who have the right to a pension,which is used to support the entire family.3.2.3 Access to HealthcareThe right to health is guaranteed by the CroatianConstitution and a number of statutory provisions onhealth insurance and on the right to health insurancefor persons who depend on the active members oftheir families. However, the legislation is closely tiedwith specific time limits, and the failure to comply withthe time limits results in a loss of the right to healthinsurance and access to health services. Childrenunder 14 who have registered residence in the territoryof Croatia, children under 18 attending schoolon a full time basis, as well as pregnant women andwomen who have recently delivered, have the rightto free health insurance. It seems that most Romawho meet these conditions make use of their rightsto health protection. However, in the case of otheradults, many go without health insurance. In the Cityof Zagreb, 58 40% of adult members of the Roma minoritydo not have health insurance, including mostadult members of the Roma who live in the biggestsettlement in the County of Sisak-Moslavina.Research 59 produced by Roma associations emphasizesthe young age of the Roma population; in56 Amnesty International, ERRC, CHC and the Gender Equality Ombudsman.57 UNDP (2006b). Research on social exclusion in Croatia: groups with increased risk of social exclusion - focus groups. UNDP, Zagreb,Croatia58 City programme of activities and measures to improve the standards of development and the environment at locations settled by theRoma (2005), document of the City Institute for Spatial Planning, City of Zagreb59 Pokos, N. (2005): Demografska analiza Roma na temelju statističkih podataka, pp. 42-43 in Kako žive hrvatski Romi?45

CHAPTER 3THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDED462001, only 3% of the Roma from the national surveysample were over 60 years of age. This is attributed toextremely poor living conditions, such as below-averagehousing, lack of basic infrastructure, unvaried andmodest nutrition, and constant insecurity. In addition,the percentage of Roma women in the total Romapopulation is lower than the percentage of men. 60However, the Roma associations have noted somepositive indications; they estimate that the numberof Roma women giving birth in hospital is on the rise,as well as the number of inoculated pre-schoolers.Most members of the Serb minority have access tobasic health insurance. A large number of Serb returneesto Croatia are elderly people who have theright to a pension, acquired before the war, as well astheir entitlement to health insurance. Others exercisethe right to insurance through a family member orthrough unemployment insurance (after brief, frequentlyfictitious employment in Croatia). There areonly sporadic examples of serious problems in accessto health insurance (for example, returnee childrenwho study in BiH or Serbia).However, physical access to health protection representsa serious problem. Considering that manyreturnees live in sparsely inhabited areas with littleor no transport infrastructure, access to even primaryhealth protection is a problem. In some cases wholemunicipalities (like Vrhovine, for example) do nothave offices for family medicine. Travelling to see adoctor is thus connected with substantial costs for thealready disadvantaged population, and access to theservices of specialised medicine is even more limited.It should be said that health insurance does not coverthe cost of travel to the doctor at distances under 50km, and in areas where the Serb returnee populationreside, travel by public transport at distances under50 km is relatively expensive.3.2.4 Access to EducationDespite a number of proposals concerning systematicchanges that would enable individualised education,changes in educational institutions have been slowand sporadic. Numerous Roma non-governmentalassociations, as well as the National Programme forthe Roma, state that pre-school education is criticalin preparation for primary school education andlowers drop-out rates. Since pre-school education is60 Ibid.decentralised (funded from the county budget), thenetwork of services and their availability is unequaland the capacity for accommodating children is alsolimited. Roma associations have developed a seriesof compensatory models for pre-school educationincluding half-day play schools within Roma settlementsand programmes on premises outside Romasettlements. These programmes would featurelimited contact with non-Roma children, and anemphasis on the Croatian language and social skills,but also more vocal initiatives to enrol Roma childreninto the existing kindergartens leading to completeintegration. Despite differences in the organisationalperformance of these models, as well as the methodsof work, which greatly depend on the readiness ofthe institutions to provide modified and intensifiedservices to specific segments of the population, mostimplementing bodies agree that it is necessary toregularly attend such programmes for at least twoyears prior to primary school.There is no precise data on the number or gender ofRoma children entering the mandatory primary educationalsystem or complete data regarding drop outrates. According to the report entitled Faces of Poverty,Faces of Hope (UNDP, 2005), 17% of the Roma and74% of the non-Roma population over 12 years of agewho live in the vicinity of the Roma population, havefinished primary school. This ranks Croatia, togetherwith Serbia, somewhere between the Czech Republicand Hungary, who have the highest percentage ofthe Roma over 12 with a complete primary schooleducation, and Kosovo and Montenegro where thepercentage is the lowest.Having guaranteed entry into the school systemdoes not necessarily mean that Roma will remain inthe system and that they will be able to take full advantageof the opportunity. A combination of severalfactors creates a “push out effect” in what is alreadya very small number of the Roma who enter theschool system. These factors relate to: a lower level ofpreparedness to meet the demands placed on Romachildren in school as opposed to non-Roma children;organisation of school work that presumes students’conformity; and the diminished readiness of teachersto introduce individualised methods of teaching.There are also factors within the Roma communityitself which “pull away” children from the educationalsystem related to a lack of confidence in the system,loss of income as children participate, a lack of incen-

THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDCHAPTER 3tives to children and parents to participate, and the inabilityto find employment upon finishing education.In regards to the education of the Serb national minority,in Podunavlje, there is a complete segregationof Serbs and Croatians, which is conducted under theshield of “the right to attend school in one’s mothertongue”. This situation is considered in the Croatianlegal order of Erdut Accord on Peaceful Reintegrationof Podunavlje, and it is supported by the political eliteof both ethnic communities. In other Areas of SpecialState Concern, the greatest obstacle to integration ofchildren returnees in the Croatian education systemis the accreditation of diplomas acquired duringtheir refugee status, mostly in Serbia and Bosniaand Herzegovina (Republika Srpska). In order tofind employment or continue secondary or tertiaryeducation, young returnees have to pass differentialexams in language and history. The rigidity of theseprocedures discourages younger families with childrenfrom returning.“They are both excellent students. When I think abouthow many possibilities they might have, but I cannotafford it... It is terrible.“ – these were the words of onereturnee who decided not to remain in Croatia. Returneesusually come back to live in isolated hamletswithout a supporting education infrastructure ormany school-age children. Due to poor socio-economicconditions, children of returnees have fewchances to continue with higher education, sincetheir families cannot afford to finance their studies inlarger cities.3.2.5 Access to Employment andEmployment Services“I called by phone to ask whether I could apply for ajob. They told me I could and when I got there, theyjust looked at me and told me they would contactme. We can’t find work, because we are black.Wherever you go, you’re a black sheep. I think thatonly two people from our village managed to finda job since 1990...” (Participants of the focus group,Sisak, UNDP 2006b)Up to 80.2% of the members of Roma householdsare unemployed, 16.7% of Roma are employed, and5% receive pension. Twenty-three percent of thepopulation generate temporary income by collectingsecondary raw materials, 20% perform seasonaljobs, and 4% do sales or minor repairs (Rogić, 2005).Two basic tendencies can be seen in this incomestructure. First, there is an extremely low percentageof individuals who manage to work long enoughto secure their pension. Second, because of theirinability to participate in the labour market, manyseek alternatives to the formal work, though mostlytemporary. The relatively high percentage of thosegenerating income from such sources may indicatethe high demand for such jobs, and the flexibilityof the Roma to fill this demand outside the formallabour market. However, these jobs do not securepermanent income or health and pension insurance,they do not guarantee respect and status amongstother members of the community, and they do notnurture interactions with the majority population.For the most part, women are not expected to findpaid employment, but paradoxically they are expectedto put food on the table. Patriarchal relationsare still very strong in some Roma communities andamongst the middle-aged and older generations. Theposition of young women and girls is especially unfavourable,because they are expected to get marriedat a relatively young age and are offered no alternatives.Considering very few finish secondary school,and those who graduate cannot find a job, marriageis the only option which provides a degree of respectin the community, even though in the familyhierarchy recently-wed women without children takethe lowest position. However, there is an increasingnumber of young Roma women, especially in urbanenvironments, such as Zagreb and Rijeka, whose lifeplans include education and employment.The measures contained in The National Programmefor the Roma and The National Action Plan for theDecade of Roma Inclusion relating to employment,emphasise the participation of the Roma in publicworks, seminars on additional education, incentivesto self-employment through trade and craft enterprises,and two-year subsidies to employers who employ theRoma. These measures are meant to boost the employabilityof the Roma, but it seems that the measures concerningpublic works do not include the componentsrelated to the elimination of prejudices. They may in factcontribute to the intensifying stereotypes, which portraythe Roma as only being capable of physical work.In the case of other measures, the plans to monitor therelationship of the employer towards the workers andtheir sustainability are unclear. In addition, the Roma are47

CHAPTER 3THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDemployed as assistants in teaching, but mostly basedon part-time contracts, although the contracts are extendedfor several years consecutively.It seems that the employment strategies for the Romaare based on a more “traditional” approach, which isalso applied in the case of other vulnerable socialgroups, such as those with physical and intellectualdisabilities. Such strategies, present in the last severalyears, have not produced the expected results. It ispossible that one of their shortcomings is that theydo not pay enough attention to the aspirations of theRoma concerning employment. There also seems tobe a lack of innovation in the creation of measuresand application of best practices from the neighbouringcountries (see Box 3).Box 3: Employment of the Roma: A view from the business sectorIn 2005, UNDP Bratislava conducted a poll of 14 companies in Hungary, Slovakia, the Czech Republic,and Spain. The purpose was to open a dialogue on possible actions that could be taken to eliminatediscrimination against the Roma and to develop initial guidelines to promote positive action. The basicmessages of the report was:- The business sector should consider the whole picture. Namely, the Roma are mostly long-term unemployedand they are frequently concentrated in specific geographic areas. It should be taken into account that thispopulation is mostly young, and that this segment of the population is growing in relation to the totalpopulation. If the Roma are not integrated into the labour market, the economic consequences will be, interalia, the loss of labour force and increased social transfer costs.- Measures promoting diversity are important, but they are not enough. There is a need to create specificmeasures, within the companies themselves, to employ the Roma. For example, a company in Slovakiawon a series of recognitions as a socially-responsible employer in the area of employment and adjustmentof the working process to women, but nothing has been done for the Roma.- The practice of the company’s management structure is critical to success. The example of a company fromHungary shows that the management structure needs to be ready to assume the risk of employing theRoma and that it should work actively on the elimination of prejudices of other employees towards them.- Companies should enter new partnership relations in order to find adequate labour force. The polledcompanies established connections with the educational programmes in Roma settlements and withRoma associations, they organised the necessary education together and selected the most appropriatecandidates.- Cooperation with the media. The media have a significant role in the elimination of prejudices. The Czechtelevision employed three qualified Roma as reporters and announcers, thus creating positive examples forthe Roma and for the non-Roma. (Taken and adapted from: Employing the Roma - Insight from Business,UNDP Regional Bureau for Europe and the CIS, 2005.)48

THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDCHAPTER 3Table 4: Population of the Croat and Serb nationality according to the 1991 and 2001 censusesRegionsAreas of towns/municipalitiesCroatsSerbs1991 2001 1991 2001No % No % No % No %Banija – Kordun25 68535.230 01771.541 28356.59 33922.2Glina7 71834.06 71268.013 97161.52 82928.7Petrinja15 60044.319 28082.315 80244.82 80912.0Topusko2 25133.02 04563.54 14460.795429.6Vojnić1161.41 98036.07 36689.42 74750.0Lika2 09314.74 33060.011 22578.82 63322.2Plitvička Jezera1 60022.43 14167.34 97069.5142430.5Udbina4088.884151.03 99386.371143.1Vrhovine853.534838.02 26292.249855.0Dalmatia25 81336.231 74584.543 30560.84 98113.3Benkovac8 64536.28 84590.416 30163.87307.5Drniš10 45871.47 83591.23 86526.46567.6Knin2 37210.311 61376.519 65285.43 16420.8Skradin4 33854.03 45286.63 48743.443110.8Western Slavonija20 11741.528 39079.822 71046.74 87813.7Brestovac3 17658.63 57888.81 91935.43458.6Đulovac1 11824.22 89379.53 04365.958015.9Okučani4337.63 15374.64 77783.690721.5Pakrac6 02535.46 04868.37 85346.11 51417.1Slatina9 42559.512 71885.85 11832.31 53210.3Eastern Slavonija40 45045.837 48956.428 45432.220 44430.8Beli Manastir4 94537.76 08555.44 21732.22 92026.6Darda3 10435.73 66351.93 29337.92 00828.4Erdut3 49334.33 11737.05 16550.44 53853.9Ilok6 84870.36 42577.06726.95666.8Vukovar22 06047.418 19957.515 10732.510 41232.9Total114 21838.4131 97169.9146 97749.442 27522.4Source: SDF49

CHAPTER 3THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDThe CLNM provides a guarantee for the adequate participationof national minorities in all levels of publicservice, and the implementation of this guarantee isincluded in the Croatian Road Map as part of the SarajevoProcess, which highlights its importance for Serbreturnees. However, no legal mechanism currentlyexists for enforcing minority employment rights, orfor encouraging minority applicants to invoke theirminority status during recruitment processes.In May 2006, the Central State Office for Administration(CSOA) verbally stated that national minoritiesconstitute approximately 4% of Croatia’s 52,000 civilservants, excluding those working in judicial bodies.National, regional and local government bodies arerequired to draft employment plans which reflect thenumber of minorities currently in their employ andspecify future recruitment targets. Some governmentunits are in the midst of this process, while othersare not, citing a lack of financial resources to hire additionalemployees. This would indicate that furtherprogress towards the inclusion of minorities in publicservice will require firm guidance at the central level.3.2.6 Access to TransportationThe availability of public transportation is also connectedwith access to employment, and the provisionof services for minority communities who live in settlementsseparate from the majority of the population,which is where most employers as well as providers ofservices and educational institutions are located. In thecase of the Roma, the absence of public transportationto and from pre-schools is one of the factors which,amongst others, supports the organisation of specialpre-school programmes. This is used as a justificationfor the concentration of Roma students in one shift,which results in the creation of Roma-exclusive classes(UNDP, 2006).Considering that a significant number of Serb returneeshave settled in the demographically devastated areasof the Knin and Glina, and frequently live in remotehamlets, transportation and connections with regionaland sub regional centres represent a huge problem.In such areas, it is practically impossible to organisepublic transportation for so few inhabitants, and theexisting system is slow, unavailable and expensive.3.2.7 Access to Information andCommunication TechnologyIn impoverished and poorly equipped Roma settlements,ICT is not accessible to most of the population.Initiatives launched by NGOs on the organisation ofcomputer literacy courses are sporadic and mostly locatedin larger urban areas. The exception is the mostrecent European Computer Driving Licence (ECDL)course on basic computer literacy implemented bythe Association of Roma in Zagreb and the ECDLAcademy Elit-Trade. In an attempt to increase thelevel of employability among the Roma, a two-monthcourse has been organised, where participants receiveinternationally recognised diplomas.3.2.8 Access to Housing and BasicInfrastructure“Croatia wants to enter the European Union and Iagree with that, but how are we going to do thatwhen our village does not have electricity, and thisis the 21st Century. Normal living conditions are apriority. Our village does not have roads, sewage,garbage collection...”(Participant of the focus group, Sisak, UNDP, 2006b)There are three factors concerning the way the Romapopulation lives: (1) spatial marginalization and poordevelopment of Roma settlements, (2) access tobasic infrastructure, and (3) access to subsidies andloans to improve the conditions of housing. Parts ofsettlements, and sometimes even entire settlements,are built without permits. A lack of roads, inadequatehousing, and a poor quality of living conditions givethe impression of a temporary settlement, althoughthey have been around for decades. Seventy-ninepercent of people who live in such settlements pointout the need for a sewage system, 49% do not haverunning water, and 26% do not have electricity. 61The social infrastructure, such as the distance to kindergartens,primary schools and health centres, is aproblem for about 70% of inhabitants. 625061 Geran-Marko Miletić. (2006): Uvjeti stanovanja i stambene aspiracije Roma u Kako žive hrvatski Romi62 Ibid.

THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDCHAPTER 3The housing fund available to the Roma mostlyconsists of houses (74.5%), shacks (9.5%), abandonedcabins on construction sites (9%), and apartments(6%). 63 However, most houses do not meet even theminimum building codes: 11% of households with anaverage of five members live in 10m 2 , and at least 54%of persons live in overcrowded housing spaces. 64If the-above mentioned data were viewed cumulativelyin accordance with the FEANTSE typology (Europeantypology on homelessness and housing), it canbe said that most members of the Roma minority livean insecure existence. Although the exclusion of housinghas been recognised, it is primarily viewed fromtwo standpoints. The first is “wild construction” as anexpression of the “Roma cultural code”. The second isfrom the general measures regarding housing, wherethere is a tendency to find a solution within the narrowcontext of the Roma, leading to further ghettoisation.Examples of where the Roma themselves are consultedabout the process and where the social dimension ofhousing is taken into account are few and far between.Some representatives of the Roma have proposed theintroduction of a system which would provide specificloans, and investments in kind, including free work bythose Roma who decide to participate in the proposedprogramme.The entire area liberated in the Operation Storm in 1995was devastated, and even the most basic infrastructureis destroyed there. The reconstruction of houses is relativelyslow, due partly to certain administrative hurdles.For example, only the houses of Serb returnees builtwith building permits and which were entered in theproperty registers are being reconstructed. However,in the 1970s and the 1980s, which is when most of thehousing in the area was built, it was quite common tobuild houses without permits, and not to keep propertyregisters up to date. The absence of even the basic municipalinfrastructure, which existed before the war, is anadditional obstacle preventing returning families fromleading a normal life in these sparsely settled areas.3.2.9 Social Ties“We are all for one and one for all. We have learnedto stick together, because that is the only way wecan survive.”(Participant of the focus group, Sisak, UNDP, 2006b)The social interaction between the Roma and thenon-Roma seems to be based on a fundamental lackof mutual understanding. The majority populationhas the impression that the Roma have internalisedtheir way of life over the centuries and that they donot want to do anything to change it; consequently,any integration attempts, the majority thinks, wouldbe unsuccessful. The Roma express their concerns regardingthe integration process, because the majoritypopulation is not sufficiently informed about theirsituation or their identity. Voices that communicatethe reality of different Roma communities mostlycome from the non-governmental sector, which havevested interests in the topics they promote. A lack ofconsensus on certain topics amongst representativesof the Roma is frequently mentioned as an exampleof the Roma “irrationality” in their fight for greaterresources, but this is not much different from theparticipation of other marginalized groups.Serb returnees in the Knin and Glina region have returnedto what are extremely sparsely-settled areas.Before the war, the area was sparse, while during thewar it was demographically devastated. It is difficultto make social contact in demographically devastatedareas. There are three closed communities living nextto each other within the same area: the autochthonousCroats, Serb returnees, and Croats who movedfrom Bosnia and Herzegovina. Members of thesethree communities do not have much contact witheach other, however the recent period has seen theappearance of some form of “political correctness”and meta-language trying to conceal the gap.63 Geran-Marko Miletić, (2005): Uvjeti stanovanja i stambene aspiracije Roma, p. 163, u Kako žive hrvatski Romi64 Ibid.51

CHAPTER 3THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDED52Apart from the basic demographic devastation of theentire area, there are also subregional movements.Subregional centres are appearing, in which the populationnumbers are stagnant, but the neighbouringareas remain completely empty. The community ofautochthonous Croats and the community of Croatsfrom Bosnia and Herzegovina are far more mobile interms of space than the Serb returnee community.This community tends to remain in remote hamlets,where it is not possible to have interpersonal contact.During the planning of their return, the possibility ofconcentrating returnees in bigger settlements wasnot considered, and in sparsely populated areas it ismore difficult to guarantee the needed infrastructure.The isolation of settlements open to returnees is thereason why it is mostly elderly people who return.3.2.10 Political ParticipationThe Croatian political system protects the passivevoting right of members of national minorities byensuring a pre-reserved number (of at least 5, at most8, which is the number elected) of representativesin the Parliament. The members of minorities mustdecide whether they want to vote with other citizensin regular electoral units or for candidates in specialunits for minority candidates. The Serb minority electsthree representatives, the Italian and Hungarians haveone representative each, while other minorities aregrouped into electoral units where several minoritieselect one representative. Minority representatives areelected from the electoral unit (by simple majorityvote) regardless of the number of votes they win.There are also several other dilemmas regarding theway representatives are elected at the national level.The prevention of positive discrimination of minoritiesby their right to vote two ways, pushes the minoritiesinto a difficult situation: the ghettoisation of their minorityor forced assimilation. This is because by votingonly in a small electoral unit they waive their right tothe general electoral vote and political identity, and byvoting only in regular electoral units they waive theiridentity as minorities.At the level of local and regional government, the ConstitutionalAct foresees the right of minorities to proportionalrepresentation in representative and executivebodies, everywhere where minorities account formore than 15% of the population. The intention of thelegislation was to replace the principle of democracyby the majority, in the parts of the country where thereis a significant minority presence, with the principle ofconsolidated community governance. However, theprinciple of proportional representation is complicatedby question of how minority quotas should becalculated to determine their level of representation.If representation were based on the most recent voterlists, minority representation in local assemblies wouldbe significantly higher in war-affected areas, wheremany refugees have returned since 2001. This questionis currently before the Constitutional Court for reviewand adjudication, at the request of the NGO GONG andthe National Council for National Minorities, mandatedby the CLNM to support and co-ordinate the participationof minorities in public life at the national level.The third “pillar” of minority representation – minorityself-government, i.e., the council of national minorities– is envisaged as a link between civil society andlocal government. The legislator has enabled a highdegree of fiscal autonomy for minority self-governments,which they do not use (SDF, 2006), andconsequently the self-sustaining capacities for theseinstitutions are very low. The connection betweenminority NGOs and minority self-governments hasbeen lost, and there is no awareness of the non-partycharacter of minority self-government. Neither themembers of representative and executive bodies oflocal and regional governments, nor the members ofminority self-governments, fully understand the intentionof the legislator in that minority self-governmentsshould not function as authorities. Rather, theyshould act as a consultative body which contributesto the introduction of the principle of participatorydemocracy and the European principle of good governancein the Croatian local government.3.2.11 Key ChallengesIn the previous decade, Croatia has made the mostprogress in the official protection of minority rights.The implementation of the principle of the rule of lawand the affirmation of the mechanisms for minorityprotection are the basic obligations of the Croatianstate in the near future. In addition to creating officialprotection, Croatia has made significant progressin the openness of media, and in the correctness ofsocial communication. Hate propaganda, quite commonin public discourse concerning minorities untilrecently, has become a sporadic phenomenon.

THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDCHAPTER 3In the case of human rights violations of minoritymembers, an adequate reaction from the executivebranch of government there has not been forthcoming.Action has primarily been taken at the local andregional level. Croatia’s accession process into the EUwill represent a special challenge for the protectionof the minority rights. The establishment of a coalitionbetween the HDZ and the Serb national party,the SDSS, satisfied international observers in regardsto the first of the three pre-Copenhagen criteria forcommencing an institutional dialogue with the EU.3.2.12 Policy ImplicationsAside from the Serb and Roma minorities, nationalminorities encounter the same type of difficulties asthe majority of the population. The issues concerningthe Serb minority are approached from the perspectiveof the protection of minority rights, thus, in somecases their social rights become a political issue, whilethe Roma are primarily perceived as a socially vulnerablegroup, where their minority rights are ranked assecond-class.With regards to human rights, it is necessary to takeinto account the standpoint of the majority, accordingto whom rights are expensive, especially when they areenjoyed by minority groups. Therefore, in the case ofthe Roma, it seems that there are three alternatives. Thefirst is connected with the elimination of discriminationand the strengthening of contributions by the Romato the formal economy, thus enabling their access toservices. The second is connected with the regulation ofnon-formal economic activities and the development ofbasic measures for health and social insurance fundedthrough contributions from those informal activities.The third possibility is to create universal programmestargeting the dimensions in which the Roma are in adisadvantaged position. The universal nature of suchtargeted measures would enable access to rights, withoutresulting in stigmatisation.It is especially necessary to adopt implementing legislationwhich would serve to realise the rights of Article22 of the Constitutional Act concerning positivediscrimination in favour of minorities, when it comesto employment in public administration, state andpublic services, the judiciary and in the administrativeapparatus of local government. It is importantto form a consultative committee with the EuropeanEconomic and Social Committee, which would dealwith the development of civil society (including minorityNGOs and minority self-government) and theirinclusion in decision-making processes.Finally, the development of politically correct socialcommunication, systematic eradication of hatespeech, and encouragement of open media is necessary.Special attention should be paid to a focusedgathering of statistics on the male and female membersof minority groups, as well as the monitoring ofthe various life experiences of these men and womenin the private and public sphere. Furthermore, specialattention should be paid to the interaction of theRoma and Serb minorities with the general populationin various civil society programmes, and in measuresimplemented by the state.3.3 Returnees and IDPs 653.3.1 Human RightsAccording to the provisions of the Law on Amendmentsto the Law on the Status of Displaced Personsand Refugees (Narodne novine, 128/99.), a displacedperson (prognanik) is a person who, individuallyor in an organized manner, fled from their place ofresidence in one area of the Republic of Croatia,endangered by war, in order to avoid an immediatethreat to their life caused by aggression and otherwar activities. A returnee is a person who acquiredreturnee status pursuant to the special regulationson returnees and who returned pursuant to the 1998Program for Return and Accommodation of DisplacedPersons, Refugees and Resettled Persons (povratnik).A returnee, whose returnee status has been recognized,enjoys returnee rights for a maximum of 6months starting from the date of his/her return. Accordingto the Government of Croatia’s restructuringas of June 1, 1999, the Office for Displaced Personsand Refugees (ODPR) is responsible for managing thestatus and rights of displaced persons, returnees andrefugees.The Law on the Status of Displaced Persons andRefugees regulates the equal status and rights forreturnees and displaced persons. A returnee has the65 The section of the text on Returnees (3.3) is complemented by the section on National Minorities (3.2).53

CHAPTER 3THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDbasic rights that they had as a displaced person orrefugee (financial support, humanitarian aid, help insocial adaptation, health protection). A returnee alsohas, on the basis of particular regulations, the right totax and customs benefits, as an incentive to return.Ever since the return process began in Croatia (betweenthe end of 1995 and 30 June 2006) UNHCR hasregistered a total of 128,000 Serb returnees to Croatia.Of this, 102,587 Croatian Serb returnees came fromSerbia and Montenegro and Bosnia and Herzegovina,and 23,210 returned as former displaced personsfrom the Croatian Danube region to other parts ofCroatia. The Government reported that by the end ofJune 2006 a total of 380,012 returnees had been registered(Returnee status granted); 63% were formerlydisplaced persons, most of which were of Croatianethnicity, with 38% being of Serb ethnic origin.Creating the conditions necessary to encourage andsustain peoples’ return has been problematic for theGovernment of Croatia (PULS 2004). The Organizationfor Security and Co-operation in Europe’s (OSCE)Mission to Croatia project estimates that only 60-65%of registered returns to Croatia are sustainable (OSCE2006). A study conducted by UNHCR in 2003 indicatedthat that percentage is actually lower as someregistered returns are simply “commuters” movingbetween their place of exile and pre-war residence,while some are registered simply to visit once or twiceor to have the possibility of returning at some point inthe future (UNHCR 2003).Serb returnees with “Confirmation on Arrangementsfor Return” issued by ODPR do not have access tothe benefits of Returnee Status before obtainingpersonal documents, in particular a Croatian ID cardor an ID for foreigners. Acquisition of a foreigner ID isa time-consuming process for returnees, who are formerresidents, and lasts up to 3 months followed byanother few of months delay until the first returneegrant is received. In addition to this, returnees whoare non-Croatian citizens (former habitual residents)have to fulfil the following requirements: possessionof a valid travel document and medical insurance andmust also be considered as potential beneficiaries ofone of the existing housing programmes in Croatia.Obtaining personal documents is even more difficult,if not impossible, for Collective Centre residents whoformerly held occupancy-tenancy rights, but do notown private property in Croatia.The Government of Croatia differentiates betweenthe status of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) andreturnees. IDPs are granted full benefits until the terminationof reconstruction assistance, plus 6 monthreturn status, while returnees are given only 6 monthsreturn status. A fair and non-discriminatory approachwould be to grant IDP status to returnees from abroadwho do not receive reconstruction assistance, untilthe completion of the reconstruction/repossessionfollowed by 6 months returnee status. ODPR doesnot register any returnees as IDPs until a final durablesolution has been achieved. This was not foreseen inthe Law on Amendments to the Law on Status of DisplacedPersons and Refugees since the amendmentsentered into force on 8 December 1999.3.3.2 Access to Social ServicesThe following is a brief demographic returnee profile:- Returnees are older than the average populationof the Republic of Croatia. The average age 66 inthe country is 39, while the average age of thereturnees registered since 1998 is 50.1.- Returnees have a relatively low percentage (12.2%)of young people up to age 19, versus 23.7% in thecountry as a whole.- Children between the ages of 0 to 17 represent10.5% of the returnee population versus 21% inthe whole country. In absolute numbers, since1998, 11,400 children aged 0 to 17 retuned toCroatia with their parents or grandparents.- Individuals above 60 represent 42% (AgeingCoefficient) of the returnee population versus21.6% in the whole country.- Consequently, the Ageing Index that representsthe ratio of population aged 60 or over, includingthe population between the ages of 0-19 years, ishigher than the average in other return countiesand extremely high for the returnee population.5466 It should be noted that Croatian average age of 39 years is one of the oldest in Europe, very much like age of highly developed countriessuch as Denmark.

THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDCHAPTER 3Such age structure has numerous serious consequences:- High consumption of health and social servicesconsidering the high old-age dependency ratesillustrate the potential social support needsand possibly the need for changes in the waycommunity resources are shared betweengenerations.- Ability of the population to actively participatein economic development and production islimited.- There are limited free market capital investmentsinto areas with such demographic statistics.- All of these factors may contribute to a wideningdevelopment gap and increasing inequality.Although the absolute poverty rate in Croatia is low byinternational standards, it does not adequately reflectcounty-specific conditions. Poverty rates are higher inrural areas, among poorly educated individuals andthe elderly, which describes most returnees. Nationalunemployment is officially 17.2%, however it can beas high as 34.2% 67 in some return areas where fragilepre-war economic infrastructure has collapsed leavinglittle prospect for revitalization. High unemploymentrates and an overall difficult socio-economic environmentare affecting the whole population, weakeningthe community’s ability to secure the vulnerable.Statistical data from the Ministry of Health and SocialWelfare 68 shows that 2.7% of the national populationreceive social welfare support benefits. 69 However, incounties with high return rates this percentage canbe as high as 5% in Karlovac county or even 10.1% inŠibenik-Knin county. At the municipal level, this ratecan rise even further – Vojnić 11.2%, Topusko 12%,Obrovac 14.8%, Gračac 17.1% and Knin 30%. All ofthese municipalities have high numbers of Serb returnees.Comprehensive development programmesshould focus on the overall improvement of all areasof return (including the economy, infrastructure, education,social welfare, health, etc). Otherwise, if negativeconditions continue or worsen, they will not onlynegatively affect the sustainability of return, but canbecome a cause of secondary displacement, plantingthe seeds of fresh discontent and renewed tensions.The data on trust in the social welfare system fromthe UNDP Quality of Life survey also provides insightregarding whether returnees are able to socially reintegrateinto a favourable environment. Almost halfthe population (43.1%) in Croatia are dissatisfied withthe ability of the healthcare system to adequatelyprovide services while distrust in the social welfaresystem exceeds 50%. Counties affected by the warand that are home to a high number of returnees(e.g. counties of Zadar and Šibenik-Knin as well ascounties in Slavonia) emphasize their dissatisfactionwith social welfare services. Consequently, returneesand refugees display more dissatisfaction with theseservices and feel the environment is not favourablefor reintegration. Elderly people throughout Croatiaalso show distrust in the state pension system, butespecially in the war-torn counties of Zadar andVukovar-Srijem. Very low pensions cause feelings ofsocial and economic insecurity among returnees.The state welfare system in the areas of return is oftenunderdeveloped and already overburdened, therebyweakening its ability to meet the needs of vulnerablereturnees. For example, Lika-Senj County is the oldestcounty in Croatia with an average age of 43 and atthe same time one of the least developed. However,only 2.2% of the population receives support fromthe Ministry for Health and Social Welfare. This is aresult of the very low population density (the lowestin Croatia) of 10 people per km2, difficult terrain andan undeveloped social services system. Elderly andvulnerable people living in these areas have limitedaccess to social welfare services and social servicesprovided by mobile teams from local NGOs, such asthe Croatian Red Cross. The overburdened system isill-equipped to provide the quantity and quality ofservices beyond the bare minimum.Since the ODPR does not provide social care to returneesin their facilities, local ODPR offices are expectedto refer cases to the Centres for Social Welfare (CSW).The CSWs usually refuse to take care of returnees67 Vukovar county - The latest official data on unemployment rate per county available for 200468 Official data from the Ministry of Health and Social Welfare as of September 30, 200569 Support benefit is just one of seventeen different benefits/services provided by Ministry of Health and Social Welfare. Local administrations(counties, municipalities) provide different social benefits from their budgets.55

CHAPTER 3THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDED56residing in the collective centres since they are consideredto be under ODPR care and as such cannotbe under the state social welfare. Upon expirationof their returnee status, returnees in need of institutionalcare fall into an assistance gap as their transferfrom ODPR care to social welfare is not automatic.The transfer from an ODPR facility to a social welfarefacility is cumbersome given the lack of coordinationbetween ODPR and Social Welfare and the limitedcapacities of institutions.3.3.3 Access to HealthcareAlthough the present health system promotes equalaccess to healthcare for all citizens, part of the populationis not able to utilize this right. This is particularlytrue for refugees, returnees and other Croatiancitizens who, for various reasons, do not have healthinsurance. The available data demonstrates that acertain number of people from these groups do notfulfil the legal requirements for health insurance,while others could benefit from the national healthinsurance system but lack the necessary informationand assistance. Returnees are often part of the lattergroup. They tend to face delays in obtaining fullaccess to state health services, including insurance,immediately upon their return, due to administrativeprocedures. Typically, their healthcare applies only toemergency situations. The lack of advocacy servicesto uninsured returnees admitted to hospitals, associatedwith the occasional lack of awareness about theirrights in healthcare, frequently results in unnecessarypayment of services directly by the beneficiaries.The new Law on Health Insurance (Narodne novine,no 85/06) which came into force on 3 August 2006does not recognise the special category of returneeas did the previous Law on Health Insurance. The categoryof returnees is interpreted in the present Lawas “others”, who are obliged to pay health insurancecontributions for at least 12 months retroactively.3.3.4 Access to EducationThe right to education in an unofficial language isguaranteed in the 2002 Constitutional Law on theRights of National Minorities (CLNM) and other relevantlegislation. These laws provide minorities witha generous and liberal framework by which a specificminority education for their children is provided.Article 1 of the CLNM allows members of nationalminorities to establish kindergartens, primary andsecondary schools and institutions of higher educationspecific to their language and cultural traditions.The Ministry of Science, Education and Sport hasadopted three basic models for minority education:Model A – all teaching is done in the language of agiven national minority, with an additional four hoursper week of Croatian language classes. The regularcurriculum is translated into the minority languageand supplemented by topics related to the specialcharacteristics of a given minority. Teaching is performedin separate schools or in special classes inmajority schools.Model B – teaching is bilingual. Natural sciences aretaught in Croatian while humanities are taught in therelevant minority language. This form of education ismostly organized in regular schools through specialclasses.Model C – in addition to the full educational syllabustaught in Croatian, minority students have anadditional five hours per week of lessons related tothe culture, language and history of their specificminority group.The physical separation betweenchildren in the Danube RegionSince the peaceful reintegration of the DanubeRegion, minority education has been a particularlysensitive issue. In Vukovar-Srijem County and Osijek-Baranja County, education Models A and C are in useby Serbs, Hungarians, Slovaks, Germans, Rutheniansand Ukrainians. In the 2005/06 academic year approximately5,000 minority students were included ineducation Models A or C in kindergarten, primary andsecondary schools. Most children of Serb ethnicity areenrolled in educational Model A, with a small numberenrolled in Model C classes. Until recently, Croat andSerb students remained physically separated in manykindergartens and schools in the town of Vukovar,despite the fact that more than 80% of parents wouldprefer mixed education for their children accordingto a survey conducted by an Osijek-based NGO - theNansen Dialogue Centre. The situation outside Vuk-

THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDCHAPTER 3ovar varies depending on the school. In most schoolsin Osijek-Baranja County Croatian and Serbianlanguage classes take place in the same building inmixed shifts.The problem of history textbooks, stemming fromthe 1997 moratorium on teaching history related tothe 1991-1995 conflict in the Danube Region, wasfinally resolved in September 2005. Common historytextbooks were introduced for all schoolchildren inthe region following an agreement between the Governmentand representatives of the Serb community.A Serbian language supplement for history teachersis currently being prepared and should be in use bySeptember 2006.3.3.5 Access to Employment andEmployment ServicesThe registered unemployment rate 70 within theworking age population is much higher in countieswith high return numbers than the national average.In Sisak-Moslavina county, where there is a high numberof returnees, 29.7% of the working age populationis unemployed, while in Šibenik-Knin countythe figure is 31.1%. In the more developed county ofMeđimurje, the unemployment rate is lower than thenational rate of 18.0% (2004).Reports from the field indicate that Serb returneeshave little chance of finding employment in the privatesector, with few new jobs being created. The CLNMshould have mitigated this situation as it provides for“representation in the state administration bodiesand legislative bodies”, based on the representationof particular minorities in the population. As such, theLaw facilitates employment of Serbs in municipal andstate offices, institutions and public companies. Unfortunately,the Law does not stipulate implementationmeasures, leaving it up to the local authorities. InDvor municipality, for example, where Serbs represent60% of the population, out of 300 employees in localadministration, only 7 are Serbs. In Plaški, Serbs arethe absolute majority, and although they represent amajority in the municipal government, not one Serbis employed in public companies (Croatian ElectricityCompany (HEP), Postal Service, Croatian Railways, orother public institutions). In Knin Town and Benkovacand Korenica municipalities, no Serb minority membersare employed in State administration offices orpublic companies. According to the Serb DemocraticForum, the situation is similar in other areas of return(Serbian Democratic Forum, 2005).It should be noted that recruitment for the majorityof jobs in public administration in the Areas of SpecialState Concern was undertaken between 1995and 1997 when there were virtually no working agereturnees. Any attempt to change this situation isdifficult to achieve, as there are no alternative employmentopportunities. Nevertheless, in any futurerecruitment for local or state administration offices,judiciary and public companies should implement aprinciple of positive discrimination that stems fromthe CLNM.The importance of economic factors when makingdecisions regarding returnees is further demonstratedin the result of a survey (PULS 2004) among Croatianrefugees in Serbia and Montenegro. According tothis research, the main obstacles to return among 14replies received were “less possibilities for my childrenin Croatia” and “fear of unemployment”. With a stablesecurity situation and having finally begun majorreconstruction assistance for beneficiaries in the lasttwo years, the lack of economic opportunities remainsthe biggest challenge to the sustainable return andfull reintegration of Serb returnees.3.3.6 Access to TransportationReturnees frequently live in remote hamlets, whichare sparsely settled and have little or no access topublic transportation. The returnees’ rather low livingstandards cannot afford them personal vehicles. Forlocal authorities, it is often difficult to organise publictransportation in isolated areas with so few inhabitants,thus, some returnees are unable to travel whennecessary to attend the nearest regional centres,hospitals, jobs, etc.70 The latest official data on unemployment rate per county available for 2004.57

CHAPTER 3THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDED3.3.7 Access to Information andCommunication TechnologyReturnees in some isolated places often lack anadequate supply of electricity, making it difficult forthem to use electronics. Many returnees are seniorswho have limited desire to use a computer, however,the access to a computer and internet is very mucha challenge for children of returnees due to theirparents’ difficult economic situation.3.3.8 Access to Housing and BasicInfrastructureAccess to adequate housing represents a majorobstacle to the return of Croatia’s remaining displacedpopulation. Three categories of refugees anddisplaced persons originating from Croatia still lackaccess to adequate housing:- Housing for former holders of occupancy/tenancyrights (OTR): protected tenants of former sociallyownedapartments are the largest remainingcategory lacking access to adequate housing(since 1992 up to an estimated 30,000 CroatianSerb households were deprived of this speciallyprotected dwelling right). Two housing careoptions were adopted by the Government in2000/02 and 2003, pertaining to the formerlyoccupied rural Areas of Special State Concernand for mainly urban areas in the rest of Croatia.Unfortunately, both of those programs arestill largely unimplemented and around 7,000applications for housing need to be resolved bythe Croatian authorities.- Owners of private property allocated for temporaryuse by the State: the process is near completionas only 190 of over 19,000 private Croatian Serbresidential properties which were allocated fortemporary use by the State (mainly to displacedBosnian Croats and Croatian settlers) still remainoccupied. While up to 8,000 owners sold theirproperties to the State, more than 3,000 houses(owner’s whereabouts unknown to the authorities)remain empty and are mainly uninhabitable. Thegovernment still needs to address several legalgaps affecting property return, including repairs ofhouses devastated by temporary users, unsolicitedinvestments by temporary users, and the return ofagricultural land and business premises.- Owners of war damaged residential propertieswho applied for State Reconstruction assistance:since 1992 the Government has assisted thereconstruction of over 140,000 residentialproperties, out of 190,000 damaged in the war.Since 2002, about 80% of the reconstructionbeneficiaries have been minority Croatian Serbapplicants who were waiting for several years.Concerns have been raised by the high numberof negative eligibility decisions on reconstructionpassed on weak legal grounds, and a large numberof people ineligible due to strict criteria set by theLaw on Reconstruction. Currently around 2,400reconstruction claims are still pending (1,000 forwhich various court proceedings are underway), inaddition to some 14,000 appeals. The Governmentexpects to complete the bulk of the remainingreconstruction cases by the end of 2006.The pre-conditions for a dignified and sustainable lifein return areas lies in the reconstruction of the electricalgrid, the water supply system and the conditionof roads in minority return villages. In particular inregard to re-electrification, the OSCE identified in2004 more than 200 Croatian Serb hamlets in needof re-electrification, almost a decade after the end ofarmed conflict. As a result of extensive consultations58

THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDCHAPTER 3with the international community at the highest level,more than 40% of the 214 Croatian Serb villages havebeen re-electrified and the overall process is scheduledto be finalized by the end of 2008.The OSCE has started similar advocacy actions infavour of the amelioration of infrastructure in returnareas in regard to water supplies and road maintenance.The OSCE has also produced analytical reportsencompassing all return villages/hamlets and ensuringthe adequate political and financial prioritisationfrom central authorities in the reconstruction of thenecessary infrastructure network.In 2006, the UNDP launched a local developmentprogramme in several counties in the Areas of SpecialState Concern which aims, amongst other things, toprovide limited infrastructure support to the mostneglected areas.3.3.9 Key ChallengesAlthough the economy is in transition and experiencingpositive growth, the improvement of social andeconomic life in areas of return is necessary for theintegration of returnees in Croatia. Counties whichsuffered the consequences of war and which havethe highest numbers of the returnees continue to lagbehind the rest of the country. If the present socio-economicsituation in return areas persists and if differentprogrammes for social and economic revitalisation donot begin to yield positive results, such conditions maycontinue to negatively affect the pace of return andfurther isolate returnees. This socio-economic situationmeans that once refugees have become returneesthey still rely on humanitarian assistance to facilitatetheir initial legal, social and economic reintegration intheir communities.3.3.10 Policy implications- All the obstacles impeding closure of the refugee filein the region should be removed, and all the politicalconditions, as well as legal and practical mechanismsenabling the sustainable return of refugees to Croatiashould be created by the end of 2006 (as foreseen inthe Sarajevo Declaration).- The implementation of housing care programmesfor former Occupancy/Tenancy Rights holdersshould be accelerated. Property restitution andreconstruction assistance, in particular the resolutionof all pending appeals, should be accelerated andcompleted by the end of 2007.- Status problems of the displaced persons, whohave not yet acquired Croatian citizenship, shouldbe resolved and working years in the former Serbcontrolled areas should be recognized for all thoseeligible under the Law on Co-validation.- Basic infrastructure in return areas should beimproved. The Croatian Electric Company (HEP)should expedite the re-electrification of returnvillages, expected to be completed by 2008. Localand regional self-government bodies should workon improving and repairing water supply networksand road conditions.- Employment discrimination on minorityemployment in public institutions should beinvestigated and statistics collected. Strategiesto enforce and encourage minority employmentshould be developed and implemented.- Comprehensive development programmes thatfocus on all areas of return which reflect the specificneeds of returnees should be developed.- A long-term strategy should be adopted aiming tophase out the physical separation between childrenof Serb and Croat ethnicity in Eastern Slavonia.59

CHAPTER 3THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDED3.4 People with Intellectual DisabilitiesBox 4: A life storyMy name is Vladimira, but everybody calls meVlatka. I was born in Zagreb in 1960. After I wasborn, I couldn’t live at home, so they found mea new family. After some time, I returned to mymother. In 1969, my mother took me to the StančićRehabilitation Centre.It was not very nice in the institution, becausethere were a lot of us in the room and I didn’t getto have my things with me. I made handicrafts inthe workshop, but I didn’t get paid, so I couldn’tbuy myself stuff that I wanted. We could leave theinstitution on our own, but only in a group withchaperones. I felt imprisoned, as if I lived in a cage. Idreamed of living outside, just like everybody else.One day they asked me whether I would like toleave the institution and live in Zagreb with two ofmy friends from Stančić. I could hardly wait for thenew year of 2001 when I took my first free steps andmoved into my first apartment.I had to learn a lot of things: to take care of myself,my apartment, to use the telephone and to take thetram and bus. The counsellors and my coordinatorhelped me.I got my first job in the Association, where I usedto deliver mail. I was not happy with that, becauseI wanted a real job. My wish has come true. I nowwork in a warehouse and I glue labels, get a salary,and I can buy what I need and want.I live with my boyfriend now, and I’m thinking aboutgetting married. My mother and sister, whom I amnow seeing again after many years, will come to mywedding.3.4.1 Human RightsIn Croatia, there are no published statistics for thenumber of people with intellectual disabilities(defined as those with IQs under 70) in the generalpopulation. However, according to the theoreticaldistribution (the Gauss curve), they account for about2.14% of the overall population 71 . This would translateinto approximately 94,962 people with an intellectualdisability, the majority having mild disabilities.While “the Constitution of the Republic of Croatiaguarantees equal rights and freedoms to all, regardlessof gender, race, national or social origin, social positionor other characteristics...“ and “The Republic of Croatia[promises to] provide special care for the protectionof persons with disabilities and their inclusion in sociallife,“ 72 people with intellectual disabilities experiencethe greatest deprivation of rights within the population.They are regarded negatively as incapable,dependant, even dangerous to themselves and tothe community in which they live. These prejudicesare used to justify their social exclusion and isolationthrough a separate system of the “special schools“ andlifelong accommodation in residential institutions. 73According to statistics from the Ministry of Healthand Social Welfare 74 , there were 78,681 “persons withphysical or mental disabilities” in “treatment” in CSWon December 31, 2004, with 6,797 of those in socialwelfare homes; 3,052 living in the 25 state-run grouphomes for children and adults with “physical or mentaldisabilities”, 1,416 were housed in 15 private grouphomes, and 2,329 resided in other types of homes (forexample, homes for the elderly and infirm or personssuffering from mental illnesses). It is presumed thatthe remaining 20,000 individuals with intellectualdisabilities are provided for by other systems (healthcare, education, and pension) which have residentialaccommodation.71 Kirk S.A, Gallagher, J.J., Educating Exceptional Children, Boston, 1989.72 Article 57 of the Constitution of the Republic of Croatia73 The term residential institution means a special social welfare home for incapacitated residents.6074 Ministry of Health and Social Welfare, Annual statistical report on applied social welfare rights, legal protection of children, the youth,marriage, family and persons deprived of business capacity, and the protection of persons with physical or mental disabilities in theRepublic of Croatia in 2004, www.mzss.hr

THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDCHAPTER 3Institutionalised people with intellectual disabilitiesare prevented from making decisions concerningtheir life and from making personal choices. In aresidential institution, the possibility of interactionwith the natural social environment is limited, ornon-existent (social exclusion). Individuals withintellectual disabilities form a group of people mostcommonly deprived of their legal capacity - one ofthe main preconditions for most citizen rights. Theseindividuals lose a number of guaranteed rights, suchas the right to paid employment, the right to marryand to have a family, the right to vote, the right offree association, the right to choose one’s place ofresidence, access to education, etc. These rights areinvoked and negotiated by legal guardians on behalfof the disabled individual.According to the Ministry of Health and Social Welfare,as of December 31, 2004, 13,875 adults wereplaced under guardianship, of which 6,806 had anintellectual disability; 4,148 had been placed intosocial welfare homes (residential institutions) by theirguardians. Most people with intellectual disabilitieslive in the community with the support of familymembers, but they have very limited opportunitiesto be included in the activities offered by their localcommunities. This is mainly due to the absence ofprofessional support services in their local communities.If a person with intellectual disabilities remainsalone, without a next of kin, they tend to be placedin one of the residential institutions, implying formany a lifelong separation from the surroundingswith which they identify. Experiences of people withintellectual disabilities “clearly point to the fact thatpeople in institutions do not have any rights.” 753.4.2 Access to Social ServicesSpecial care to individuals with intellectual disabilitiesis provided through the system of social welfare,which is meant to provide assistance in fulfilling thebasic needs of the socially vulnerable which theycannot satisfy on their own or with the help of theirfamily members, due to personal, economic, social andother circumstances. Depending on the source of socialinsecurity, beneficiaries of social welfare could be interalia “a physically or mentally disabled or ill adult person,an elderly person, an infirm person or any other personwho in view of permanent or temporary changes totheir health cannot meet their basic living needs.” TheCentre for Social Welfare, established in the territory ofthe person’s residence, is responsible for the provision ofsocial services. A person may, within the welfare system,exercise one of a dozen of rights, such as: counselling,assistance in overcoming special difficulties, support assistance,residential expenses assistance, one-time supportbenefit, home care and assistance allowance, homecare and assistance, disability assistance, independentliving and occupational training, provision of care outsidethe family, as well as other forms of assistance (foodassistance, clothing and footwear assistance, assistancefor personal needs of clients in residential care, paymentof funeral expenses, energy assistance).The financial rights within the social welfare systemare determined on the basis of the minimum personalamount (set at 400 HRK) necessary to realise basic socialwelfare rights, as prescribed by the Government of theRepublic of Croatia. An addition, the assistance and carefor one individual may be calculated at 70% of the base(280 HRK), while the maximum amount that could begranted for personal disability compensation is 250% ofthe base (1,000 HRK). The amount the person receivesdepends on the income of the members of the family.Social welfare rights which are supported by fundingare minimal, and the established base for funding hasnot changed despite the increase in the cost of living.UNDP focus groups indicated that respondents considerthe social welfare system to be poorly organised,and one in which the realisation of rights depends onone person – most frequently a social worker. Theemployees at the CSW are satisfied with their ownwork and that of their institutions, although they arenot convinced of the satisfaction of their clients. 7775 UNDP, 2006b76 Social Welfare Act, OG 73/97, 27/01, 59/01, 82/01, 103/03, 44/0677 UNDP (2006c). Reserach in Social exclusion in Croatia: providers of social welfare services. UNDP, Zagreb, Croatia.61

CHAPTER 3THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDED3.4.3 Access to HealthcareAll people with intellectual disabilities who live withtheir families are covered by the health insurance systemwith access to all available health services. Thosewho live in residential institutions are not covered bythe regular system of health services, but the institutionstend to provide health services in-house. Healthcare in the institutions is frequently below-averagequality compared to that received in the community.For the most part, those with intellectual disabilitiessimply receive prescribed drug therapy. The provisionof any other medical services, such as receivingprosthetic devices or dental services (repairing teethor getting dentures), is well below the average andsatisfies only minimal needs.3.4.4 Access to EducationAccording to the Ministry of Science, Education andSports, in 2002 almost 70% of children with intellectualdisabilities are integrated in regular schools. 78This includes children who were fully integrated intothe education system, those who were separatedinto special groups inside regular schools, and thoseeducated in special schools. Segregation of childrenis often related to institutionalization, since childrenliving in smaller cities where there are no availablespecial schools often have to be placed in residentialsettings in the larger urban areas. The level of inclusionin the education system depends on the extentof the intellectual disabilities of the child. Childrenwith mild intellectual disabilities are most frequentlyintegrated into regular schools or partially integratedin special education groups. However, this dependson the ability of the community to provide adequatesupport to special education needs. Many teachersin regular schools state that they are not sufficientlytrained to create adjusted educational programmesfor children with intellectual disabilities, and sometimesthe responsible Ministry does not approve thehiring of necessary staff.3.4.5 Access to Employment andEmployment ServicesAll people with disabilities have legal access to employment,except for those with more severe intellectualdisabilities. They are deprived of their legal capacity tosign an employment contract. Individuals with moresevere intellectual disabilities receive occupationaltraining for certain tasks and jobs that are not includedin the regular classification of jobs. Such people tendto end up in sheltered workshops, in day centres intheir local community, or in residential institutions.Day centres for rehabilitation and occupational activitiesare social welfare homes that offer full or half-dayservices. A person attending them has the status of aclient and the expenses of their participation are usuallycovered by the relevant Ministry, through socialwelfare resources. Sheltered workshops are specialorganisational units within social welfare homescalled Centres for Rehabilitation, where peopleare not really employees. The Act on ProfessionalRehabilitation and Employment of Persons with Disability,states that the sheltered workshop is a specialinstitution or company which employs at least 51%of persons with disabilities. Unfortunately, there isno specific data on how many sheltered workshopsare registered under the new regulations. In Croatia,there are several companies that are enterprises foremploying the disabled. One of them – URIHO, the Institutionfor Rehabilitation of Persons with Disabilitythrough Professional Rehabilitation and Employment,is located in Zagreb. The founders of this institutionare the City of Zagreb and the Croatian Associationof the Deaf and Hard of Hearing. The company hasa total of 570 workers, and those with a disability accountfor over 52%. 79People with minor intellectual disabilities are providedvocational training for outdated professions(e.g., manufacturer of the lower or upper sole forshoes, basket-maker, book-binder, and other). Theseindividuals, if they live with their family, end up reg-6278 Central Bureau of Statistics, Statistical Reports, Zagreb, 2002, p. 9; available at: www.dzs.hr.79 URIHO Zagreb; available at: www.uriho.hr.

THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDCHAPTER 3istered with the employment bureau and receive anominal salary (280 HRK) until they find a job. Theytend to receive this compensation for life, becauseemployment opportunities are almost non-existent.In order to provide at least minimal financial securityfor their child, many parents/guardians recall theirchild’s/ward’s working ability so that they can receivepersonal disability compensation (1,000 HRK) and,after their death, the right to family pension. Individualswith no family live in students’ homes during theireducation, and in residential institutions after theyfinish their schooling.The Act on Professional Rehabilitation and Employmentof Persons with Disability was adopted in late2002 with the purpose of including people with disabilitiesin the labour market through a number ofincentives. According to the opinion of organizationsrepresenting people with intellectual disabilities, thepossibility for employment is almost non-existent. 80Namely, in the case of people with intellectual disabilities,the measures stipulated in the act are notappropriate in view of their needs. The Act enablesco-financing for the job coach who provides supportto a person with disabilities in the workplace howeverthe coach has to be an employee of the companywhere the person with disabilities is working. Peoplewith intellectual disabilities, especially with moresevere ones, do not gain employment in the openlabour market but rather realise their right to workonly within the framework of sheltered conditions.Unfortunately, employment under these shelteredconditions falls under the responsibilities of the systemof social welfare and not the system of economyand labour, which puts the person in the position of abeneficiary of social welfare services.3.4.6 Access to TransportationIn the City of Zagreb, the city transportation serviceZagrebački električni tramvaj (ZET) has graduallystarted introducing modern buses and trams modifiedto suit the needs of people with disabilities. TheCity of Zagreb also allows individuals with intellectualdisabilities, who are members of the Association forHelping Persons with Mental Retardation, to havefree annual transportation. In smaller towns, wherepublic transportation is in the hands of marketselectedconcessionaires, there is no free service.Organized transportation to schools in only availablein large educational centres (special schools) whichown vehicles and have staff members responsible fortransporting students.3.4.7 Access to Housing and BasicInfrastructureThere are three forms of housing available for personswith intellectual disabilities: a family (eitherbiological or foster-family), residential institutions,and, more recently, supported community-basedhousing programs (Homes for Independent Livingand organised housing). If an individual lives with afamily, the quality of housing depends on the conditionsand status of that family. After the death of theindividual’s parents, he or she will most likely be institutionalized.An alternative to institutionalisation iscommunity-based supported housing, which enablesthe person to continue living in their residence whilereceiving support. People with intellectual disabilitieswho live in residential institutions, live under the con-80 UNDP (2006b). Resreach in Social exclusion in Croatia: Groups at an increase risk of Social exclusion – focus groups. UNDP, Zagreb,Croatia. Pg 17.63

CHAPTER 3THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDditions that their institution can provide (for example,several people share a room, common bathroomsand toilets). The individual with the disability doesnot decide where he or she will live, which is a decisionleft to members of their family (if the person liveswith one) or the social welfare centre. Since there isnot enough alternative accommodation, people withintellectual disabilities are mostly accommodated inresidential institutions.The issue of housing for those with intellectual disabilitiesis a serious problem, especially from the point ofview of de-institutionalisation. CSW need to work withthe local administration on providing housing withinthe local community, as is the case with veterans, orphans,and other socially vulnerable groups.disabilities are nominal members having no participationin the decision-making process. Clubs that organisea number of day-activities involve individuals living withsimilar disabilities, thus representing closed groups,which do not encourage wider social integration.While developing the program for community-basedsupported housing, the Association for Promoting Inclusionbegan building self-advocacy skills for people withintellectual disabilities. The result is the establishmentof the first and only Association for Self-advocacy in theregion. Individuals who are involved in the programmesof the Association for Promoting Inclusion play an activerole in all community activities, depending on theirdesire to do so.3.4.8 Social TiesAt the national level, the Croatian Association of Societiesfor Persons with Mental Retardation incorporates36 local societies which assist people with intellectualdisabilities. The organization was founded by parentsof children with disabilities, and those with intellectual3.4.9 Key ChallengesThe biggest challenge for people with intellectualdisabilities refers to developing a different approachto their representation. In Croatia, the representationfor these individuals is at an administrative level ofprocedure. The courts determine the legal capacity ofBox 5: Positive experiences of an NGOThe Association for Promoting Inclusion was established in 1997 with the purpose of encouraging the processof de-institutionalisation and development of community-based professional support services. In the process ofimplementing these objectives, the Association had good cooperation with the ministry responsible for socialwelfare, resulting in the first clients being deinstitutionalised in late 1997. As it was necessary to legalise theirlife in the community, at the initiative of the Association, the social welfare system introduced the possibility ofproviding care for people with intellectual disabilities in community-based housing alternatives.In mid 2000, the first Home for Independent Living in Croatia was formed. At the time, there were already 23people living in rented apartments in Zagreb. Today, there are 105 adults with intellectual disabilities who livein 35 apartments/houses in Zagreb; Osijek, Bjelovar and Slavonski Brod. Two-thirds of the people with theprogramme of community-based housing were deinstitutionalized from long-stay residential social welfareinstitutions.In mid 2003, the Association launched as a pilot-project the first community-based group home for childrenwith disabilities. A new type of supported living was introduced in the system of social welfare in late 2003,called organised housing. In mid 2004, it became possible for NGOs to provide this form of care to people withintellectual disabilities.64The Association gives the greatest importance to the realisation of the rights of people with intellectual disabilities.Currently all the clients of our programmes are also involved in the programme of self-determination and selfadvocacy.This approach has enabled the establishment of the first Association for Self-advocacy of people withintellectual disabilities in Croatia, and the region. One of the realised rights was the right to live togetherand to marry. Six couples, now married, have obtained this right in court. In addition, at the initiative ofpersons with intellectual disabilities, procedures have been initiated to reinstate their legal capacity.

THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDCHAPTER 3these individuals, but the legal guardian is appointedand supervised by the Centre for Social Welfare. Mostfrequently, individuals with disabilities are completelydeprived of their legal capacity which may have negativeeconomic effects (financial rights). Deprivationof legal capacity should be an exception, evaluatedon a case-by-case basis and in accordance with theindividual needs of each person. The work of the legalguardians should be supervised by the court or byan external monitoring body, not by a body vestedwith public powers which simultaneously fulfils therole of a guardian/advocate. In all other cases, peoplewith intellectual disabilities should have the right toprofessional counsel that provides support in makingdecisions and exercising their right of choice.Granting the people with disabilities the legal capacity,would allow them to voice their life decisions,such as the choice of residence and place of work.Encouraging the development of community-basedprofessional support services is a necessary preconditionfor the deinstitutionalization of people withintellectual disabilities.3.4.10 Policy ImplicationsThe State focuses special attention on the protectionof individuals with disabilities and provides financialassistance for the basic cost of living. This assistance,however, should not be geared towards institutionsor caregivers, but towards individuals, enabling themto purchase the services they require.Two types of additional agencies should be established- an agency for specialised foster family care andan agency for supported employment. The agency forspecialised foster family care would encourage andmonitor foster care for children while discouraginginstitutionalisation. The agency for supported employmentshould facilitate the employment of peoplewith disabilities in the labour market, providing themwith the necessary support at the workplace. Employmentof people with disabilities reduces the costs ofsocial welfare, allowing the system to focus on thedevelopment of quality community-based services.Consistent implementation of the existing legislationrelated to the education of people with intellectualdisabilities would enable them to take an active partin the labour market.3.5 People with Physical DisabilitiesBox 6: A life storyM.C. lives with his father in a village. Six monthsago, his mother died. His posture is distorted, andwhen he sees the physically disabled on TV, he feelscompletely uncomfortable. When he sees otherslooking at him, his posture worsens. For him, andespecially for his father, this is very embarrassing, sowhenever he notices somebody unfamiliar comingtowards their house, his father takes him insideand hides him from views. M.C. also has majorspeech defects, so it is very difficult for him, if notimpossible, to communicate with people orally. Hisfather does the best in supporting M.C., but he israther ill himself and cannot rise to this challengingsituation. They have tried to find a person to lookafter them through the classifieds, but have beenunsuccessful. Institutionalisation in his view wouldbe the worst solution. According to M.C., their socialposition is as low as it can get. The only financialassistance he receives is 300 HRK from his uncles.M.C. is 54 years old and did not receive any formaleducation. He is self-taught, but very successful incertain skills like the English language, using thecomputer, and playing chess on US Chess-Live,where he became a member. M.C. also designscalendars, but has no colour printer, so he only makescopies for his neighbours. He loves to listen to popand rock music. The harsh reality has encouragedhim to use his computer and to ask questions andinquire about membership in associations or aboutplaces where he might get free legal counsel.After contacting M.C., it was discovered that nosocial worker has come to assess his situation,although they claim that they do know of him.In order to carry out the assessment, the socialworkers require a written request, which they claimnot receiving, although one has been sent. The localassociation for people with disabilities has neverheard of M.C. After several interventions, the Centrefor Social Welfare has finally visited him, uponwhich M.C. started receiving a personal disabilitypension. As the solution to his permanent care, M.C.opted for institutionalisation because, accordingto the opinion of his social workers, this was thebest choice for him and the easiest choice for socialservices.65

CHAPTER 3THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDED3.5.1 Human RightsThe Government of Croatia became aware of the sociallyexclusive situation faced by many people withphysical disabilities in 2001 when the Census Act 81was amended, and the Act on the Croatian Registerof Persons with Disabilities adopted. This produced alist identifying the number of disabled in Croatia, whoaccount for 9.68% (429.421 people) of the generalpopulation (42.74% women and 57.26% men).Like all citizens, Croatians with physical disabilitiesare provided with fundamental human rights in theConstitution of the Republic of Croatia. Collectiveand individual rights for the physically disabled areexpanded in 280 various laws and bylaws, such as theNational Programme of Protecting and PromotingHuman Rights in Croatia for the period from 2005to 2008. The National Programme emphasises thespecial care that Croatia has promised to dedicateto the protection of people with disabilities and inpromoting their inclusion in social life. The legislationprovides guidelines for ensuring adequate protectionin individual segments of life. Special regulationsand national programmes, especially the “NationalStrategy for a Coherent Policy for the Disabled from2003 to 2006”, provide measures for eliminatingdiscrimination against these individuals, protectingtheir independence, facilitating their social and workintegration, and their inclusion in society.Although the percentage of people with physicaldisabilities in Croatia is identical to that of many Europeancountries, people with disability are still invisiblein the community and are not largely integrated intothe social fabric. A substantial amount of research, aswell as measures of state institutions, have confirmedthat discrimination against the disabled persists in allareas of social fabric (education, health, social welfare,employment, housing, environment and public life).The source of this insecurity can be linked to two rootcauses. The first is the lack of knowledge about thechallenges faced by Croatians with disabilities, andlittle consideration given to how these challengesmight be faced. The second involves contemporaryattitudes or views that are not aligned with the needsof a modern society.3.5.2 Access to Social ServicesTwo-thirds of disabled people live with their familiesand most view their financial situation as veryunfavourable. While those who live in institutionsare in a far worse position, receiving personal disabilitycompensation of only 100 HRK to 280 HRKper month, with the exception of a few who receivea pension. The Croatian social welfare system allowsthe disabled to have access to either financial assistance(social assistance) or specific services (socialwelfare), determined under criteria equalised acrossthe state. Local governments, depending on theireconomic status, may decide to grant other formsof assistance above those provided by national law.However, those with disabilities often note that employeesin the CSW either do not give or do not knowprecise information. To rectify the problem of accessto information for the disabled, a programme wasplanned that would provide additional educationfor government clerks in social services so that theymight better serve the disabled. This programme hasbeen drafted and incorporated into state strategies,but it has not yielded the expected results.There have also been some examples of good practicesuch as personal assistants who support thedisabled in their everyday life, day centres, clubs andcounselling centres. However, the access to buildingshousing, and social welfare services is still a greatphysical obstacle since they do not provide specialaccess ramps for the disabled. These buildings arenow being modernized to allow access to all individuals,but the process will take some time to complete.Fortunately, all new buildings are constructed in auser-friendly manner that can accommodate peoplewith physical disabilities.3.5.3 Access to HealthcareThe healthcare system provides for all Croatian citizens,including persons with disability. The disabledare exempt from the process requiring referral slipsfor specialised examinations, and from drug planrestrictions of medication listed by the CroatianHealth Insurance Institute. There are few bureaucratic6681 The list includes two questions about persons with disabilities.

THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDCHAPTER 3obstacles preventing the disabled from benefitingfrom the healthcare system; the largest problemwould seem to be the quantity and replenishment ofprosthetic devices.One in five Croatian citizens (21.1%) view the quality oftheir healthcare to be low, 82 noting excessive waitingperiods, high costs to visit doctors, and a lack of informationabout options regarding their health. Medicalinstitutions used to place individuals with disabilitiesat the front of patient triages, however, today therewould appear to be no such formal triage procedurewhich grants special status to the disabled.The problem of physical barriers and inadequateequipment for the disabled in health institutions isreduced with each new investment, however thereare still problems with public bathrooms not providingadequate support. Gender too has becomean issue when modernizing health services for thedisabled. Men are not overly affected by deficienciesin the system, however for disabled women requiringgynaecological examinations the situation is lessthan satisfactory. 83 Another problem is the lack ofattention in the health services paid to registrationforms for the Croatian Register of Persons with Disability,which can compromise the quality of the dataon people with disabilities.3.5.4 Access to EducationMany students with disabilities are unable to attendprimary school within their community due to a lackof proper infrastructure to accommodate their needs.Often these children are sent to schools away fromtheir homes, or to special institutions. Consequently,the children are separated from their families andfrom their social networks. This diminishes the chanceof gaining employment in their home community, orof developing quality inclusion. In 2005, at the initiativeof the Ministry of the Ministry of Science, Educationand Sport, and in partnership with the CroatianUnion of Physically Disabled Persons Associations,an assessment of necessary structural adjustmentsneeded in schools to accommodate disabled studentswas conducted.In the last several years, the associations of parentsand persons with disability have been applyingstrong pressure, demanding that the problems ofaccessibility be resolved, 84 and that problems concerningschooling be settled in cooperation withthe Ministry, in agreement with the local authorities.However, new schools are still being built withoutconsideration for access for the disabled, and thosewith the proper resources (such as elevators) fail tomaintain them. Despite these drawbacks, there are28 schools in Croatia with elevators, 127 restroomshave been adapted to the needs of the disabled, 303access ramps have been constructed, 1,196 (72%)entrances have been modified to a minimum widthof 90 cm, and 561 (34%) have reduced entrance steps’inclinations and modified safety rails. 85Accessibility means that all Croatian schools mustallow all students to attend regular classes, withinan appropriate distance from their residence, regardlessof any physical impairment. There are also lesstangible barriers that are faced by children with disabilities,which include:- Inadequately educated professional staff;- Lack of team work;- Absence of a network for family support (transport,personal assistant, temporary care for the child,assistance in the house, and other);- Lack of technical equipment in public andeducational institutions;- Deficiencies in developing social skills and selfcareskills in line with the abilities of disabledpersons; and- Insufficient social acceptance of diversities, thatis, insufficient understanding and acceptance ofdiversities in the community.82 UNDP (2006). Research on social exclusion in Croatia: Quality of Life and the risk of social exclusion. UNDP, Zagreb, Croatia83 Five gynaecological offices for women with disabilities have been adapted for them in Zagreb (2), Rijeka, Split and Osijek; www.mzss.hr84 The association of persons with physical disabilities helped build an elevator in a primary school in Velika Gorica in 1999, and alsocontributed to the adaptation of 19 rooms for the needs of persons with physical disabilities in the Student Dormitory Cvjetno Naselje in2000.85 Analysis of accessibility in primary schools in the Republic of Croatia 2006, THE HSUTI in co-operation with the Ministry of Science,Education and Sports.67

CHAPTER 3THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDED3.5.5 Access to Employment andEmployment ServicesTheir particular disability often reduces the workingcapacity of people with physical disabilities, makingit more difficult for them to find employment, thus oftenleading to poverty and social exclusion. Employmentopportunities are very limited, and about 5,800people with disability are registered with employmentbureaux. Discrimination in employment may resultfrom the financial costs that employers would have toundertake to modify their place of work in a way thataccommodates disabled individuals. However, mostdiscrimination stems from a lack of awareness on theside of both employers and people with disabilities,and negative attitudes towards the disabled.As with most people, unemployment among the disabledcan result in depression, a loss of confidence,and diminished self-worth. Many retire too young,receive social assistance, and require continual supportby their families. Families are also exposed to thepressures of everyday life and taking care of a disabledfamily member can strain relations within the family.This kind of social and family pressure will logicallycause feelings of guilt and a sense of hopelessness ina person with disability.Innovative programmes designed to resolve employmentissues for disabled people have involved formingcooperatives for the employment of people with disability.86 It is also necessary to develop new organisationalforms of finding employment for them, as thecurrent models have not yielded satisfactory results.Box 7: A positive example by the initiative of the Croatian Union of Physically Disabled PersonsAssociations: A pan-Croatian campaign of alerts to parking places for persons with disabilityIn Croatia, people with physical disabilities have great difficulty with parking spaces, to the point wherethis impacts their quality of life. This is why the Croatian Union of Physically Disabled Persons Associations(HSUTI) launched an all-Croatian initiative calling on people with disabilities, their associations, theMinistry of the Interior, Ministry of Health and Social Welfare, Ministry of the Sea, Tourism, Transport andDevelopment, scouts, young members of the Red Cross, and representatives of the local government toembrace a level of tolerance that exists in other developed countries. Leaflets with the wording “People,this is not a joke!” were placed on the windshields of cars. Local communities throughout Croatiareceived pertinent information, which was also presented on the web-sites of the HSUTI and otherassociations, as well as the sponsor, the Foundation for Civil Society Development. Local authoritiesand their representatives in towns were also involved. For example, in the City of Zagreb, the mayor wasdistributing flyers to the people of Zagreb; he was joined by the state secretary for social welfare andmembers of the Parliament. Numerous radio shows broadcasted the campaign in Zagreb, Koprivnica,Rijeka and other towns in Dalmatia and western Croatia.The campaign strongly resounded with the public, resulting in more “yellow” parking places availablefor the people with disabilities. At their technical examinations of vehicles, drivers received a leafletreminding them about the legislation and parking the disabled. This was followed by placing strikingtexts on the parking payment slips that read: “recipient: negligent driver; purpose: fine for violation ofbasic human right to movement of persons with disability”. In cooperation with the police and children,“leaflet-payment slips” were also placed on the windshields of cars. The intention was to challengecomplacency and encourage respect for the rights of this vulnerable group.6886 The Cooperative for Employment of Invalids in Pula gives the following explanation: “Under the presumption that about 10% of thepopulation of persons with disabilities have the required capacity to work at least a little, it seems justifiable to do something to help themachieve better results towards the realisation of their independence for economic security. Things that people with disabilities do at homeas a hobby, for fun, where they make relatively small quantities of uncontrolled quality, can always be transformed into a business andprofit can be generated. This can be done through cooperatives – as a new form of community-based action. Cooperatives are a new andacceptable way of private economic initiatives of physical persons (entrepreneurs) with small and/or temporary businesses. Cooperativeshelp reduce the initial investments and risks and they yield better repro material acquisition costs, and the costs are negligible.”

THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDCHAPTER 33.5.6 Access to TransportationDue to their pronounced difficulties with mobility,over the past decade more attention has been paidto transportation for people with physical disabilities.Special transportation is organised by special vans,which are owned by either town services, associationsof persons with disability, or special institutions. TheCity of Zagreb provides transportation for disabledstudents to their respective educational institutions.Despite some recent acquisitions of modern tramsand low step buses in Zagreb, public transportationfor the disabled is still largely inadequate. A longtermpractice of providing financial support 87 tothose with physical disabilities who wish to purchasevehicles or prosthetic devices 88 to increase their mobilitywas discontinued in 2000. The programme nowonly services war veterans at 100%.3.5.7 Access to Information andCommunication TechnologyTo provide access to ICT to people with physical disabilities,it is necessary to adapt computers dependingon the type and degree of particular disabilities.This type of accommodation requires specializedequipment which can pose a financial obstacle to fairand equal access, although this financial burden canbe overcome by mobilizing donations and humanitarianactions. ICT education increases employability,however people with disability can seldom afford thetraining without support from their family or society.The institutions that provide the training are also notnecessarily built to accommodate the disabled. Publiccomputers are available to people with physical disabilityhowever, they do not always have the necessaryspecialized equipment needed to compensatethe person’s disability. The website MojPosao haslaunched an initiative to employ people with disabilities.The organization has developed a service whichhelps job-seekers find an employer who endorses thehiring of people with disabilities.3.5.8 Access to Housing and BasicInfrastructureWhile people with physical disabilities may live witha family (either their biological family or a foster carefamily), or in institutions (mostly homes for the elderlyand not adapted to the needs of younger people withdisability), increasingly they are residing in their ownspecifically adapted apartments. The new Law on Constructionand Ordinance on Accessibility, 90 which enteredinto force in 2004, provides that one in 10 apartmentsin any newly-constructed apartment buildingmust be able to accommodate the independent livingof a disabled person confined to a wheel-chair. TheOrdinance also provides measures of support for purchasingapartments for disabled people wanting to liveindependently. Best practice can be found in Zagrebwhere the City Council provides adapted apartments(social housing), which is not the case in the rest of thecountry. Besides this, people with disabilities may alsoobtain finances for their costs of living through thesystem of social welfare.The quality of the infrastructure and supportingbathroom equipment, necessary for independent livingof people with disability, depends on the financialstatus of the person or their family. A special problemis posed by catwalks and dropped curbs which arehigher than the prescribed measures of 0-3 cm, specifiedin the Ordinance. If an individual is not able tosecure the pavement to their house door, accessiblebathroom or the accessible entrance to the residentialbuilding, civil society mobilises in support of theindividual. 9187 Exemptions from customs duties, taxes and excise duty.88 The reason for the revocation of the measure, according to the explanation of the sponsor, were abuses of the right by people who werenot invalids. Instead of taking advantage of the mechanisms available to the Government in order to punish people who violated the law,the Government decided to punish those who were not guilty, thus increasing the social exclusion of persons with physical disabilities andmaking it dependent on their personal material status.89 www.moj-posao.net.90 The Ordinance on ensuring accessibility of buildings to persons with disabilities and reduced mobility, OG 104/03.91 In 2003, the HSUTI launched a volunteer action with the title “Thank you, my good angel – Your help for our everyday life”, which solved185 individual problems. After that action, which was strongly covered by the media, there are more and more individual actions whichsolve such problems on the local level.69

CHAPTER 3THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDED3.5.9 Social TiesWhen asking Croatians about equality of rights, theparticipants of a UNDP sponsored focus group state:“Under law, yes, but that is only a letter on a paper.” 92The same group of participants also mention that inCroatia disabled veterans have much better ways ofprotecting their rights than do other invalids. Mostdisabled people are members of associations that emphasizethe importance of social support. Isolation canbe a concern for the disabled, and it is admittedly worsefor individuals that do not belong to associations orsupport groups. Social support associations also act asa source of information to help make disabled peopleaware of their rights as citizens. The associations havebeen increasing their participation in the community,as well as the organization of sporting and social events.A number of these have been financially supported bythe state and local administration bodies. The extentof social exclusion or inclusion often depends on thepersonal choices an individual with disability makes.Family is important to everybody, but for the disabled,family takes on an even more important role. Familieswith disabled members are often overextended asthey try to cope with the pressures of everyday life andprovide ongoing care and support. Family supportnetworks, which assist families with transportation,personal assistants, child care, and housekeeping,have only just begun to develop in Croatia. Friendsare usually found in the same social group, but this is apersonal choice.In the case of people with physical disability, hobbiestake an extremely important place; they help fosterfeelings of value and build social contacts. Even peoplewith limited manual dexterity can draw with mouthappendages, and those with limited leg function canstill enjoy sculpting or painting. The intensity and varietyof the activities depends on the type and degree ofthe physical disability.3.5.10 Key ChallengesAll problems relating to the social exclusion of peoplewith physical disability in Croatia stem from insufficientand inadequate representation in the politicalprocess. However, there is a substantial segment ofthis population that does not feel excluded fromsociety, because of the support afforded to them bytheir family and friends. Family that act as the mainsupport for the disabled person also require supportfrom the community, and from the state. Regardlessof the amount of support given to the disabled, theirquality of life will not improve without self-acceptance.This is why it is necessary to empower disabledpeople, to challenge the culture of complacency, thusenabling their full integration into all spheres of socialrelations.An important factor in social exclusion of the disabledis a lack of proper information regarding the opportunitiesand rights provided by the state that are meantto improve their quality of life. Personal engagementby the disabled and their family has strong influenceon raising social awareness about the problems facedby this population. It is necessary for people with disabilitiesto have more influence on the legislative andexecutive branches of government, especially sincetheir current representation does not reflect the factthat they account for 10% of the population. Solutionsthat reduce social exclusion of people with physicaldisabilities often in parallel address the problems ofmobility for the elderly and parents with small children,which represent a significant share of population.3.5.11 Policy ImplicationsAlthough Croatia is a social state that provides carefor the disabled, the system does reveal some signsof social injustice which are not appropriate in themodern social societies. Social assistance mustbecome more targeted to the person for whom it isclearly intended, and not be spent on groups actingas agents of equal rights movements. It must targetpeople with physical disabilities in a way specific totheir needs and social resources. Increased targetingwould improve the efficiency of social welfare, thusincreasing the dignity of people with disabilities. Onlypolicies which respect basic human rights and are efficientin the application of legislation will generatesocially acceptable outcomes.7092 UNDP (2006b).”Research on social exclusion in Croatia: Groups with increased risk of social exclusion - focus groups”. UNDP, Zagreb,Croatia.

THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDCHAPTER 33.6 Single ParentsBox 8: Single mother, divorced, has son and daughter, pre-schoolers, employed, lives alone withchildren in a tiny rented apartmentMy husband found another woman and left me and the children two years ago. It was very difficult, because Iwas all alone with two children, and the little one was still a baby. He visits the children now and then, but heworks on and off, so he gives no money for them... It is difficult to survive, because my salary is small, and thechildren need care - I work and can barely pay for the kindergarten. It is hard when I can’t afford something,because it would be easier if I had two salaries, but other people don’t understand what it feels like to haveto ask all the time: “How much is this?”... I don’t know what I’ll do when the children start going to school. Themoney is the biggest problem! I’m scared how I’m going to pay for books and everything when my daughterstarts school next year. She is very clever, so she’ll definitely be a good student... The children are good andcheerful when they don’t think about that. Sometimes they want things I can’t afford to buy, but they are stillgood. It is difficult for me, because I have nobody to look after the kids, and I have to work weekends andholidays. Free baby-sitting or kindergarten would help. It is difficult for me to look for another job, becausewhere I work I at least have a salary; I haven’t heard that anybody was hiring shop assistants, anyway. I’mhappy with my job - it’s not too hard, and the salary comes in regularly... The children are sad, because theirdad does not come to visit - it is difficult for me to explain it to them and I tell them that I love them, and thatdad loves them, too, although he is not around. I went to see the kindergarten psychologist, and we talkedabout it... They [children] ask about dad, and he sometimes visits them, but very rarely. They are very happywhen they see him. Once, I was late to pick up my little girl from kindergarten, so somebody asked her whereher mom and dad were, and she later asked me why dad had not come and why he wasn’t around... Thereis nothing good about single parenting - you have to do everything on your own and you have nobody tocomplain to. The only good thing is the children. (Raboteg-Šarić et al., 2003; p. 413)Single father, divorced, has two sons going to primary school, unemployed, lives with children in aone-room apartment of 26m2 as protected tenantI divorced three years ago; my wife abandoned the family one year before that. I first lost my job. I had toclose my business, so for ten months I was trying to find a job, but I couldn’t find one. That is how I becamethe beneficiary of social assistance. I lived on the brink of existence, with no help from anyone. That wasthe worst part of my life, all the sorrows of this world came down on my soul; I had loved my wife... Thebiggest problem is that I stay at home without work when my children go to school. I have a universitydegree, and am not good at trade, so I’m not good at finding jobs of that kind. Material problems are themost pressing. Because of my material status, all my friends abandoned me as well as my wife’s relatives,even the best man... I’m worried about this material situation, whether I’ll be able to finance my childrenthrough school and what will happen when they graduate, how I’m going to direct them in life in view oftheir potentials. It scares me that I’m alone with them - if something happens to me, they’d have nobodyto rely on. My personal experience is not that bad - I am a single parent and unemployed, and I feel likea slave, but otherwise people do try to help. People are full of understanding for my material problems,they delay my payments, allow me to pay in instalments, and things like that. At least I have managedto resolve the housing issue, because of my status and qualifications. I have received professional helpin upbringing my children; I receive more help than others - that is my experience. I frequently feel thatother people are impressed and that they appreciate me because of my status and my experiences... I’mworried, though, because I have no job. I’m almost certain that in at least three job competitions I wasnot selected because I was a single father. (Raboteg-Šarić et al., 2003;p. 422).71

CHAPTER 3THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDED3.6.1 Human RightsIn Croatia, single-parent families are at a relatively highrisk of falling into poverty (Šućur, 2006). According tothe 2001 census, single parents account for 20.5%of Croatian families. Of that, 83% are single-motherfamilies (156,038), and 17% (31,965) are single-fatherfamilies. In contrast to many European countries,Croatia does not allocate special assistance to singleparents as an independent category in the family andsocial policy (Puljiz i Zrinščak, 2002.).Human rights violations against single parents andtheir children tend to concern their right to enjoya minimum standard of living, although there havealso been reports of discrimination in the work placewhich has denied single-parents job opportunitiesand promotions. In 2002, research was conducted toevaluate the average standard of living in Croatiansingle-parent homes in the four largest Croatiantowns (Raboteg-Šarić, Pećnik and Josipović, 2003).The UNDP also conducted research (2006a) with 113single parents from both urban and rural environments.93 The results of the research demonstratedthat a minimum standard of living necessary for thehealth, well-being, and the optimum development ofthe child, is enjoyed less often in single parent familiesas opposed to two-parent families. Most singleparent households in Croatia are worse off financiallythan dual parent households. Single parents tend tohave greater difficulty finding suitable housing, lowerearnings per family member, 94 greater difficultiesproviding basic necessities, 95 and no resources to payfor their children’s leisure-time activities or summerholidays.Figure 7 illustrates the level of basic economic, socialand cultural deprivation that single parent familiessuffer from, and occasionally dual parent families aswell. Compared to dual parent families, single parentsexpress a greater dissatisfaction with their standardof living, health, and social life (Raboteg-Šarić et al.,2003; UNDP, 2006a). Data regarding the quality oflife of single parent families indicates that children inthese families are not afforded the same advantagesand opportunities for education and development aschildren from dual parent households. Financial difficulties,as the single greatest problem facing singleFigure 7: Share of parents from single-parent (N=113) and two-parent families (N=2191) who cannot affordvarious goodsmeal withmeat /fish every other dayheating at homenew clothesnew furniture8.210.115.514.621.826.438.752.1washing machine1.55.316.1PCautomobilehaving friends over once a monthone-week holiday oitside home913.630.14029.455.173.30 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80Single-parent family two parent familySource: UNDP (2006).”Research on Social Exclusion in Croatia: Quality of Life and Risk of Social Exclusion”. UNDP, Zagreb, Croatia93 In both studies, the parents took care of at least one child under 18.7294 The median of the equivalent income of single-mother households is 1,923 HRK, which is lower than the amount stated by single fathers(2,692 HRK).95 One in four single-mother households and one in ten single-father households did not have enough money for food the previous year(UNDP, 2006a).

THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDCHAPTER 3parents, was identified by one in two single mothers,and one in four single fathers. Financial problemsmay increase the depressiveness of parents, anddepressed parents are less involved in their children’s’lives, have less insight into their children’s activities,and are able to provide less overall support to theirchildren (Raboteg-Šarić and Pećnik,2006).The research also pointed to the problem of realizingthe right of child care support. Only one in threedivorced parents (35.2%) and one in six unmarriedmothers (16.9%) regularly receive child support fromthe absentee parent. Forty-three percent of divorcedparents do not receive child support at all, and inthe case of unmarried mothers this percentage isas high as 66.3% (Raboteg-Šarić et al., 2003). Evenmore discouraging is data gathered from a nationallyrepresentative sample of single parents which revealsthat only 8% of single parents received child supportin 2005 (UNDP, 2006a). Typical reasons for this are animproperly functioning court system, unemploymentof the other absentee parent or his or her employmentin the ‘grey’ economy.The establishment of a state child support fundwithin the National Family Policy (Puljiz and Bouillet,2003) presents one possible solution to this predicament.More than three-quarters of single parentssupport this measure (Raboteg-Šarić et al., 2003;200). However, “after several announcements madeby the Government of the Republic of Croatia, as wellas several discussions on legislative proposals in theParliament, the idea of establishing the child supportfund was abandoned, with an explanation that it isnecessary to wait for the establishment of familycourts, whose role in the payment of advances onmaintenance from the state budget is not completelyclear” (Rešetar, 2005; 171).In regard to the realisation of employment rights,single parents are subject to the same generaldiscrimination against women and parents on thelabour market as the general population. While thenumber of official complaints concerning discriminationagainst single parents is relatively low, 96 researchsuggests that there are a number of instances that gounreported 97 with parents keeping quiet about theirsingle-parent status (Raboteg-Šarić i sur., 2003; UNDP,2006b).Not all single parents are exposed to the same degreeto the threat of social exclusion. Judging by the resultsof research conducted by UNDP (2006a), one in foursingle parents feels excluded from society, which is ahigher rate than that of dual parents. Additional analysesshow that single parents who feel excluded fromsociety (N=29) compared to other single parents (N=85)are characterised by a lower level of employment andeducation, a lower income level, and less frequentcontacts with the family, friends or neighbours. 983.6.2 Access to Social ServicesCroatian laws enable single parent families to exercisegeneral rights provided for by the system of socialwelfare (counselling, one-time financial assistance,assistance in food and clothes), child bonuses, maternityleave and subsidised services for children. At thelocal level, there are also other benefits for workingsingle parents who have pre-school and school agedchildren (reduced kindergarten fees, co-financedwarm meals in school, free school books). The mainservices provided by the state are the child bonuses,which were received by half (UNDP, 2006a) or threequarters(Raboteg-Šarić et al., 2003) of the singleparents included in the two researches. Any custodialparent whose average monthly income generated inthe previous year per household member does notexceed 40% of the budget base is entitled to thisbenefit. The amount of the child bonus does notcover the costs of supporting the child or ensure anadequate standard of living.96 The report of the Gender Equality Ombudsman for 2005 mentions family and parental status as the basis for discrimination in 0.7% ofcomplaints against discrimination in employment and labour received in 2005.97 Interviews with 97 single parents showed that so far for one in two single parents, single parenthood has not posed a difficulty in findinga job, performing their job or being successful in their career (Raboteg-Šarić et al., 2003; 317).98 Although obtained on a very small sample, so one should consider them carefully, these results are in line with the expectations arisingfrom social exclusion based on three key dimensions of deprivation – unemployment, poverty and social isolation (Matković i Stulhofer,2006).73

CHAPTER 3THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDOne in four single parents needing assistance didnot know whom to address (Raboteg-Šarić et al.,2003; 207). Some experiences have shown that evenservice providers do not always have sufficient informationabout the rights of single parents or how tosupport them (UNDP, 2006b). It was also establishedthat one in six single parents asked for assistance, buthave not (yet) received it (Raboteg-Šarić et al., 2003;207). All divorced parents have personal experiencewith CSW, as do many mothers of children born out ofwedlock, as well as widowers and widows. Hence, it isdisconcerting that one in four (28.5%) single parentsdeems the quality of social welfare services low, whileone in 10 regards it as high (UNDP, 2006a).3.6.3 Access to HealthcareThe health of single parents tends to be worse thanthe health of parents from dual parent families, judgingby their subjective estimates (Raboteg-Šarić etal., 2003; UNDP, 2006a). The deteriorating well-beingof single parents is connected with chronic stress. Aparticipant in the focus group stated: “I have a feelingthat we waste away at a much faster pace than familieswith two parents... You have no one to rely on; all theresponsibility is on your shoulders... People work twojobs just to support their children” (UNDP, 2006b).According to UNDP research (2006a), access to healthfor almost one half of single parents is obstructed bythe cost of visits to the doctor. A substantial numberof single parents (44%) find the excessive waiting listsfor appointments to be a problem as well. Another bigproblem for single parents is the lack of availability ofpsychologists and related experts necessary to protecttheir child’s or their own mental health. For everyfourth single parent, the access to a family doctor or aspecialist was made difficult because of the excessivedistance. On average, single mothers have some trustin the healthcare system while single fathers trust thissystem very little.3.6.4 Access to EducationThe UNDP (2006a) research reveals that one in fivesingle parents is not satisfied with their level of education;with the level of dissatisfaction being greater inmothers than in fathers. Dissatisfaction with the levelof educational instruction available is lower amongmothers than among fathers. Although in principle,single parents have the same access to adult educationas any other citizen, they attend such classesless frequently. For example, the mentioned researchshowed that last year only 6.5% of single parents (allfemale) attended a course or programme, which ishalf the average of those in dual parent families.Access to education for the children of single parentsis made easier in some regions due to financial aidprogrammes, such as reduced fees for kindergarten,breakfast programmes, etc. However, there are obstacles,such as not enough vacancies in kindergartensor extended day programmes in schools, as well asthe cost of books and other supplies that are neededfor school (Raboteg-Šarić et al., 2003; 266).Pre- and primary school institutions do not properlyaddress the issue of the various forms that a family cantake, although this would help children from singleparentfamilies overcome their stigma, and facilitateoverall integration in society. In addition to restrictededucational access, children from single-parent familiesalso tend to be stigmatised by questions of wheretheir other parent is and why he or she does not livewith them.3.6.5 Access to Employment andEmployment ServicesOnly 14.1% of single parents report discriminationin the work place, with the number of incidents reportedby mothers being four times higher (16.1%)than those reported by fathers (3.5%) (UNDP, 2006a).One in five single parents interviewed stated thattheir family status was a problem in acquiring ajob or interfered with their job performance (mostfrequently because of the child’s sickness). One in10 reported that their family status made promotiondifficult or impossible (either because of extra familyresponsibilities or because of lack of understandingon the part of his/her colleagues at work and theemployers) (Raboteg-Šarić et al., 2003; 317).Almost one in two single parents believe that employmentand job security needs to be a priority ofthe state if they are to improve the quality of life of74

THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDCHAPTER 3their families. An especially big problem for parents isfinding quality childcare while they are working. Theopening of new work posts should go hand in handwith the development of new childcare services.Flexible working hours that offer weekends off areperceived as something that would greatly alleviatethe conflict between single parents family responsibilitiesand obligations to employers.Regarding the security of employment, although singleparents are not expressly mentioned, the LabourAct (Article 123) states that in the case of dismissalthe employer must take into account, inter alia, thefamily obligations of the employee. Despite that, itseems that employed single parents do not experiencethis special provision in reality since they, likedual parent families, do not have much confidence intheir job security (UNDP, 2006a). 99 Single parents see apossible solution in greater protection by the LabourAct, although numerous personal experiences showthat certain provisions of the Labour Act are not oftenapplied, including the right of single parents not towork night-shifts until the child reaches 7 years of age(UNDP, 2006b).3.6.6 Access to TransportationResearch conducted in the four largest Croatiantowns showed that last year one in three single-parentfamilies tried to save money on transportationcosts (tram, car), while this was the case for one in fivetwo-parent families. Creating cheaper transportationto work or school was pointed out by some as themost important measure that would improve thequality of life of a single-parent family (Raboteg-Šarićet al., 2003; 105, 212). Forty percent of single parentsdo not have a car, as opposed to 9.3% of dual parentfamilies (UNDP, 2006a).3.6.7 Access to Information andCommunication TechnologyAccording to the only empirical data on this issue,single parents would appear to use the Internetsomewhat less frequently than parents from dual parentfamilies (UNDP, 2006a). 100 Less frequent use of theInternet can be attributed to the fact that relativelyfewer single parents own a personal computer. Thesame survey has shown that 30% of single parentscannot afford a personal computer (nine times moremothers than fathers), which is two times higher thanthe rate of other parents.3.6.8 Access to Housing and BasicInfrastructureAccording to the 2001 census, 83.4% single-motherhouseholds and 86.5% of single-father householdslive in an apartment they own or co-own. Single-parentfamilies (especially mothers) live in householdswith three generations more frequently than twoparentfamilies (Raboteg-Šarić et al., 2003; UNDP,2006a). Judging by the testimonies of people whoparticipated in the survey (UNDP, 2006a), the qualityof housing for some single-parent families is verylow, including a lack of space, old carpentry, humidity/leaks,no sewage, etc. These deficiencies werepresent in one third of single parent households.Single parents who live as tenants are less socially secure.Some who try to solve the problem of housingthrough the social welfare system face long years ofwaiting lists for social apartments. One in two singleparents agreed that favourable loans for purchasingan apartment and subsidies for settling tenancy costswas the most important of the proposed 23 measuresto increase their quality of life.99 Three-quarters of employed single parents (78.6%) believe they will probably not lose their job in the following 6 months (UNDP,2006a).100 Two-thirds of single parents did not use the Internet even once over a period of one month, while one in five single parents used itseveral times a week or more frequently.75

CHAPTER 3THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDED3.6.9 Social TiesAccording to UNDP (2006a), except in the case of borrowingmoney, the perceived absence of all social supportis more pronounced with single fathers than singlemothers. One in five single fathers believes that there isno one in their life who can provide practical and emotionalsupport or advice if they need it (UNDP, 2006a).Differences in national 101 and foreign research indicatethat single fathers maintain the stereotypical genderrole when it comes to seeking and receiving help.Self-help organisations provide opportunities toreceive support in a way that encourages reciprocityand equality more so than relations with experts andpublic servants in the formal support system. Singleparents can obtain support from the Association ofSingle-parent Families of Croatia which operates inZagreb as well as the associations of single-parentfamilies in Osijek, Rijeka and Split. The problems ofsingle fathers are dealt with by the National Organisationof Men of Croatia (NOMAH). The interests ofone-parent families are also publicised by the organization“Let” in Zagreb (with the financial supportof the Ministry of Health and Social Welfare), whichimplements projects that strengthen the capacityand social inclusion of single-parent families.3.6.10 Key ChallengesThe first problem faced by single parents is their standardof living. In addition to solving the housing issueand improving material living conditions throughfinancial contributions, loans and benefits, the mostimportant challenge is in creating job security for singleparents. As far as childcare is concerned, the mostdesirable solution is to offer maternity and paternityleaves with increased compensation. A contributingfactor to the low standard of living is that many parentsentitled to child support do not receive it. ManyEuropean countries have responded to this challengeby introducing the advance on child maintenance. 102Another challenge is the distrust single parents havein the system of social welfare, and their dissatisfactionwith the quality of services. It is necessary to improve thequality of service, develop standards of good practicefor specific concerns, and the mechanisms for monitoringand evaluating their outcomes. The services shouldbe provided from the conceptual framework of socialrights, and the implementation should be based onthe principle of strengthening the partner relationshipbetween the provider and the beneficiary of service.Social services for single-parent families need to varyaccording to the dynamics present in each situation. It isBox 9: GingerbreadSingle parent associations can provide a valuable contribution to improving the status of single parents insociety and the organisation of self-help and mutual help networks. Their basic aims are to provide practical andemotional support to single parents and their children, and to advocate the interests of single parent familiesto the media and in politics. There are several associations of single parents in Croatia, but their influence is notsufficiently felt in the public. The following example of self-organisation of single parents seems a desirablemodel for strengthening single-parent families.“Gingerbread” is the national network of local self-help groups of single parents, which is active throughoutGreat Britain with the support of the central office, and which ensures access to information, training andother resources that are needed. In addition to support groups that they can attend, single parents and theirchildren have access to a free telephone line for getting legal advice and other information relating to housing,employment, and personal and family crises. Information and exchange of experiences are also available online(www.gingerbread.org.uk). Members of the organisation have a magazine, and a discount on using certainrecreational and educational resources for families and children. This network of civil initiatives helps singleparents to become satisfied and successful as parents and contributes to the diminution of inequalities to whichthe children of single parent families are exposed in their access to recreational and educational activities.76101 It turned out that single fathers receive less material assistance from their families and friends than single mothers (Pećnik and Raboteg-Šarić, 2005).102 Recommendation No R(82)2 of the Council of Europe on payment of advances on child maintenance, drawn in 1982, with the purposeof promoting the adoption of common guidelines and aligning the legal rules in Member States concerning child maintenance. Advanceson child maintenance exist in Slovenia, Hungary, Austria, Germany, France, Luxembourg, Sweden, Denmark and Finland.

THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDCHAPTER 3necessary to take into account the differences in experiencesbetween single fathers and single mothers. 103Finally, society’s attitude towards single-parent familiesand their members can also generate social vulnerabilityin this group. According to research, Croatiancitizens still name “the family” as their most importantvalue (European Research of Values, 1999; Matulić,2002). However, what constitutes a family, accordingto parents from both dual parent and single parentfamilies, is primarily the support and emotional tiesbetween its members, and to a lesser extent the formalstructure of its parts. 104 It is necessary for educationalprogrammes about families and their facilitators to besensitised to the needs and problems of single parentfamilies in order to reduce prejudices towards singleparents and their children. This is the key role of theeducational system and the media, which should encouragethe values of family diversity which is a casewith a growing number of children.3.6.11 Policy ImplicationsTo resolve the main challenges, it is necessary toadopt legislative measures pertaining to the familyand social and educational policies in order to overcomethe risks of social exclusion of single parentsand their children. Such measures would include:- Improving the material conditions of single-parentfamilies, including the question of employmentand housing;- Putting in place more efficient legislativeregulations for determining and collecting childsupport (Child Maintenance Advance Fund);- Removing obstacles to accessing social rights,including improvement of the level of informationand the development of a model for providingsocial services and contributions, which wouldfollow from the paradigm of human rights;- Creating new and improved quality social servicesfor children and parents;- Sensitising society to issues of single parenthoodand the needs of single-parent families.3.7 The UnemployedBox 10: A sketch of the life of the unemployedKarolina only has primary school education. Shedropped out of secondary school during hersecond year, got married and became a housewifeand helping hand on a family farm in Bosnia andHerzegovina. Her husband, Lovro, supported thefamily and for 13 years worked as a welder in a localfactory. The war left them jobless and homeless.During the war, Karolina and Lovro were forcedto flee to Croatia, and then to Germany. Duringtheir three years as refugees they legally workedas auxiliary workers, but they were also eligible forsocial assistance, a combination which is possible inGermany. They then returned to Croatia and movedto Knin, where they have been looking for a job eversince. Knin does not have a factory where they wouldneed a welder, so that Lovro underwent re-trainingto become a bricklayer. However, employers preferworkers with some experience, so Lovro has beenunable to find a job.Karolina and Lovro are registered with the CroatianEmployment Service office in Knin, but becauseof the poor economic activity in the region, thereare no jobs there. They say that it is possible to getsome jobs through good connections and money,but they do not have such resources. The long yearsof looking for a job have been very disheartening,and interpersonal relations within the householdare full of anxiety and edginess. To firms where theylook for a job, Karolina and Lovro are not attractiveas candidates. Being in their late 40’s, for manyemployers they are simply too old. Employers preferto hire younger unemployed people. They havealso experienced direct discrimination: “We don’thire Bosnians, only people from these parts”.Karolina sometimes works illegally with otherrefugees, and helps out in the processing plantlocated in a nearby town. She waits for a call at homeand whenever the employer calls she works severaldays a month under poor working conditions. Thewage is minimal, and she has to pay for all her travelcosts and meals. She goes to work even if she isextremely sick, because she has no right to sickleave,and she does not want to jeopardise the job.103 Single mothers, compared to single fathers, are poorer, unemployed more frequently, and they feel discriminated against more often intheir access to employment/promotion at work. Employed single mothers find work to pose difficulties in the performance of their familyobligations and chores more frequently than single fathers and they also hold that they spend too much time at work and too little timewith their family and sleeping. Single fathers are socially more isolated, resigned and pessimistic than single mothers (UNDP, 2006a).104 The analysis of personal definitions of family has shown that love, togetherness, mutual support, harmonious relations, understandingand trust, as well as security and protection, are most frequently voiced as what defines the family, and less frequently the community oftwo parents (married) and children (Raboteg-Šarić et al., 2003).77

CHAPTER 3THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDED3.7.1 Human Rights ViolationsIn Croatia, the employment picture improved considerablyin the early 2000s. During the 1990s, the activity rateof employable people was decreasing and unemploymentwas steadily increasing. However recent growthin the Croatian economy has been accompanied by amarked recovery of the employment rate (rising from51.6% in 2001 to 54.8% in 2005) as well as a steady declinein unemployment (dropping from 15.8% in 2001to 12.7% in 2005). Unfortunately, these positive trendsin the Croatian labour market have done little to reducethe share of the long-term unemployed in the totalunemployment rate. More than half of all unemployedpeople have been searching for a job for more than ayear, and the number of those that are ‘very long-termunemployed’ (2 years or more) shows a steady increase.The burden of unemployment falls particularly hard onyoung people, reflecting their problems of entry intothe labour market. However, although young peopleare disproportionately represented in the overall unemploymentrate, the majority of them are short-term jobseekers. The proportionally smaller amount of older individualsseeking employment, tend to be unemployedfor a much longer period of time.Education matters as well. People with vocationaleducation are particularly likely to fall into unemployment.Those whose education doesn’t exceed the primarylevel are particularly prone to long-term unemployment.Persons who have some amount of highereducation are less likely to be unemployed, and evenless likely to suffer from long-term unemployment.Among the unemployed, especially the long-termunemployed, women constitute the majority despitethe spread of the services and sectors traditionallydominated by women.3.7.2 Unemployment Benefits 105Upon becoming unemployed and registering with theCroatian Employment Service (CES), individuals witha sufficient history of unemployment contributionshave the right to income maintenance through unemploymentinsurance, as long as they can demonstratetheir job-search efforts. The insurance payments canlast from 13 weeks (for those that have contributedfor at least 9 months during the previous 2 years) to65 weeks (20 or more years of contributions). Giventhat this is the mechanism of social security basedon individual contributions, the unemploymentFigure 8: Employment and unemployment rates (%)16 %14 %12 %10 %8 %6 %4 %2002 2003 2004 2005Long-term unemployment rateTotal unemployment rate -leftEmployment rate - highShare of long-term in total unimployment65 %63 %61 %59 %57 %55 %53 %Source: Labour force survey, Central Bureau of Statistics78105 This chapter draws heavily from the UNDP-led Quality of Life survey data. In making comparisons and analysis that inform this chapter,only those who both defined themselves as unemployed and stated some effort in job search during the previous month were consideredto be unemployed. Most analyses compare short-term (less than a year) unemployed, long-term unemployed and the employed. All thedifferences and effects reported are based on results of various methods of statistical analysis (measures of association, ANOVA and linearor logistic regression models).

THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDCHAPTER 3benefit should be equal to 80% of previously earnedincome, and be not be lower than 887 HRK (20% ofthe average national wage). However, its maximumis determined by the decision of the Ministry and iscurrently equivalent to 1,000 HRK. This low amountof wage replacement is not unique to Croatia but istypical for most transition countries.Unemployment insurance should help individualsmaintain a decent living while they are engaged intheir job search. However, in 2005 only about 23.6%of the people registered as unemployed with CESactually received these payments; those who did receivethem were mostly short-term unemployed withprevious work experience. Accordingly, 34.9% of theshort-term unemployed in the UNDP Quality of Lifesurvey had received this benefit in the past month,whereas only 12.8% of the long-term unemployedhad. The unemployed who are registered with theCES are allowed to earn up to 1,000 HRK per monthwithout losing the right to employment insurance orthe status of an unemployed person.In cases when the system provides an adequateamount of support, the unemployment insurance issufficient and a new job is found within a reasonableamount of time, using formal or informal job searchmethods. Yet, for a large and growing share of theunemployed in Croatia this is not the case. Moreover,the “stigma” of being long-term unemployed tends todecrease opportunities with prospective employers,leading to worsening material and psychological conditions(Šverko et al., 2004, 2006, Galić et al., 2006). Inline with this, claims of discrimination in the employmentsphere in the UNDP Quality of Life survey, whilenot too common, are much more prevalent amongthe long-term unemployed (29%), than the shorttermunemployed (17%), or the employed (9%).3.7.3 Access to HealthcareWhen it comes to health services and medicationwhich are not covered by the basic health insurancepackage, the unemployed are left to their own, oftenmeagre resources. Although survey respondents didnot report any perceived differences in waiting periods,about 25% of the long-term unemployed havereported material costs as being prohibitive to theiraccess to health services, which is twice the level ofemployed respondents. The long-term unemployedare comprised of groups that are in greater need ofhealthcare services (disabled, old, undereducated). Thelong-term unemployed in the national sample of UNDPQuality of Life survey are found to have worse healthconditions, and are less satisfied with their health thanthe general population. The short-term unemployed,on the other hand, are virtually indistinguishable fromthe employed population in regard to the perceptionof their health or access to healthcare services.3.7.4 Access to EducationIn comparison with the employed, the unemployedare more likely to have a lower level of education.Moreover, the incidence of long-term unemploymentincreases as the level of education decreases; both theCES and the LFS data indicate a relatively high differencein employability along the educational spectrum.Lifelong learning is a way to preserve and improveemployability in a contemporary society in which skillsquickly become outdated in a rapidly changing workingenvironment.The UNDP quality of life survey indicates that 14% ofthe employed participated in informal education duringthe previous year, similar to the short-term unemployed,17% of whom tried to improve their skills andemployability as well. However, among the long-termunemployed, only 6% participated in informal education,displaying a lack of capacity of this demographicto recover their employability. Numerous certifiedadult education courses are available in Croatian urbancentres, yet, as demonstrated, the unemployed are nottheir primary users. Since the post-socialist transitionand during the most intensive economic restructuringwith increasing unemployment, public training andeducational measures have been completely abandoned.Since 2005, the CES - the only provider of statefinancedactive labour market policies - provided training(and accompanying unemployment assistance) foronly 0.15% of the unemployed population.The most recent employment policy priorities, in linewith the National Employment Action Plan, have agoal of training 4,000 of the long-term unemployedin 2006, at a cost of 8 million EUR. These measureswould target about 2.5% of the total number oflong-term unemployed. This level of coverage is stillwell below the European average, but it represents atargeted measure that could be fostered in the future79

CHAPTER 3THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDif it turns out to be effective. Apart from re-qualificationcourses, CES also manages short-term job search, selfassessment,and self-presentation workshops that aimto increase the efficiency of job searches. About 2% ofunemployed in Croatia attended such courses in 2005.3.7.5 Access to Employment andEmployment ServicesFor many of the unemployed, the formal labour marketremains out of reach, offering only opportunitiesfor informal, mostly temporary work, primarily in theconstruction, trade or service sector. By taking thesejobs, unemployed individuals are robbed of legalprotection and social insurance. They do, however,receive monetary and psychological payoffs and thehope of eventually obtaining regular employment.There are several employment services operating inCroatia that can be divided in three groups. The firstare job mediation agencies that operate on a commercialbasis and cater to the competitive segmentof the labour market, that is, primarily university orpolytechnics (equivalent to International StandardizedClassification of Education level 5). The secondare temporary job agencies that have recently developed,catering to all profiles, but mostly to generallabour. Despite a positive evaluation of these firms,they are a niche service, with only 4% of the unemployed(according to UNDP survey sample) claimingto have contacted them during the previous monthof unemployment. The third option for prospectivejob seeker is the CES. It was founded in 1952 and isa public institution that administers unemploymentprovisions, public employment programmes (includingactive labour market measures), and job mediationfor the broadest profile of applicants.Job seeking and job-specific training are activitiesthat demand a great deal of effort and resources(postal charges, transportation costs, clothes, etc.)which may discourage those most challenged (thatis, the least employable) from taking part in the jobsearch and training process altogether. As a result,programmes are necessary which improve theemployability of the unemployed and thus facilitateactive job seekers and promote efficient outcomeson the labour market.Croatia has a tradition of training-oriented activelabour market policies which date back to the 1970s,but in the 1990s, this focus was shifted to employmentsubsidies. Among the attempted three short-lived activelabour market measures (ALM) introduced by thegovernment (1993-1996, 1998-2001 and 2002-2005),only the middle one (1998-2001) contained publicworks and training provisions. 106 The most recentset of ALM schemes targeted employment subsidiesprogrammes, consuming approximately 0.2% of theGDP. There has been no formal evaluation of thisprogramme, but existing reviews have deemed it tobe neither effective nor efficient (Oračić, 2005., Babić,2003). The current set of employment measurespresents a more balanced approach, based on theNational Employment Action Plan. It includes training,income maintenance, public works programmes,and employment subsidies for a narrowly definedtarget population with low employability (AnnualEmployment Plan, 2006).Box 11: A sketch of the life of the unemployedAfter finishing his education in mechanicalengineering, Filip got a job in a big pharmaceuticalcompany in the mid 1990s. The company did notpay him regularly, so he resigned. In the followingsix years, he worked as a waiter, but employersdid not register him. He was paid “under thetable”, and was given no job security – whichresulted in his termination when Filip was in hislate twenties. He started to look for a new job;he went to interviews and sent applications ande-mails. He tried one job, but it turned out tobe too strenuous for his health, and he is nowlooking for a job that would be less physicallydemanding. Filip is not the only member of hisfamily who cannot find a job; one of his brothershas a job, but the other keeps circulating fromthe employment service register to temporaryjobs and back to the employment service. Filipis attending an educational course organised bythe unemployed persons’ association, where hehas received significant social support, but he hasstill not found a job.80106 Although not very big in scope (2670 participants), public works programme performed in 1999, done in cooperation with localgovernment, was one of rare programmes to be subjected to thorough evaluation. Results of the evaluation indicate that that the publicworks program did not have a discernible impact on the employability of the participants, yet participants generally rated programmewell, as it has increased their material and psychological well being. On the expenditure side, the costs of public works program peremployed person proved to be high in comparison with most other active labour market policy measures.

THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDCHAPTER 33.7.6 Access to TransportationIt is necessary for the unemployed to be mobile inorder to conduct a proper job search. To this end, Zagreband other large urban centres have introducedfree public transportation for the unemployed. Inless populated areas, however, public transportationinfrastructure is less developed making access totransportation more of an issue. For the unemployedin rural areas, searching for (as well as commutingto) a job demands substantial resources, and oftenrequires a private means of transportation. However,according to the UNDP Quality of Life survey, vehicleownership is less common among the unemployed.While 87% of those employed have access to a carwithin their household, only 62% of the long-termunemployed and 72% of short-term unemployedhave the same level of access. The CES does reimbursetravel and the moving expenses of a personwho has found employment outside of their currentplace of residence. In 2004, approximately 3% of CESregistered people used this right.3.7.7 Access to Information andCommunication TechnologyIn the early 2000s, the CES and private job mediationagencies placed their job search databases online,allowing employers to post openings and clientsto search for jobs quickly and efficiently from theirhome – provided that they have Internet access. Severalcomputers and printers are also made availablein public employment service facilities, but they dorequire basic IT skills.According to UNDP Quality of life survey, 65% ofemployed respondents had a personal computer intheir household, whereas only 49% of the short-termunemployed and only 37% of long-term unemployedhad similar access. In regard to the frequency of Internetusage, the differences are even greater. Althoughage, education and to a certain extent gender, all affectthe frequency of Internet use, being unemployed,both short-term and long-term does demonstrate anegative effect on Internet use. Only a small numberof both short-term unemployed (21%) and long-termunemployed (13%) in the UNDP sample reported usingthe Internet on a weekly basis, whereas 34% of the employedused it, and 63% of students. With the entranceof IT-savvy student cohorts to the labour market, thisdigital divide is sure to become even more acute.Although reliable data is lacking, a cursory overviewof adult education reveals that IT training coursesare most common among the general population.According to the UNDP Quality of Life survey aboutone fifth of those unemployed who have participatedin some kind of education have taken an IT course.However, in the education measures scheduled bythe CES for 2006, there is no mention of IT training.Training provided by the state has so far been limitedto a few locally sponsored courses conducted by theCES (like 100 unemployed people participating inECDL course in 2005), or IT courses organized byunemployed persons’ associations. Although, evenif such programmes were plentiful, it is unclear asto whether or not the most excluded unemployedwould have opportunities to participate.3.7.8 Access to Housing and BasicInfrastructureA lack of reliable income among the unemployed is amajor obstacle in obtaining or maintaining satisfactory,long-term housing. The UNDP Quality of Lifesurvey indicates that access to housing is not a sourceof concern for most respondents - both employedand unemployed – of which approximately 64%own their own residence. Although, some divergenttrends can be seen among respondents who are notin “clear” ownership of their residence. According tothe data, those who are employed are likely to havea mortgaged residence, the short-term unemployedare more likely to rent or lease, while the long-termunemployed are more likely to have found an alternativesolution which does not require substantialfinancial commitments (such as living with family, orsocial housing).81

CHAPTER 3THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDNot surprisingly, the unemployed are less satisfiedwith their housing situation than the employed.Forty-three percent of long-term unemployed and35% of short-term unemployed have reported financialdifficulties concerning payment of monthlyutilities costs, while this is reported by only 16% ofthe employed. The average quality of residence betweenthe employed and unemployed differs as well;the unemployed are almost twice as likely to live indilapidated housing (rotten or leaking places) as theemployed. However, both employed and unemployedrespondents by and large perceive their residentialsafety and living environment as very satisfactory.This could be a result of low residential segregationresulting from low mobility in the population.sociability (friends and relatives), the unemployedactually have more social contacts than the employed,due to their amount of free time. On theother hand, the employed tend to compensate byhaving slightly more frequent indirect communication(phone, mail, e-mail) with friends and relatives.However, qualitative differences are notable. Nearly14.7% of long-term unemployed respondents feelsocially excluded, this being the case with only 3%of employed respondents. Both short-term and longtermunemployed respondents are also more proneto feeling overwhelmed by the demands of dailylife. The long-term unemployed have a lower levelof satisfaction with their social life than employed orshort-term unemployed respondents.3.7.9 Social TiesThere are various ways in which unemployment mightlead to social isolation. A lack of resources might leadto less contact with relatives (which often assumesa show of generosity), friends (due to expensesrelated to going to or inviting for dinners, going outfor a drink), as well as lesser participation in socialactivities (most member organizations demand fees).Unemployment brings along the termination of contactsand activities associated with a former workingplace. While not so much of a problem for youngerunemployed people, it can present a significant difficultyfor the older unemployed who had spent mostof their working lives with the same employer andcolleagues. Even when the unemployed possess adequateresources and social contacts, the element ofstigma can limit their participation in social activities,like sports clubs and going out for a drink.There is not much empirical evidence to point to thequantitatively different social lives of the employedand the unemployed. In the sphere of secondary3.7.10 Key ChallengesAlthough the unemployed are certainly not winnersin the transitional process, they do not have to belosers either. As long as unemployment is uncomfortablebut transitory, relatively short periods of it couldbe tolerated. Problems emerge when this temporarycondition becomes more permanent, leading to skillfade, poverty, and social exclusion. The unemployedare more likely to need support and services, andyet are also more likely to have restricted access tothem. The key challenge is to effectively support there-entry of the long term unemployed back into anactive, decent and productive lifestyle.3.7.11 Policy ImplicationsMotivation to work does not seem to be an issueamong the unemployed, but it is up to policymakersto provide an effective system of support that will notpenalize job-search efforts (“inactivity trap”). The CESshould provide ongoing support for an effective job-82

THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDCHAPTER 3search (income maintenance), as well as skill maintenanceand development (training programmes andother actionable policies). With the expansion of fluidemployment and an increasingly liberal economy, therisk of unemployment has become a common concern.To counter this risk, unemployment insurancelevels should be augmented to reflect the level specifiedby employment legislation, and the duration ofbenefits should be modified to prevent inactivity andskill fade. However, this would mean either increasingspending or a redistribution of payroll contributions(currently unemployment insurance figures at amodest 1.8% of payroll), which could eliminate somelow-paying jobs.Active measures should target the long-term unemployed,with the goal of increasing their employability.Being that the long-term unemployed are a heterogeneouspopulation which is challenged in severalareas, precise targeting and empirical evaluation isnecessary to determine the most effective combinationof programmes. Such a mix could include educationand training (both on- and off-workplace) whichhave a key role in increasing employability (bothon the personal and societal level), but also community-basedinitiatives (such as public works), andsubsidized employment can have positive effects oncertain groups of the unemployed. IT training mightalso be integrated into the programming mix, in anattempt to bridge the digital divide.Policy-makers need to keep in mind current employmentpractices. Fixed-term employment is becomingcommonplace and comprises 85.6% of CES registeredemployment. With current labour market practices,this situation leads to a two-tiered segregation of labourinto a protected, core workforce on one side anda growing number of unprotected temporary workerson the other. In the interest of social cohesion, itmight be best to harmonize the level of employmentprotection for both temporary and permanent workers,by increasing the level of unemployment protection(particularly in active labour market measuresprovision and replacement rate) while relaxing theemployment protection system.3.8 YouthBox 12: Personal ExperienceS.T. (27) majored in ecology at the BiologyDepartment at the Faculty of Natural Sciencesand Mathematics in Zagreb. During her freetime, she was an activist and a member ofseveral non-governmental organisations concernedwith youth culture. She graduated in2005, with a 4.0 GPA, and has been trying to finda job in her profession ever since, but has beenunsuccessful. She has tried many places, appliedfor many job openings, and has even had a fewinterviews, but has still been unsuccessful. Overthe past year, she has been working part-timejobs unrelated to her profession in order to payfor the basic necessities of life. She still lives withher parents and a brother. Although she wouldlike to become independent and start living onher own or with her partner, she cannot do that,because she cannot find a job. Part-time jobs arenot a stable enough source of income to rely onwhen renting an apartment. S.T. is active in herjob search, she has taken additional educationand she keeps track of job openings and appliesfor them, but she is quite certain that she will notget a job without a “connection”. She currentlyworks in a beauty salon, illegally, and continuesto look for a job in her profession.3.8.1 Human RightsAccording to the National Programme of Action forYouth of the Government of the Republic of Croatia, 107the youth demographic (those aged 15-29) accountfor one-fifth of the total population of Croatia. 108 Thisgroup includes young citizens that are also membersof other vulnerable groups, such as the unemployed,or people with disability. Although the youth demographicpresents a diverse group, many social issuesare common to all youth.107 National Programme of Action for Youth, Adinda Dulčić (ed.), State Institute for the Protection of the Family, Maternity and Youth,Zagreb, 2003.108 According to the 2001 census.83

CHAPTER 3THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDJudging by secondary school or university students, itseems that young citizens enjoy a relatively high qualityof life and social security; they are still acquiringeducation and are generally not too burdened with alack of economic independence. It is this population(between 15 and 24 years of age) who report most satisfactionwith their life and are the happiest. 109 However,once young people complete their education, theyenter the labour market for the first time, and have toundergo the difficult task of looking for a suitable job.From the apparent formal and educational lethargyof the Croatian educational system, young people arefaced with the fact that after they finish their educationthey will most likely have to wait some time beforethey can begin their profession. The unemploymentrate of people aged 15 to 24 varies from 2 to 2.5 timeshigher than the national unemployment rate. Therelative unemployment of youth places Croatia at thebottom of the European scale, even compared to theeconomically undeveloped states where the absoluteunemployment rate of youths is higher. 110According to the web portal MojPosao, 5% of thosewho participated in a survey on age discrimination inemployment 111 state that they frequently encounterannouncements for jobs that specify a minimum agerequirement. This occurs despite the fact that age discriminationin the work place is prohibited by Article 2of the Labour Act. The same research reveals that 58%of those younger than 29 years of age do not even attemptto apply. Young people have also reported theuse of improper interviewing techniques by potentialemployers who insist on asking them very personaland sometimes inappropriate questions when theyapply for a job. Young women are often forced toanswer questions regarding their marital status andfamily plans by employers who demonstrate a biasagainst employing potential young mothers.As an integral part and a supporting element of society,youth are frequently regarded as a social problem,and not as potential, as recommended by the EuropeanCommission. 112 Societies are now faced withthe phenomenon of “extended youth”, meaning thatyoung people live with their parents for longer periodsof time. As young people come of age, their difficultyin becoming independent, as result of unemploymentand unsolved housing issues, generates furtherproblems, such as substance abuse, which viewed outof context perpetuate the misconception of youth asa social problem. Young people in general tend to be asocially excluded group due to their lack of participationin most economic, social and political aspects ofcitizenship. In some cases young men are more vulnerablethan young women since they experience higherdrop-out rates, higher rates of substance abuse, as wellas delinquency and suicide rates.3.8.2 Access to HealthcareIn general, young people tend to describe their healthto be extremely good, 113 however the main health concernsthat do arise are connected with sexually transmitteddiseases (STDs). Chlamydia has the highest rateof incidence among students, and the rate of HumanPapillomavirus (HPV) is increasing. However, HIV is lesscommon in young people, with the first reported caseof HIV in an adolescent coming only this year. Given thesignificant health risk that STDs pose to young people,the level of information available on sexual health is lessthan satisfactory, especially considering young peopleare entering into sexual relationships at younger ages.Public disagreements regarding sexual education programmesin schools certainly contributes to this knowledgegap. The Church can also complicate matters, as itprefers the promotion of abstinence as opposed to educatingyoung people about contraceptives and sexualhealth. Youth get most of their information regardingsexual health from their peers and the media, and somefrom their parents. However, over the past several yearsNGOs have intensified their programmes and activitiesaimed at informing and educating youth about therisk of STDs. The Croatian health system is relatively accessibleto young people however it is not particularly109 UNDP (2006a.).”Research on social exclusion in Croatia: Quality of Life and the risk of social exclusion “. UNDP, Zagreb, Croatia.110 Young People in South Eastern Europe: From Risk to Empowerment, World Bank, Washington, 200484111 http://www.mojposao.net/jseeker_wiki.php?sessionId=6c171570e301d73e8e84d6bf9e155c2d&wikiName=IstrazivanjeDobnaDiskriminacija112 “A new impetus for European youth” – The White Paper of the European Commission, Adinda Dulčić (ed.), State Institute for theProtection of the Family, Maternity and Youth, Zagreb, 2002113 Only 0.6% of interviewees in the age group from 15 to 24 and 1.8% interviewees in the age group from 25 to 34 believe their healthto be poor, and only 6.3% of interviewees in the age group from 15 to 24 believe to have a long-term illness or difficulty (UNDP (2006)“Research on social exclusion in Croatia: Groups with increased risk of social exclusion - focus groups”. UNDP, Zagreb, Croatia)

THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDCHAPTER 3“youth friendly”. Although young people tend to give abetter grade to the quality of health services, 114 they arealso in need of such services less frequently.3.8.3 Access to EducationThe illiteracy rate in Croatia is 3%. The system ofsecondary and post-secondary education is availableto most young people. Most educational costs arecovered by the state, and students are only requiredto maintain a certain level of performance. In 2006,less than 50% of students received government assistancewith educational costs. Some costs are stillborne by the students such as transport costs forthose who must travel to secondary schools outsideof their community. Accommodation costs can alsopose a problem, with most dorm facilities undersizedcompared to the student body.In 2005, Croatian Universities began to apply theBologna Process as a step towards joining the widerEuropean community of higher education institutions.In general, the youth in Croatia receive a similareducation to their European colleagues (for example,71% of survey respondents aged 15-24 understandthe written English language very well), but theeducational system itself is archaic, suffering fromobsolete methods, older faculty, and more reproduction-basedthan experience-based learning. The averageduration of studies in Croatia is about 7 years, andmany students are forced to work in parallel with theirstudies to cover their educational costs (especially ifthey study outside their place of residence).3.8.4 Access to Employment andEmployment ServicesSome research has indicated that the likelihood ofemployment for young people under 24 is 39.6%, andfor those between the ages of 25-34 it is 44.4%. Thisdoes not compare favourably with other membernations of the European Union however the rate ofyouth unemployment varies considerably from onecountry to another, being as low as 10% in Austria,and as high as 33% in Slovakia in 2003. Youth unemploymentin Croatia has never fallen below 32%, butit declines slowly.Young people often do not have sufficient experienceto get their first job, but need their first job in order toget experience. The state has recognised this problemand has adopted - within the National Action Planfor Employment for the Period from 2005 to 2008 115- the Annual Plan of Incentives for Employment for2006. 116 This plan includes measures for co-financingthe employment of young people without workingexperience, and subsidised employment for 1,036people under 29 years of age. In addition, subsidisedinterest on entrepreneurial loans is to be provided forentrepreneurs under 29 years of age. Unfortunately,there are more than 100,000 unemployed youth forwhich these somewhat limited measures will onlyslightly improve the overall picture. Part of the problemlies in the fact that these measures only apply tolong-term unemployed youth. The state must regardthe problem of extensive youth unemployment aspart of the wider economic problem, bearing in mindall the existing levels of unemployed youth, such ashighly educated people, youth without secondaryeducation, etc.3.8.5 Access to TransportationIn larger urban centres, young people can benefitfrom well established public transportation (e.g., inZagreb, secondary school students can ride city transportationfor free, while annual passes for universitystudents are about 1/6 the price of a standard pass).Unfortunately, this service is not universal acrossCroatia, where most young people do not have accessto proper transportation infrastructure, whichlimits their access to education, cultural events, etc.However, people throughout Croatia who are under26 can travel by rail at a 30% discount which providesbetter mobility for young individuals.114 UNDP (2006b). Reserach onSocial Exclusion in Croatia: Groups with increased risk of Social Exclusion – focus group. UNDP, Zagreb,Croatia.115 http://www.mingorp.hr/default.asp?id=11116 http://www.vlada.hr/Download/2004/12/02/54-011.pdf85

CHAPTER 3THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDED3.8.6 Access to Information andCommunication TechnologyYoung people are the most computer literate segmentof the population, which gives them an advantageover other social groups in the labour market.They are comfortable using ICT to find employmentand to further develop their skill sets. Students havefree Internet access through the university institutionCARNet, which also organises free computer trainingcourses. The state has also entered several public-privatepartnerships with a number of leading companies,through which it provides computers, Internetaccess, and storage space for e-mail and web pagesto schools and research centres. Many companiesalso provide special packages for young users (forexample, the mobile Internet, where students receivea 50% discount).3.8.7 Access to Housing and BasicInfrastructureThe problem of youth housing is closely connectedwith the problem of unemployment. It is extremelydifficult for this demographic to afford adequatehousing, although youth are more satisfied with theiraccommodation compared to other age groups. 117Young people do not have adequate financial resourcesto resolve their housing issues and to acquireindependence from their parents. Those who do manageto find economic independence, for the most partcannot afford to buy property, but are forced to rent.The state introduced tax benefits for the first timepurchase of real estate, but very few young peoplehave taken advantage of this benefit.The state, and a growing number of local authorities,have been launching programmes of subsidized housing,which allows young people to buy apartmentsat reduced rates, but there is still only a negligiblenumber of young people who can afford this. Despitethe assistance provided by such programmes, youngpeople still have difficulty being approved for loansand mortgages. A solution to the housing problemrequires a combination of three factors: employment,credit worthiness, and financial support from parents.Box 13: NUMThe Independent Youth Association (NUM)from Lepoglava has about 200 members. Theyare active in the Ivanec region in the VaraždinCounty, which includes Ivanec, Lepoglava, Bednjaand the nearby villages. In this area, the youthare extremely passive and uninterested in thedevelopment of social and political lives. Manyyoung people who attend faculties in the nearbytowns, primarily Zagreb, mostly do not returnhome. The NUM is working on the improvementof the life of young people in the Ivanec region,through cultural, ecological and sporting events.In addition, it organises volunteer work actionsand provides information to young people onsocially relevant subjects. At the local electionsin 2005, the NUM formed an independent rosterand won one out of 15 positions in the council.They have received offers to participate in thegovernment, but decided to stay in the oppositionand support only those projects which are in linewith their programme goals. They decided to takean active part in the political life of Lepoglava,because no political option has put youth at thetop of their priorities. So far, they have initiatedthe development of a town programme of actionfor youth, they have started consultations withrelevant stakeholders regarding the countyprogramme of action for youth, they have formeda coalition of youth of Lepoglava, and they advisetown authorities during the implementation ofthe tourist-cultural centre project. Within theecological projects of the Town of Lepoglava, theirproposal for employing youth to remove ragweed(Ambrosia) has been accepted.3.8.8 Social TiesYoung people, as a social group, are most satisfiedwith their family and social life, 118 and they dedicatemuch more free time to their social life, as opposedto their family life. They spend most of their free timeengaging with friends, although many are spendingtime with computers and TV. Young people display86117 The grade 7.5 out of 10 given by interviewees from 15 to 24 and the grade 7 given by interviewees from 25 to 34 (UNDP (2006a)118 The total grade is 8 out of 10 (UNDP (2006a)

THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDCHAPTER 3more trust in others than members of other agegroups, 119 and are more likely to change friends butwithin a similar social group that reflects their ownviews. Youth are generally very involved in varioushobbies, sporting activities, cultural programmes andother activities in their free time.3.8.9 Key ChallengesAlthough young people tend to express satisfactionwith their standard of living 120 it is likely that the youthwill continue to be in an unfavourable position in thelabour market in the near future. The current measuresaimed at youth employment have not been successfulor have yielded only negligible results. In order to finda solution it will be necessary to mobilise the Governmentat all levels and all social partners. At the globallevel, youth are recognized as “key participants in decision-makingand development”. 121 This partnershipcooperation is a model of inclusion for young peoplewhere they themselves identify problems and suggestsolutions and possible mechanisms.The active participation of youth in society is relativelylow. Some surveys show that less than 10% of youngpeople are involved in an organisation, which is mostfrequently a youth association. 122 Young women takea more active role in civil society than young men andare more inclined towards volunteering for the communitybenefit.A fairly small number of young people take part in theyouth branches of political parties. In general, youthdo not demonstrate an interest nor are they ready toactively participate in politics and consequently haveless representation in all levels of government. Forinstance, in the Croatian Parliament there is only oneyoung person or 1% of the total number of parliamentarians.The situation is slightly better at the lowerlevels of government (municipalities and towns),but youth are still politically marginalized in Croatia.Although it is precisely the young people from theyouth branches of political parties who should havean active impact on the decision-making process,their senior colleagues tend to restrict their activities.Almost 2/3 of citizens agree that there is tension betweenyoung people and the older generation. 123 Thegreatest responsibility however lies with the youth toget actively involved in political life, since this is theonly way that they impact decisions primarily concerningyouth. For greater political activation, youngpeople need to develop a greater degree of identityas a social group, and as the relevant subjects whorepresent youth in public and political life. In youthassociations, an umbrella organisation called theCroatian Youth Network has been created, whichincludes 48 organisations, including all major youthassociations. However, the Network is still not publiclyrecognised as an organization that representsthe interests of youth.In terms of participation in political parties, thegoverning elite does not provide much opportunityfor the advancement of younger generations. Evenafter adopting the National Programme of Action forYouth as the first strategy for youth in Croatia, it tookthree years for the systematic implementation of theNational Programme, according to the Operative Planfor 2006. The state institution in charge of the youthpolicy is the Ministry of the Family, Veterans’ Affairsand Intergenerational Solidarity. Within the Ministry isthe Family Directorate and the Department for Childrenand Youth, within which there is the Section for Youth,whose several members are responsible for the needsof 900,000 Croatian citizens. This structure is an exampleof the contemporary view of youth as a case for socialwelfare as opposed to a potential social resource.In the 2006 state budget, the Ministry of the Family,Veterans’ Affairs and Intergenerational Solidarity allocated11 million HRK for youth policy and programmes,which is viewed by youth organizations as a hugesuccess. However compared to the total ministerial119 UNDP (2006a)120 UNDP (2006a)121 “Youth and the Millenium Goals: Challenges and opportunities for implementation”, Sustainable Development Commission of theUnited Nations, 2005, http://www.takingitglobal.org/themes/mdg/pdf/YouthMDG.pdf122 Youth on the Eve of the Third Millennium, , Institute for Social Research in Zagreb and the StateInstitute for the Protection of the Family, Maternity and Youth, Zagreb, 2002.123 The percentage of 24.4 interviewees hold that there is a lot of tension, and 48.6% of interviewees hold that there is little pensionbetween the old and the young. (UNDP (2006) “Research on social exclusion in Croatia: Groups with increased risk of social exclusion- focus groups”. UNDP, Zagreb, Croatia87

CHAPTER 3THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDbudget of 6.6 billion HRK, of which 4 billion is allocatedto veterans, the amount allocated for youth pales incomparison. According to the Operative Plan of the NationalProgramme of Action for Youth, the governmenthas budgeted additional 40 million HRK to 7 ministriesand two state offices, for the realisation of 40 prioritymeasures defined in the National Programme.3.8.10 Policy ImplicationsConsidering that the current situation for youth hasnot improved significantly over the past several years,many of the following recommendations can befound in other publications, especially those concerningyouth policy, such as the National Programme ofAction for Youth or the 2004 National Human DevelopmentReport for Croatia, committed to youth. Althoughthe youth sector has developed considerably in thepast 5 years, the government still has to recognizeyouth as a priority. Without this, any implementation ofindividual measures in a national or local programmewill be unstructured and ineffective.The Croatian Government should develop and adopta comprehensive strategy for youth employment aswell as incentives for solving the housing problem foryoung people. The state administration and regionaland local authorities should embrace the principleof “co-management” in all bodies concerning youth.This particularly relates to the Croatian GovernmentYouth Council that should promote equal participationof young people in its work. All levels of governmentshould develop projects of multiregional andmultifunctional youth centres in partnership withyoung people.Youth organisations should be more active and energeticin the implementation of programmes involvingyoung people aiming to increase the active participationof young people in society. They should also enterinto networks at the local level and, through theiractivities and engagement, impose themselves as anequal partner in the co-creation of youth policy.3.9 Prisoners3.9.1. Human RightsThe law prohibits discrimination against inmateson any grounds - regardless of their race, gender,language, religion, political beliefs, national or socialorigin, education, social position or other characteristics.Imprisonment means only the deprivation ofliberty, and as such, conditions and procedures usedin connection with inmates should not include anyadditional forms of punishment. Inmates, althoughguilty of criminal actions, are still citizens of Croatiaand should not be subject to the risk of physical oremotional abuse. A large portion of the public believethat inmates should not be provided with specialcare or comfortable conditions, given that many lawabiding citizens struggle with their quality of life andunemployment. “It is said that no-one truly knowsa nation until one has been inside its jails. A nationshould not be judged by how it treats its highestcitizens, but its lowest ones.” 124The level of social exclusion inmates will suffer tendsto be proportional to the duration of their sentences.Although inmates who are in the prison system for ayear or less adjust to society relatively quickly, theymay still experience exclusion in the loss of theirprevious employment, social contacts, emotionalconnections, and family communities. About onethirdof inmates are in prison for one to three yearsentences. Prison sentences longer than five years aremostly served in prison penitentiaries. Research hasshown that during sentences that exceed five years,a mutual process of separation occurs where inmateslose their sense of belonging to a wider social community,and embrace the prison community.The inmate demographic is a microcosm of society,containing various groups, some of which are especiallyvulnerable. These groups include the elderly,the disabled, people with mental disabilities, addicts,foreigners, illiterates and members of national minorities.Even within each of these groups, there are88124 Mandela N. (1994), Long Walk To Freedom, Little Brown, London.

THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDCHAPTER 3Box 14: Prison SMART programme of the association Art of LivingThe Art of Living Foundation is a non-profit educational organisation established in the USA, withbranches in 154 countries that became active in Croatia in 1995 under the name “Umijeće življenja” (“Artof Living”). The main activities of the Foundation are stress management workshops where participantsare instructed on how to cope with stress through breathing techniques, physical exercise, and cognitiveand group processes.The Prison SMART Programme is a Foundation project for inmates, launched world-wide in 1992. Ithelps inmates further their personal rehabilitation, working on issues they may have with violenceor dependency, and it teaches them to accept responsibility for their past and future behaviour. Theprogramme deals with all segments of personal life, and it teaches participants to find solutions fromwithin.The programme in Croatia began in 2002 with the approval from the Ministry of Justice. A total of 52inmates and 60 detention centre employees took part in the initial workshops. The current goal is toinclude as many inmates and employees in the programme as possible in order to prevent and disruptany feelings of social isolation. It is possible during the period of imprisonment to provoke deep-rootedchanges in the value systems of most inmates. Staff members should understand and support inmatesin these efforts. Participating in this programme will ease the reintegration of inmates back into societyonce they have completed their sentence. After the workshop, participants express their experiences:“I am 30 years old, and I have been everywhere, but for the first time I am calm and full of positive energy,despite the fact that I am here, in prison. Until now, I would always feel uncomfortable in front of otherpeople, I was afraid lest I should say something stupid, so that other people would laugh at me, but now I donot care. I do not care anymore if people will accept me for what I am or not, because I have accepted myself.”(Mihovil)“Today I can say that I am ready to accept things for what they are. Before I would always try to speed thingsup and that was my problem.” (Anto)“I have changed, everybody has noticed. There is much more love in me now than before and I no longer payattention to things that used to irritate me. If I had only known all this before, I would definitely not be heretoday. I have to point out something very important. I used to stutter all my life, but after the workshop Istopped. Today, two years after the course, I still do not stutter as much as I used to. Several times I was on thebrink of a physical conflict with other inmates, but thanks to my focus, I managed to reduce the argument tothe verbal level, and even to smooth things out.” (Dalibor)Observation by the director of the Penitentiary: “If there are ten people who are willing to attend theworkshop, we allow it, because after the workshop they are full of positive energy. If they manage to transmitthe energy to at least one of their cell-mates, that is twenty inmates who think positively. That makes thingseasier for us, and that is why we shall do our best to encourage people to join in. I am glad that the inmateshave also recognised the benefits and that they also encourage other inmates to attend the workshop”.(Stjepan Loparić)sub-groups – the mentally unstable, those who arephysically weaker, those lacking in mental fortitude,alcoholics, substance abusers, perpetrators of criminalacts against sexual freedom and morality, etc. Specialattention should also be paid to minors, and femaleinmates. In the case of minors - who find themselvesin the unfavourable conditions imposed by prisonduring a crucial time in their emotional and physical89

CHAPTER 3THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDED90development - personal treatment should focus oneducation, maintenance and development of familyties, and assistance in personal development.Globally, female inmates represent the minority inprison populations, and since systems of governanceare designed to accommodate the majority, manyaspects of the prison system are tailored towardsthe needs of men. In Croatia, women serve their sentencesseparately from men, and on December 31,2005, women accounted for only 2.32% of the totalnumber of inmates in the country. Given the centralrole that women play in society and family, theirsegregation from their community while in prisoncan have a substantial impact on the functioning ofthe family. Special attention should also be paid topregnant women, young children who can stay withtheir mothers in the penitentiary until they reachthree years of age, and young children who stay withtheir families. Otherwise, after their mothers go toprison, many children will be taken in by social welfareinstitutions.3.9.2 Access to HealthcareHealth services are well addressed in prison, dueto the increased risk of harmful consequences onthe physical and mental health of inmates broughton by the conditions of the prison. Also, the movementof large groups of people in confined spacesnecessitates that special attention be paid to theprevention and spread of infectious diseases. Giventhe varying characteristics of the prison population, arange of special programmes for inmates have beendesigned to target the needs of each group. To date,programmes have been implemented for inmateswho have problems with substance abuse, thosesuffering from Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD),traffic offenders, and a pilot project for inmates whocommitted sex crimes.The participation of inmates in medical and/or othertrials is not permitted. Inmates cannot be forced toreceive treatment even if such treatment is recommendedon medical grounds, except in the case ofinfectious diseases which may spread to the rest ofthe prison population. The most significant differencebetween the healthcare received by the publicand that available to inmates is that inmates cannotchoose their general practitioner and dentist.Medical examinations for inmates are mandatory atadmission, discharge, and before any solitary confinement.At the time of admission, inmates are examinedto verify their health, to ensure they are free of anycontagious diseases, and to determine if any specificmedical measures are necessary to maintain or restoretheir health. Typically, the first few months of a prisonsentence can be the most stressful and present thegreatest risks to inmates’ health. During this period ofadjustment the risk of suicide increases, necessitatingclose supervision of newly-arrived inmates.If a prosthetic or other device is required, it is theprison medical staff doctor who must place theorders, in accordance with public health regulations.The inmate may be requested to share the cost forthe device, relative to their financial capacity and theduration of their sentence. If the inmate has no financialresources, the cost of the device is charged to theprison or penitentiary. If an inmate requests consultationwith a specialist, they must seek a referral fromthe prison medical staff. If a referral is not granted, theinmate may still meet with the specialist, however ifthe specialist deems the examination medically unnecessary,then the cost of the visit will be borne bythe inmate.Regarding the health protection of women, theavailability of gynaecologists is considered to bepart of primary health protection. Pregnant womenwho are incarcerated have access to the same levelof health protection as those outside the prisonsystem. Six weeks before delivery – or sooner if adoctor so recommends - the pregnant woman isplaced in the maternity ward. Croatia has a women’spenitentiary equipped with a special departmentfor postnatal care and a department for motherswith small children.3.9.3 Access to EducationInmates have various forms of education at their disposal.Literacy programmes are open to all inmatesregardless of their age, those under 21 must attainprimary education, and those older can attend, ifthey so choose. Education is organised both withinthe penitentiary and outside, and upon completion,the inmate receives a certificate that must not indicatethat the education was received during a prisonsentence.

THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDCHAPTER 3Based on the nature of the prison environment, thereare also some restrictions as to what type of educationcan be provided, especially in closed penitentiaries.Vocational training can only be organised for professionswhose practical training can be organised insidethe penitentiary, which slightly limits the optionsavailable. The selection of training available also dependson the location of the penitentiary, relative tothe local labour market and social environment. Despitethe educational resources available to inmates,a relatively low percentage of the prison populationactually takes part in such programmes. This may bedue to the lack of flexibility in the educational systemin terms of the duration of programmes and the inabilityof inmates to complete their programmes afterthey have been released. There is also a particular lackof programmes for people with special needs.3.9.4 Access to Employment andEmployment ServicesIn accordance with the International Covenant onCivil and Political Rights and the Constitution of theRepublic of Croatia, no citizen, incarcerated or otherwise,shall be required to perform forced or compulsorylabour. Thus, inmates only work if they chooseto. The deployment of inmates to work in a specificposition must be in line with their abilities, education,health, and interests, and must also be in linewith other segments of the individual’s sentencing.The inmate must receive remuneration for his or herwork, however this should not be in such excess as tocounter the purpose of the sentencing. The organisationand conditions of work must be as similar as possibleto that found outside the prison system, so as toprepare the inmate for reintegration into the labourmarket upon their release. The inmate can work in thepenitentiary or prison or with some other employeron the outside. Based on special consent and subjectto special approval, inmates whose prison sentencesare less than six months in duration can continueto work with their employer or continue to performtheir own private activity. This provision is a big stepforward in reducing the harmful consequences ofimprisonment.The work of inmates is organised according to generalregulations, including work-related protection,provision of job-appropriate attire, protection againstwork-related hazards, certification for heavy machinery,reasonable working hours, daily breaks, weeklyrest, and annual leave. The conditions surroundingemployment for inmates change depending on thelevel of security at the prison they have been confinedto. In semi-open and open prisons, all inmates whowant to work are provided work, however in closedFigure 9: Prisoners’ education levels as of 31 December 2005primary school finished28,40 %secondary or vocationalschool unfinished8,45 %secondary or vocationalschool finished48,80 %primary school unfinished9,22 %no school education1,14 %cannot read orwrite0,41 %other0,32 %institution or highereducation finished1,51 %post-second schoolfinished2,15 %91

CHAPTER 3THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDpenitentiaries there is an insufficient number of suitablework positions meaning that only about 50% ofinmates can receive work. In addition to the problemof limited work positions, there is also a problem withobsolete technology, as well as the type and natureof jobs that can be offered to inmates. Unfortunately,in Croatia there is no data on how and to what extentformer inmates are able to find employment oncethey re-enter society.3.9.5 Access to Information andCommunication TechnologyInmates are allowed to make telephone calls in orderto maintain communication with their family members,which is particularly important for those inmateswho due to physical distance cannot realize theirvisitation rights. Telephone conversations in prisonsand penitentiaries may be supervised. Supervisionconsists of checking telephone numbers that theinmate dials, as well as in controlling which numbersthe inmate dials. The use of cell phones, which cannotbe supervised as easily, is not permitted. As part oftheir individual sentence programmes, inmates arepermitted to participate in ICT training workshops.At such workshops, inmates learn to use the PC andvarious programmes (Word, Excel, etc.). They are notallowed to use the Internet, because the free unsupervisedaccess to information and communicationsis viewed as a security risk.3.9.6 Access to Housing and BasicInfrastructureInmates have the right to adequate accommodation;each inmate’s cell must provide 4m 2 and 10m 3of space, both natural and artificial light for readingwithout causing eye strain, clean and available facilities,adequate heat and cooling, and a proper bed andsupply of linens. The law states that inmates shouldbe accommodated individually, but in the case ofshared accommodation it is necessary to ensure thatthe inmates are not likely to cause a mutually negativeeffect.The prison system is presently facing overcrowding inhigh security penitentiaries. In the last five years, thenumber of inmates has grown by about 900 (in 2001the total number of inmates was 2,679, and in 2005it was 3,485). Overcrowding has become an issue in11 of 14 prisons (some are populated up to 190%of their capacity). This situation presents a problemin providing the space to each inmate prescribedby the accommodation standards. Accommodationconditions can have a strong influence on the healthand mental condition of inmates, and in the case ofovercrowding, mutually bad influences and possibleharassment are more difficult to prevent. In addition,the space intended for various activities, work, education,exercise, and participation in individual andgroup treatment programmes, is reduced.The problem of overcrowding could be mitigated byintroducing alternative sentences – such as probationarysentences with protective supervision or communitywork – which do not exclude the convictedperson from their environment, allow them to keeptheir job, and thus reduce the personal and societalrisk from potential consequences of incarceration.Allowing for protective supervision and employmentdoes restrict the freedom of the individual, but doesnot exclude them from society. The problem of overcrowdingcould also be partially mitigated by longerperiods of probationary release for inmates. In orderto pursue this option, a probation service would needto be established that could identify those who couldqualify for conditional release, and ensure adequatesupervision of the released (in European countries,the probation service). During probation, the convictedperson may be obliged to undergo or continuetraining, find employment, concede to supervisionover the disposal of their income, accept certain restrictionson movement and associations, as well assubmit to reporting to the social welfare centre, andthe police. These activities are presently carried outby the enforcement judge (county court judge fromthe area in which the inmate is released)92

THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDCHAPTER 33.9.7 Social TiesIn order to reduce the negative effects of incarceration,inmates need contact with the outside world,including access to information through the media,as well as through personal correspondence,telephone calls and visits. While serving sentences,inmates are entitled to visits from family memberstwice a month and on holidays, while under-agechildren can visit their parents every week and onholidays. Maintaining family ties and contacts withthe social environment is crucial to the future reintegrationof inmates back into society. However, theremote location of penitentiaries frequently presentsan obstacle to maintaining social ties, which affectsthe rights of both the inmate as well as their family.In closed penitentiaries, visits are supervised for securityreasons, however, the supervision needs to beorganised in such a way that respects the rights ofthe inmate’s privacy, but also prevents abuses thatmight jeopardise security.Conjugal visits are regarded as a privilege, howeverinmates frequently dispute the logic of treating suchvisits as privilege. Based on special approval, institutions,NGOs, the media and members of the localcommunity conducting research may visit penitentiariesas well. However, there are very few NGOs thatoffer programmes suitable for the prison population.There are several associations that take an active partin the treatment of substance abuse in penitentiariesand prisons, and this kind of cooperation also continuesafter the inmate leaves the facility. Interactiveworkshops which were organised for the wider prisonpopulation by the associations such as the “Art of Living”and the CAHIV (Croatian Association for HIV) arean example of good cooperation between the prisonsystem and NGOs.3.9.8 Key ChallengesIn order to maintain incarceration as a “last resort”, legalalternatives to detention - available in the implementingphase of the criminal procedure - need to be morewidely adopted. Statistics show that a small number ofpeople in the prison population require maximum securitymeasures and the restriction of communicationin order to prevent their undesirable or dangerous activities.The penal system faces a challenge to developingand intensifying programmes which would enableinmates to behave responsibly and permit them toserve their sentences under more lenient conditions.An additional challenge is raising public awarenessabout the rehabilitation approach to inmates chargedwith criminal offences, which would lead to fewer difficultiesin their social integration, both while servingtheir sentences and after discharge.3.9.9 Policy ImplicationsIn order to achieve transparency and accountabilityin a closed prison system, an independent bodyof citizens should be established that could visitpenitentiaries and prisons without any restrictions,communicate with inmates and report findings tothe public and the Parliament. Ensuring adequatefinancing for the prison system should, in additionto satisfying accommodation standards, include theacquisition of technical security devices (walls, videosurveillance) which would decrease the need for firearmswithin the prison. The establishment of a probationsystem would open up the possibility of shorterterms of incarceration, as well as create conditions fora larger number of alternative sanctions, thus raisingthe level of humanity and protection of human rightsin the implementation of criminal sanctions.93

CHAPTER 3THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDED3.10 Women Victims of Family ViolenceBox 15: Personal Experience“When we went shopping together, he would gocrazy if I stayed in the shop too long while he waitedin the car. I always got beaten after that. The worstthat happened was during one Christmas. Hethrew me out into the backyard and didn’t let mein for hours… I could not defend myself becauseit would make him even angrier. I never called thepolice; as soon as I would take the phone, he wouldgrab the receiver and would then hit me with thephone to teach me the lesson to not even think ofcalling for help…I was leaving him three times buthave always returned. I thought it would get better.Finally, all our interaction was dysfunctional. Andhe wanted a second baby. The fourth time I ranaway in slippers and I knew I would never comeback.” (Sanja Sarnavka “A ‘ko joj je kriv!”, 2003)3.10.1 Human RightsIn the General Recommendation No.19 made by theUnited Nations Committee on the Elimination of AllForms of Discrimination against Women, 125 genderbasedviolence is defined as: “a form of discriminationthat seriously inhibits women’s ability to enjoy rightsand freedoms on an equal basis with men.” Based onthe virtue of their gender, women who are victimsof violence face a double risk as a vulnerable group,firstly through having an increased risk of poverty, 126and secondly, having limited options in society and ahigh risk of social exclusion. 127Women’s non-governmental organizations (the AutonomousWomen’s House Zagreb and the Group forWomen’s Human Rights Be active Be emancipated(B.a.B.e.), Women’s Help Now) encourage the adoptionof new laws as well as the amendments to the existingones in the process of alignment with the EU legislature.Such laws include the Family Act, and the GenderEquality Act, the Act on the Protection from Family Violence,and the amendments to the Labour Act (2003).In addition, the Office of the Gender Equality Ombudsmanwas also formed in 2003, just like the GovernmentGender Equality Office (February 2004). Experts fromNGOs were members of the working group which createdthe National Strategy for Fighting Family Violencefor the period 2005/2007 and the Protocol for HandlingCases of Family Violence. However, despite the lawsand newly-established institutions, the mechanisms ofimplementation are still problematic.A survey on family violence against women, conductedin 2003, 128 provided an alarming piece of informationthat in Croatia at least 29% of women have experiencedsome sort of physical abuse by their intimate partners(21% of those interviewed experienced it personally,29% knew that their best friend experienced it, and in36% of the cases, family violence was experienced bythe mother of the interviewed person and the interviewedperson witnessed the event in her childhood).Therefore, one in four women in Croatia was a victim ofsome form of family violence.According to data and contrary to popular belief, it isone’s home, and not a dark alley, that poses the mostdanger for a woman. Women are exposed to the mostserious forms of persecution and violence in theirhome, by the partner they know and trust, whichmakes this form of violence especially cruel and horrifying.Since there has been no comparative surveysince 2003, it is impossible to talk about the trend ofthe presence of violence against women in the family.Grafikon 10: Physical Abuse of Women40 %35 %30 %25 %20 %15 %10 %5 %0 %21 %29 %36 %personally best friend mother125 General Recommendation No.19 (2nd session, 1992), U.N.DocA/47/38(1992).94126 Source: Central Bureau of Statistics, “Poverty Indicators from 2002 to 2004“, No. 13.2.2 of 7 July 2005.127 Economic Vulnerability and Welfare Study (2000), World Bank.

THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDCHAPTER 3Figure 11: Number of reported persons for criminaloffence referred to in Article 215 a, violent behaviourin the family100080060040020002001 2002 2003 2004 2005However, according to the data of the Central Bureauof Statistics, the trend of increased reported familyviolence is noticeable (see Figure 11).This data shows the rising trend of reported cases inthe period from 2001 to 2005, which indicates thatfamily violence has become a visible problem for Croatiansociety, family members, and the police. Also, accordingto the data of the Central Bureau of Statistics,996 adults have been prosecuted for acts of domesticviolence. State attorney’s offices have assessed that ofthe total number of reported incidents, two thirds werelegitimate. Of the total number of people convictedfor domestic violence from 2001 to 2005, 1,119 werewomen (or 13%) and 7,733 were men (or 87%). Withregards to the type of legal punishment ruled by court,the most frequent is a fine, followed by suspendedsentences and imprisonment in equal proportions.3.10.2 Access to Social ServicesIn accordance with the Croatian Social Welfare Act, allindividual and legal entities have the right to establisha safe house for children and adults who are the victimsof family violence (Article 96). A legal entity is obligedto collaborate with the responsible Centre for SocialWelfare in delivering the following services: proper nutritionand foodstuffs, proper healthcare, maintenanceof personal hygiene, and psycho-social support. Manywomen who are victims of domestic violence seek adivorce from their abusive partner. However the socialwelfare system is not always capable of meeting theneeds of women in this situation. Many women tryingto improve their situation have expressed the followingconcerns over dealing with the social welfare system: 130- A lack of confidence in the expertise and willingnessof the employees at CSW to protect them andmitigate the serious consequences of domesticviolence. They feel that the employees try to playdown their situations, believing that they “shouldendure for the well-being of their children andfamily”, that they are overreacting, etc.- Information not being provided, or even denied towomen trying to exercise their rights for protectionin situations of domestic violence (e.g., informationon how and where to report family violence, how toinitiate a divorce procedure, how to solve problemsconcerning the division of the marital estate, etc.).- A lack of respect for basic administrative procedureson the part of social welfare centre employees whenwomen request protection against an abusivepartner. For example, women feel that employeesdo not respect the right of the party requestingprotection to be heard as provided for in Article 8of the General Administrative Procedure Act. Thatis, before they adopt a decision, the employees donot permit the victim to express her views on thefacts and circumstances relevant to the issue inquestion. Women who are the victims of violencefrequently propose witnesses in order to provecertain relevant circumstances which occurredduring the marriage, but the centres mostly do notacknowledge the supporting evidence, even whenthe women state that witnesses possess knowledgeabout important events pointing to violence.128 The study was conducted in the form of a poll as part of the project under the title “Social Costs of Family Violence against Women”. Theinitiator and the competent body for the project was the Autonomous Women’s House Zagreb, and the project was approved and fundedby the State Institute for the Protection of the Family, Maternity and Youth. The study was conducted on a representative sample of 976female interviewees in the age range from 18 to 65. The data were gathered by the face-to-face method at 42 locations in Dalmatia, Istriaand Primorje, Lika and Pokuplje, Northern Croatia and Zagreb. The author of the study was Dijana Otroćak.129 Decision on the proclamation of the Act on Amendments to the Social Welfare Act, adopted by the Croatian Parliament at its sessionof 21 September 2001.130 The problems of women when encountering the social welfare institutions are specified according to the testimonies of womenactivists who have been directly assisting and communicating with women victims of family violence.95

CHAPTER 3THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDED- A lack of professionalism by public employeeswho contact members of the affected family inan untimely, unprofessional and inexpert manner.They feel that there is no compassion towards thewoman suffering from domestic violence; theirtestimonies are met with suspicion and scepticism.- Insistence on “conciliation” procedures oftenjeopardise the safety of the woman. According tothe Family Act, in divorce proceedings spouseswho have under-age children must participate ina conciliation procedure at a social welfare centre.Having attended three to six conciliatory meetings,a centre for social welfare then decides, within aperiod of six months, whether or not the procedurewas successful.- The marriage and family teams (consisting of a socialworker, a psychologist and a jurist) are burdenedwith too heavy a caseload and, consequently,become insensitive. There have also been reportsof powerlessness on the side of these teams whichmay have been intimidated or threatened by theaccused.- Until the adoption of the new Family Act, the socialwelfare centre was responsible for the removal ofsmall children, with support from the local police.If the centre met with resistance from the accused,they would seek a court order authorizing theaction. However, the matter would only be heardin court after a certain number of unsuccessfulenforcements (attempted every one to threemonths), prolonging the harmful consequences ofthe situation for both the children and the victims.3.10.3 Access to HealthcareAccording to the Act on Protection against FamilyViolence: “Healthcare workers, social welfare workers,psychologists, social workers, social pedagogues andworkers in educational institutions must report anycases of family violence to the police or the municipalstate attorney’s office...” 131 There is no legislation dedicatedto the medical and psychological support ofvictims of domestic violence however in the Protocolon Handling Cases of Family Violence it is stated thatthe Ministry of Health and Social Welfare should issuerecommendations to healthcare workers regardingvictims of domestic violence. The health of womenwho have had to endure long-term violence is oftenweakened, and many take sedatives prescribed byspecialists, instead of receiving concrete assistance ingetting out of the abusive situation. Women who arethe victims of violence are often afraid or ashamed tosee a doctor for help, so their health keeps deteriorating.Women who are the victims of violence have topay 120 HRK for the case history with a detailed list ofinjuries, which they need as evidence in court.3.10.4 Access to Employment andEmployment ServicesAccording to the UNDP study, 132 women feel discriminatedagainst in terms of employment and career advancementmore frequently than men. Women are alsoone of the most vulnerable groups (especially singlemothers) threatened by poverty - there are more unemployedwomen than men, and more women workin lower paid jobs. 133 For women who are the victims ofdomestic violence, finding access to rewarding employmentis that much more difficult, because violent mencontrol their partners in all spheres of life, frequentlykeeping them in complete social isolation. If womenare employed, their employment is not necessarilyterminated when they go to the shelter. Women whohave not been employed can find employment duringtheir stay in shelter, although some stay completelyoutside the labour market, worsening their situation,as they are unable to gain economic independence.Women who are exposed to violence are often absentfrom work due to their physical injuries and/or correspondingpsychological problems. There are very few,if any, social programmes that deal with the economicempowerment of women who are victims of violence.In 2005, the Women’s Entrepreneurial Centre Rosa wasone of the first to initiate a programme for the employmentof women who are victims of domestic violencein Velika Gorica. The programme was envisaged tohave two segments:131 Act on Protection against Family Violence, Article 5, OG 116/2003.132 UNDP (2006a). Research on social exclusion in Croatia: Quality of Life and the risk of social exclusion. UNDP, Zagreb, Croatia96133 Almost half (47.8%) of employed women work in 4 under-appreciated and underpaid sectors (textile industry, education, health care,social work); 6% of women are on high-ranking management positions; the average net salary for women in Croatia in 2003 was by 11.5%lower than for men; the greatest difference in salaries (22%) is present in trade and craft enterprises.

THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDCHAPTER 31. Empowerment, which concerns women whohave experienced violence and who needpsychological support, including learning how totake responsibility for one’s own life, improvingcommunication skills, and learning how toconduct a self-appraisal of one’s abilities;2. Education on self-employment, which includeseducating women on basic entrepreneurialactivities, the use of ICT, as well as the finer pointson business communication and business culture.Economic independence and reinstating thecontrol over women’s lives are the two main aimsof this component.According to information from September 2006, theCES has begun to treat women of domestic violenceas a separate group within the unemployed, whichconstitutes a very important step in the employmentservices for victims of family violence.3.10.5 Access to InformationSince 1997, and the launching of the campaign, “StopViolence against Women”, the NGO community hassucceeded in drawing the interest of many importantactors (media representatives, political parties, decisionmakers and judges) towards the problem of familyviolence. During the Campaign of 16 Days of Activismin 2001, 130 radio stations in Croatia broadcastthe radio jingle of the campaign free of charge, andby 2003 the campaign had developed regionally. 134A key problem voiced by women victimized by domesticviolence is that they have insufficient accessto information regarding their rights. According to areport published by the Women’s Counselling Centre135 in 2001 (with a total of 1,253 clients), womenwho requested help from the Counselling Centre hadreceived information about its work from the followingsources: 17.8% from friends/relatives; 11.2% frominstitutions; 8.1% from the media; 7.8% from NGOs;3.1% internally; and, in 52% of cases no informationwas available.To address this concern, the Ministry of the Family,Veterans’ Affairs and Intergenerational Solidarityprepared a comprehensive listing of organizationsand institutions that provide support to victims ofdomestic violence in March 2005. NGOs had earlierpublished guides for women victims of violence in1991 and 1998. The police also published the brochures“How to Help Yourself” and “Violence doesn’tLive Here”, which increased the knowledge of victimsof domestic violence as well.Although the civil campaigns have contributed themost to a change in socially accepted attitudes andstereotypes regarding domestic violence, the mediahave also played an important role by giving morespace and attention to this social phenomenon. Today,it is a common practice for the media, especiallydaily newspapers, to publish annual reports aboutdomestic violence during important days (such asSeptember 22, the national day for violence againstwomen). Although the NGO community highlightsthat their cooperation with local journalists is fair,they are critical of editors’ practices of emphasisingsensationalism and sexism in the headlines.3.10.6 Access to Housing and BasicInfrastructureWomen who are victims of domestic violence are usuallyforced to leave their homes, relying on women’sshelters or friends and family for support. One of theprotective measures in the Protection against FamilyViolence Act relates to the place of habitation and theprotection of women on shared premises. 136 This measurecalls for the removal of an abuser who is accusedof committing violent acts against a family member inthe same residence, if there is a danger of the accusedrepeating the offence. The measure of removal is rarelyapplied, in part because many women who are victimizedare also economically dependent on the abuser.As a result of numerous demands for accommodation,the Ministry of Health and Social welfare hasproposed the establishment of a larger number ofshelters, with lower capacity, in different towns and134 The topic was 17 women who were killed by their present or former partners over an 18-month period: the killed women were presentedas silhouettes on which it was indicated who killed them, where, how... Shown as silent witnesses – with the question “Violence is a CRIME,what is the PUNISHMENT?”, the silhouettes were placed at much frequented places in Zagreb, provoking silent empathy with the victimsof family violence.135 A joint project of the Autonomous Women’s House Zagreb and the Centre for Women Victims of War – ROSA..136 This measure can be issued only in the duration of up to three months.97

CHAPTER 3THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDmutual cooperation with NGOs that provide servicesto victims. Some in the NGO community claim thatthis system of funding for shelters is not adequate, asit undermines the autonomy of the shelter. Neitherthe ordinances nor the Social Welfare Act mention thefeminist approach to operating shelters, employed bythe oldest and most successful shelters which are runby the feminist NGOs.Fifty-five people (women and children) can be accommodatedin homes for adults who are victimsof domestic violence. The total capacity of churchshelters is 97 adults and more than 24 children.The total capacity of shelters managed by women’snon-governmental organizations amounts to 73 forwomen and a minimum of 33 for children (data refersto the capacity of the Autonomous Women’s House inZagreb, Women’s Group ‘Step’ in Karlovac, associationMirta in Split, Safe House in Istra, and Women’s HelpNow – SOS Phone-line). It is possible to accommodatea total of 225 adults and a minimum of 57 children atthe same time, in shelters which receive women andchildren victims of family violence.Apart from the shelters run by women’s NGOs, accommodationis also available for women at officiallydesignatedaddresses. This type of accommodationfor women who are the victims of violence is mostlyfounded by the local authorities or church institutions.The principles of their operation vary; for example,church organisations put family first and not the safetyof the woman, often supporting reconciliation.Although the protection and help given to victimsof family violence is within the mandate of the CSW,NGOs frequently complain that some centres disclosethe addresses of secret shelters or inform spousesthat charges have been filed. Women’s NGOs workaccording to the principle of “women help women”,and they do their best to provide security for theirclients by keeping the addresses of the shelters secretand, if necessary, offer other forms of protection. Oneof the primary goals of women’s NGOs is to empowerwomen, and help them take control of their lives. Inthe shelters, there are psychologists, legal experts,social pedagogues and doctors who provide all formsof assistance that the women need. Women in theseshelters also receive free legal assistance in the formof information, representation in court, court petitionsand contacts with state administration, all with thepurpose of facilitating the realisation of their rights.3.10.7 Social TiesTable 5 illustrates that women who have experienceddomestic violence are most likely to reach out to theirfriends and relatives for help. 137Table 5: Who did you contact for help in the case of violence?Never1st time2-3 timesFrequentlyFriends54%15%15%16%Relatives55%15%14%16%Police83%9%5%3%Social welfare centre90%5%4%1%Court complaint92%7%0%1%Lawyer94%5%1%0%Marriage counsellors94%4%0%2%Church or other religious organisation95%2%2%1%S.O.S. phone95%3%0%2%Women’s counselling service - NGO99%1%0%0%Women’s shelter100%0%0%0%98137 Autonomous Women’s House Zagreb, Otroćak, 2003.

THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDCHAPTER 3This data indicates that most women will endureviolence and that they are not likely to seek help fromresponsible state institutions. When women do seekhelp, it is most likely to be from within their closest socialcircle, like their friends and relatives. This could beexplained by fear, shame stemming from a traditionalenvironment, limited access to information, negativeexperiences with certain institutions (in particular, CSW,the police and the judiciary), feelings of alienation,feeling alone in their plight (believing that violencedoes not happen to other people), and self blame.3.10.8 Access to the PoliceThe Croatian Government has measures in place forprotecting the victims of criminal acts under Article 69of the Police Act. Procedures governing the cases ofdomestic violence are articulated in the Ordinance onhandling cases of family violence, under police jurisdiction.The Ordinance states that in the event of reportedviolence or when receiving a call for help from a personexposed to domestic violence, at least two police officersmust be promptly sent to the scene. The officers mustattempt to intervene, investigate the reported violence,and depending on the situation they encounter, the officersmust take actions to ensure immediate protectionof any victims, including any medical care and preventionof further violent outbursts by the accused. The policemust inform the victim of their rights to protection,the right to pursue legal action, give victims informationabout organisations that can help them, and advisethem of any further action that will be taken by thepolice. Unfortunately, the Protocol on handling cases offamily violence does not provide the police with a wideenough range of authority which would be necessary toproperly protect the victims and their families. Women’sNGOs working on the elimination of violence againstwomen in the family have expressed the followingconcerns when dealing with the police: 138- Interventions are too slow, often an average of 45minutes can pass between the time of the call to thepolice’s arrival at the scene;- The police may not view the victim with muchcredibility, underestimating the danger that thevictim’s life may be in;- The police intimidate the victims with frequentlyboth partners being charged with misdemeanouroffences. Under Croatian law, if a member of thecommunity reports a domestic disturbance bothparties involved in the disturbance are charged withviolating public law and order. The police have alsobeen known to simply provide a verbal warning tothe abuser as opposed to properly detaining them,and then leaving the victim in the care of the accused– this is particularly common in smaller settlements;- The police do not provide physical protection tothe victim at the scene, something that womenfrequently request.The latest experiences of the Autonomous Women’sHouse in Zagreb indicate that the conduct of the policehas improved significantly in this Zagreb and thesurrounding area since the beginning of 2006, afterthe adoption of the Protocol on Handling Cases ofFamily Violence. According to research 139 only 17% ofwomen in Croatia report violence to the police. Policerecords indicate that the police undertake about 39interventions daily because of domestic violence. In2005, around 10,000 charges of domestic violencewere filed (both criminal and misdemeanour).3.10.9 Key ChallengesWomen who are the victims of domestic violenceare prone to structural violence within state-run institutionsin addition to suffering from psychological,physical, sexual or economic abuse from their currentor former partners. Employees of state institutions(the police, social workers, judges) are often accusedof being insensitive to the situation of these women,of failing to act promptly or not properly adhering toexisting laws and regulations, and of failing to informvictims of about their rights. The consequence ofsuch negligence is that women who have endureddomestic violence tend not to report it.The social context is a key element that contributesto domestic violence against women, which includesthe consequences of war, an increased threshold oftolerance to violence, men who returned from the138 The data have been collected by a questionnaire which was filled in by all the organizations in the territory of the West Balkans within the“Women’s Human Rights Support” Project. The concrete views which are presented in this text, in form of a statement, have been providedby Mrs Neva Tolle, the Head of the Autonomous Women’s House (one of the organizations which participated in the said survey).139 Autonomous Women’s House Zagreb, Otroćak, 2003.99

CHAPTER 3THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDwar suffering from PTSD, and the reversion back toa more traditional society. Structural changes at thepolicy level require intensive cooperation betweenNGOs and the relevant government institutions(CSW, the police, and the judiciary). The obligations ofrelevant institutions need to be clearly specified, withprecisely defined sanctions for failing to comply.3.10.10 Policy Implications- It is important to initiate educational programmes forpublic servants who work with victims of domesticviolence and their children. These programmesshould be aimed at removing the traditionally deeprootednorms, views and behaviour so that civilservants become more efficient and more gendersensitive when encountering women victims offamily violence.- The cooperation of the governmental and nongovernmentalsector is extremely important tothe solution of the problem of violence againstwomen in the family. However, although thecommunication channels have been established,government institutions have yet to initiate sufficientcollaboration.- A more prominent engagement of all stakeholders(both government institutions and civil societyorganizations) participating in the solution forviolence against women, is particularly necessary inthe case of direct assistance to women. This includesorganization and financing of more shelters,psychological and legal counselling centres, free-ofchargeSOS phone-lines operating 24 hours a day,economic strengthening programmes, and the like.- Funding for research on family violence shouldcontinue. This state budget funding should beallocated to those projects which focus on thephenomenon of violence against women, in orderto track trends over time.- Proper presentation of domestic violence, itsrecognition as well as that of gender stereotypesshould be systematically incorporated into publicawareness campaigns. Public campaigns, suchas “zero tolerance” campaigns, should discouragethe notion that violence is permissible, andshould present the issue as a socially and morallyunacceptable form of behaviour.3.11 The ElderlyBox 16: The life of the elderlyBeing a senior citizen in Croatia today is a tryingtime for most people. A sharp drop in earningsoccurs when the children have becomeindependent and have their own families totake care of. Health related expenditures tendto rise and suddenly the life style and standardof living are reduced dramatically. At the sametime, work related networks are severed andare rarely replaced by contacts in the localcommunity. Inactivity, a lack of resources, a lackof trust, and worsening health often lead toexclusion from society.A typical member of this group would be 74years old, with a monthly income of up to 2,000HRK, living alone or with a spouse. Although theelderly rural population have a below-averageincome, they are able to live off the land andsupplement their income through home-grownproducts. However, the elderly in urban areastend to suffer more from isolation and a lack oftrust in other people. The primary health serviceswhich used to be a surrogate for social interactionare becoming cost prohibitive for many.Nevertheless, research indicates that seniorcitizens’ level of happiness and satisfaction withtheir life is not as low as could be expected basedon their level of income and apparent exclusion.In fact, optimism seems to still be alive amongthe elderly, despite of all their hardships.3.11.1 Human RightsToday there are 890,000 people in Croatia aged 65years and above; their share of the population hasgrown from 11.8% in 1991 to 15.7% in 2001 whichis expected to increase up to 30% by 2050. 140 Thereis a widely accepted opinion that the seniors, as agroup, are in greater danger of falling into povertythan other categories of the population. This groupis becoming the target of policy measures which areaimed at reducing social exclusion and poverty. Recently,the concept of “new pensioners” has emerged,100140 World Bank (2006). Regional Disparities and Living Standards Assessment.

THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDCHAPTER 3reflecting those individuals who have retired over thepast 5 years and who have lower pensions on averagethan those who had retired before this time in similaroccupations. The average Croatian pension todayis approximately 42% of the average net income inCroatia. Therefore, the perspectives of those who arenow just entering into the age group of 65 and overare substantially worse than they once were.Based on their growing numbers, senior citizens inmost European countries have become an influentialinterest group. As such, they will have a strong say inmost of the important decisions in society, and willbe able to negotiate the most advantageous arrangementsfor their particular needs. If the elderly feelat ease in their present situation, they will be morelikely to use their influence to secure a long-termsustainable future, and focus less on their immediateshort-term needs. If, on the other hand, group membersfind themselves excluded and in dire need, theirdecisions will reflect this present situation instead.3.11.2 Access to Social ServicesThere are three types of social welfare institutions inCroatia that cater to the needs of senior citizens: theCSW, the social welfare residential institutions andsocial welfare service providers. According to the LabourForce Survey (2004) only 11,700 senior citizensreceived income from social welfare sources. Thebenefits range from assistance for heating, clothesand food, to the provision of funds, placement inhomes, and homecare. Table 6 illustrates the benefitsprovided by the Croatian social system, and whatpercentage of the clientele are senior citizens.The household income of senior citizens comes fromvarious types of pensions, however 72.5% of thesehouseholds still require support from family members.A relatively small number of households receiveregular social assistance, but many take advantage ofthe many types of occasional benefits such as incomesupplements, subsidized heating in the winter, orTable 6: Household earnings of the 65+ group, by typeIncome %Support from family members or relatives72.5Old age pension67.5Family pension25.6Earnings from work (self-employment, agriculture, employment)24.5Financial support from persons outside the household18.4Income supplement13.9Disability pension8.6Savings6Social welfare benefit (cash)5.4Informal type of work (gray economy)3.9Child benefit2.7Unemployment benefit0.7Social welfare benefit (in kind)0.7Housing support0.6Persons who combine welfare with other sources of income LFS(2004)43.3Source: UNDP (2006). Research on social exclusion in Croatia: Quality of Life and the risk of social exclusion. UNDP, Zagreb, Croatia, CBS101

CHAPTER 3THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDED102homecare. The CSW are the main source of supplementalincome for 55% of cases, with local authoritiesproviding for these expenses in 9.5% of cases.The level of trust and satisfaction that senior citizenshave in the welfare system was rated below-averageby 36.6% of the senior citizens, 20.6% view the systemas more or less satisfactory, while 23.3% hold anabove average opinion of the services.3.11.3 Access to HealthcareHealth related risks seem to be disproportionately highamongst this social group. The highest risk of chronicillness seems to be negatively correlated with earnings,education level and rural/urban location. As many as37.3% of senior citizens view their health as impaired,while 52.9% have a chronic ailment which influencestheir everyday life. The elderly have a below averagelevel of satisfaction with their health (only 4.7 on ascale 1-10, where 10 is very satisfied). Men seem to beslightly more satisfied with their health than women.Discussions within focus groups revealed that seniorsstrongly protest the high costs of health services.Of special concern were the cash payments paid forevery visit to the doctor. Although small amounts,they accrue over time given that seniors visit doctorsfrequently. Also, seniors tend to need monthly prescriptionmedication, and to use services which werepreviously free such as blood pressure checks, whichnow cost 10 HRK per month - that is 5% of the averagepension. It is widely considered among senior citizensthat these costs are excessive compared to their incomeand should be discontinued.3.11.4 Access to Employment andEmployment ServicesThe incidence of low earnings in households ishigher in those which have senior family members,with women indicating lower incomes in generalas opposed to men. In view of their financial situation,41.79% of senior women and 31.2% of seniormen assess it as unfortunate. Only 31% of men whohave above average household incomes (7,000 HRK– 14,000 HRK) view this as a healthy income, while66.6% of women in this income bracket are satisfiedwith their earnings. Senior women are more susceptibleto poverty then are men; 8.9% of senior womenreceive less than 1,000 HRK per month, while only 3.4%of men fall within this income bracket. In the secondearnings bracket (1,000 HRK – 2,000 HRK), there are35.3% women and only 11.8% men. At the other endof the scale, 8.9% of men and only 3.8% of women livein households which earn more than 10,000 HRK.The majority of senior citizens live in two memberhouseholds, but those living alone indicate a particularlylow level of living standard. There are 244,000or 28.9% such households, 80% of which are elderlywomen living alone. About 45.1% of single memberhouseholds live on less than 1,500 HRK per monthand a further 46.7% have a monthly income of 1,500-3,000 HRK. Only 8.5% receive more than 3,000 HRK.This would indicate that within the senior citizensgroup in Croatia are subgroups that face an evengreater risk of exclusion. More than 2/3 of householdswhich are home to the elderly are either one or twomember households.Figure 12: Actual and needed levels of income by theelderly25.0020.0015.0010.005.000Actual incomeNeeded incomeDo 500 kn1001-15002001-30004001-50006001-70008001-1000012001-1400016001-1800020001-25000UNDP (2006). Research on social exclusion in Croatia: Quality of Life and therisk of social exlcusion. UNDP, Zagreb, Croatia.Figure 12 shows the difference between the actualand the needed income as expressed by Croatian seniorcitizens. The amounts of actual incomes peakat levels which are considered to be unacceptablylow for maintaining a decent standard of living.Even those who receive the highest amounts haveexpressed dissatisfaction with their income, indicatingthat even wealthier senior citizens subsist on abelow-average income.

THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDCHAPTER 3With such low pensions and a social welfare systemwhich does not provide comfortable support, it seemsnatural to suppose that seniors who have some workingcapacity engage in some form of economic activityto supplement their income. In 2004, there wereabout 53,000 economically active individuals in thisage group, yet activity rates and employment rateswere quite low (8.3% for men and 5% for women). 141A very small proportion (0.21%) was still activelyemployed in the private and state sector and approximatelythe same percentage was self-employed. Thelargest proportion of the employed seniors (76.2%)was engaged in agricultural activities and the otherswere either helping family members or working occasionallyfor cash payment or payments in kind. Mostseniors working in agriculture were formally retiredand were using this work to supplement their incomes.Average earnings from agriculture are around700 HRK per month but with considerable seasonalvariation. The plots of land cultivated by seniors tendto be rather small. Almost 40% of seniors tend plotsup to 1000 m2, 23.3% have or use plots from 1,001to 5,000 m2. In general, economic activity amongseniors in Croatia is not widespread and takes placemostly in the subsistence agricultural sector.3.11.5 Access to TransportationPublic transportation in Croatia is free for all elderlyabove the age of 65 in large urban centres such asZagreb. However, private transportation, which issometimes the only viable option in smaller centresand in rural areas, is quite expensive. These barriersto transportation can lead to limited access to healthservices, which usually require travel to larger urbancentres. For senior citizens it is much cheaper to live inZagreb in terms of mobility, however other expenseslinked with the price of an average basket of commoditiesare understandably higher.3.11.6 Access to Housing and BasicInfrastructureThe ownership of homes by senior citizens in Croatiais quite widespread; as many as 79.5% are home ownersand only a small proportion (2.2%) has a mortgageon their home. Others live in tenancy agreements ineither privately or state owned dwellings. About 16%of senior citizens live in one-room dwellings (excludingkitchen, bathroom, halls and pantries), 35.5%have two and 28.1% have three rooms. Satisfactionwith housing decreases with age. On the other hand,there is a positive correlation between the satisfactionwith housing and the level of education and earnings.The sense of security decreases with age, and seniorcitizens seem to need safer neighbourhoods morethan other age groups.3.11.7 Social TiesA valid indicator of the degree of inclusion in society isthe level of trust which exists between individuals. Whensenior citizens were asked to comment on the degreeof trust they have in people outside their close socialnetwork, 45.4% expressed a below-average amountof trust, 18.2% had average trust levels and 34.9% hadabove-average trust levels. A total of 15.2% of seniorsthink that one can never be careful enough with people,while only 3% think that, on the whole, people can betrusted.As a result of this level of relative distrust it is not surprisingthat 53.6% of the elderly have described their sociallife as not very stimulating. However, if we look at theinteraction with the family and relatives, it seems that inthis regard the elderly, even though most of them livealone or with their spouses, have considerable interaction.As many as 47.6% of senior citizens have contactwith their children every day, or even several times aday. A further 30.2% communicate with their familyonce a week, or at least once a month. However, themost frequent communication occurs, not with familymembers, but with neighbours. Up to 88% of the elderlycommunicate with friends and neighbours at least oncea week and more than 60% communicate on a dailybasis. It can be concluded that the elderly nurture closeties with their immediate environment while retaining areserved attitude towards outsiders and strangers.Seniors trust their close family and spouses or partnersthe most. For example, illnesses, family problems, orsimply a need to be heard are all circumstances forwhich 60-81% of seniors turn to their immediate family.However, in money matters 22.5% of the elderly haveno one to turn to. It seems the state is the only source ofsupport, if such a high proportion of the elderly are leftto fend for themselves.141 The activity rates and the employment rates are the same as there are no unemployed persons aged 65+.103

CHAPTER 3THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDMost senior citizens rarely have obligations towardyounger or older generations. Volunteering is rareamong this group, which points to a relative isolationand orientation towards personal daily activitiesand hobbies. Most seniors who have a hobby thinkthat the amount of time which they dedicate to it isadequate, while 22.3% think that they do not haveenough time for these activities. About 20% said thatthey do not have a hobby at all.3.11.8 Key ChallengesThe greatest threat to senior citizens seems to be theobvious lack of adequate financial resources, followedclosely by concerns over access to health services.The group as a whole does not seem to be isolatedas they tend to interact frequently with family membersand immediate neighbours. Generally speaking,their self-assessment of deprivation is not as low as itmight be, considering their low income. However, asub-group which may require particular attention isthe single member households, the majority of whichare headed by women. Female longevity often leadsto isolation, lack of adequate health support, littleinteraction with the community and alienation.The institutional capacity of the welfare system seemsto be one of the key challenges in successfully reachingthose in need and providing the appropriate support.Excessive bureaucratic procedures reduce thetime available for welfare officers to be present in thefield and actively working to improve the conditionsof their beneficiaries. A further challenge is the fragmentedand one-dimensional approach to problemswhich arise from poverty and social exclusion. Thereis little cooperation between the various institutionsresponsible for different aspects of the well being ofsenior citizens.Perhaps the greatest call for action at the local levelis to provide support to the elderly and involve themin community life where they can significantly contribute.The NGO activities indicate a dire need for theinvolvement and knowledge of senior citizens andconsider their active engagement in the communityto be highly desirable. Face to face interaction is morevaluable than cash in hand. The lack of tradition ofcommunity voluntary activities in Croatia is now havinga negative effect on the aging population.3.11.9 Policy Implications- Decentralization. Needs assessment is dilutedwith distance. A centralized welfare serviceprovision spends more than necessary. Localneeds assessments should serve as the primaryevaluation of senior citizens’ needs, and financingfrom international, national and local resourcesshould be encouraged.- Activation of the NGO sector. Social entrepreneurshipis a crucial development in the sphere ofservice provision to community members inneed, such as senior citizens. Decentralized andprivatised/state services need support from boththe central and local authorities.- Better targeting. Service providing institutionslack clear strategy and operational programmes,resulting in a system driven by clients, while manywho need assistance but fail to seek it remainneglected.- Better coordination of responsible bodies, such aswelfare services, the Croatian Employment Agency,the National Health Fund, and regional and localauthorities. These institutions should design jointpolicy measures and build capacity to interactand better serve the target population. Buildingcapacities of responsible organizations with clearand measurable goals is also important.- Mobilization of cross-generational solidarity andthe creation of opportunities for mutual learningprovide a meaningful engagement for youth andthe unemployed. Financing NGO activities regardingservices for the elderly should be increased.104

THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDCHAPTER 33.12 The HomelessBox 17: Personal storyNada is a well-groomed 60-year old. She has adaughter and two grandchildren. Until a year agoshe lived in her own apartment, but today she is aresident at a shelter for the homeless. She says: “Fiftypercent is my fault, but fifty percent is the fault of thestate where the rule of law does not work.” After herdaughter was married, her apartment became toobig for just one person, so she sold it and invested allof the money in a bank which later went bankrupt.Her daughter lives in a small apartment with herhusband, and Nada does not want to impose onher family. “The young and the old do not mixwell. I cannot sleep in the same room with my twograndchildren.” At the moment, she is waiting for adecision on her disability pension. After she gets it,she will be able to rent an apartment or room andlive as a tenant. She hopes to see the end of thecourt proceedings, and to receive compensation forthe lost investment. Nada suffers from a severe formof depression and has to take medication regularly.(Focus group discussion, UNDP).This example is typical of a new homelessness intransitional countries where people used to havesecure job all their lives, they had a family and astable residence, but they failed to acclimatizeduring transition, that brought along marketinsecurity, privatisation of housing funds, and theclosure of companies where they had planned towork until retirement.3.12.1 Human RightsUnder the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, theright to housing is considered a basic human right. Inthe Constitution of the Republic of Croatia, the rightto housing is not expressly mentioned, but it is notedthat the state must ensure the right to a dignified lifeto all citizens, 142 and particularly to those with disabilities,those who are helpless, unemployed or thosewho are not able to work. 143 Since homelessness inCroatia is a relatively new phenomenon, it is yet to beincorporated into the Social Welfare Act, or any otherlegislation, although most homeless people are registeredas permanent beneficiaries of various rightsand forms of assistance in the social welfare system.However many of the benefits available through thewelfare system are based on county residence. For thehomeless who cannot claim residency in any county,gaining access to these services becomes problematicand they become dependent on humanitarian,religious and non-government organisations.According to the National Action Plans for FightingSocial Exclusion (NAP/incl.) in 10 New Member States ofthe European Union, the term homeless person refersexclusively to people who live “without a roof over theirheads”. This definition is much more restrictive than theNational Action Plans of the 15 old Member States ofthe EU, in which all situations concerning “homelessness”were viewed from a much more general perspectiveand which took into account various degrees ofdeprivation in the realisation of adequate and healthyhousing (European Commission Report on NAPs in 10New Member States of the EU, 2005).The definitions of homelessness and the conceptualframes used to monitor and evaluate it and used toplan social policy measures were developed by a groupof experts from Eurostat and FEANTSA (EuropeanFederation of National Organisations working with theHomeless). The FEANTSA typology of homelessnesstakes into consideration the physical, social and legaldimensions of housing and develops 4 basic deprivationconcepts: rooflessness, houselessness, living in insecurehousing, living in inadequate housing. The firstcategory, rooflessness, covers people who sleep in thestreet and who use homeless shelters. The second category,houselessness, covers those who live in hostelsfor homeless persons, in temporary accommodation,women’s shelters, alien asylum centres, temporary accommodationfacilities for immigrant workers, in prisonsand medical institutions and in all other forms ofsubsidised and interim accommodation. The categoryof living in insecure housing includes people who livewith their extended family or friends on a temporarybasis, who do not have the legal right to the accommodationthat they use, who live in apartments pendingeviction and persons who live under a constant threatof family violence. Living in inadequate housing refersto life in temporary and non-standard structures, such142 ‘The Republic shall protect maternity, children and young people, and shall create social, cultural, educational, material and otherconditions conducive to the realization of the right to a decent life’, Constitution of the Republic of Croatia, Article 62.143 The Constitution of the Republic of Croatia, Article 57.105

CHAPTER 3THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDas trailers, condemned or inhabitable buildings, as wellas in overcrowded apartments.Croatia does not have much data on this socialgroup. 144 The Ministry of Health and Social Welfareonly keeps track of the data on the number of sheltersand soup kitchens. According to this data (October2005), there are only five homeless shelters in threeCroatian towns: Zagreb (the Shelter of the City of Zagreband the Red Cross Shelter), Split (the ReceptionCentre for the Homeless and the Reception Centre forHomeless Women of the Association MoSt), and Osijek(the Homeless Centre of the Osijek Caritas and the CityCouncil). Apart from these few centres, the homelessfind accommodation in monasteries, medical institutionsand social welfare institutions, for which thereis no common data base. For example, in Zagreb theMonastery of the Missionaries of Love of Sister MotherTeresa provides accommodation and food to thehomeless, but there is no information on their accommodationcapacity. There is also Caritas of the ZagrebArchdiocese, which uses a facility in Rakitje for providingaccommodation and food to about fifty homelesspeople, mostly seriously ill or immobile, as well as theHome for People with Mental Illnesses (Šestinski Doland Mirkovec) which also accepts the homeless.In 2002, the City Office for Health, Labour, Social Protectionand Veterans conducted a study in Zagreb todetermine the exact number of homeless people andtheir social and demographic characteristics (such asage and gender structure, financial standing, housing,education and employment, family histories ofsocio-pathological disorders, family status, etc.). 145The study concluded that 353 adults, and 59 minorswho lived under the same conditions, provided a totalof approximately 400 recorded homeless peoplein 2002. Some children were separated from theirparents and sent to special institutions while theirparents resided in shelters for the homeless.The research indicates that in Zagreb the majority ofhomeless people are men (73%), with an average ageof 57. Only 12% of interviewees were under 40 andone-third were 41-50 years of age. People residingat the Reception Centre in Split are also mostly men(85%), but tend to be much younger; almost half areunder 40, while only 6% are over 60.3.12.2 Access to Social ServicesFocus groups engaging with the homeless in sheltersin Zagreb and Split demonstrated that out of eighteensocially vulnerable groups in Croatia, this grouphas the most confidence in the social welfare system,because it has offered a shelter for them when all othersystems failed. During the six years the Reception Centrefor the Homeless in Split has been operational, an equalnumber of those from the County of Split-Dalmatiahave used the Reception Centre as those from othercounties and even other countries. Almost all those individualswere registered with the social welfare centrein their county and received various forms of financialassistance through this institution, including one-timefinancial assistance, assistance for support, and bonusesfor assistance and care provided by others. They are alsoeligible twice a year for the one-time financial assistancefrom the Town Council of Split, as well as assistance fromthe County of Split-Dalmatia once a year. Only four usersfrom the Reception Centre in Split have realised the rightto a disability pension (in an amount not exceeding 700HRK) and they receive an additional 200 HRK from theTown Council. As all four users are under 50 their age isan obstacle to their eligibility for accommodation in thehome for the elderly.When a person using a shelter becomes eligible foraccommodation in a home for the elderly (e.g., agerequirement and proper documentation), the Centrefor Social Welfare issues a decision on the funding ofthe available accommodation, usually in remote areasof the county. There are very few people who decide tobe accommodated in such isolation, and they accept itonly if they have serious health problems. The servicesin the Reception Centre in Split are free. Therefore, theusers keep the financial assistance they receive. Thosewho do not have referral slips from the CSW have to pay40 HRK to spend a night in the Red Cross Shelter.NutritionAlmost all interviewees in Zagreb research from 2002acquired some sort of assistance from the socialwelfare system. Half of them received some sort ofmaterial assistance (e.g., financial, clothing), and al-106144 Data on the structure of homeless persons in Croatia were obtained from two sources: a research conducted by the City Office forHealth, Labour, Social Protection and Veterans in Zagreb in 2002 and the data base of the Shelter for the Homeless of the AssociationMoSt in Split. Authors would like to extend gratitude to Ms. Mirjana Blagus, the head of the Homeless Centre in Osijek for providing moreinformation. Unfortunately, the situation in Osijek could not be compared with the situation in Zagreb and Split because there are nocomprehensive records of beneficiaries in the Centre in Osijek.145 Report on Homeless in Zagreb (2002); City Office for Health, Labour, Social Protection and Veterans.

THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDCHAPTER 3Box 18: Example of good practice - AssociationMoStOf the 268 users who have passed through theReception Centre in Split, 178 of them are reportedto have resolved their problems and improved theirsituation. Only every tenth person did not manageto do so, usually those with serious health problems.With the expert psychosocial assistance providedby the staff of the Association MoSt, 17 people havemanaged to return to their families, 55 have foundtemporary or permanent employment, and 23 nowreceive a pension which allows them to pay for anapartment. The Association has helped homelessindividuals find more permanent housing solutionssuch as apartments, restoration of houses, donatedtrailers, and accommodation in the homes for theelderly and infirmed. In addition to expert workers(social workers, special educators, psychologists), therole of volunteers and conscripts who have optedto do community service as part of their nationalservice is extremely important to the Association’ssuccess. The Association MoSt has raised awarenessamongst students about volunteerism, and eachyear they organise a humanitarian action “Andwhere are you?” with the purpose of sensitising thepublic to the problems of the homeless and othersocially vulnerable citizens.The Association also takes care of approximately 40individuals (former users of the Reception Centres)and their families, with food, clothing, and financialsupport. They have also engaged a lawyer to helpresolve court disputes in which users are involved.They plan to launch various re-socialisation andday stay programmes for the homeless and otherpeople who are at risk of social exclusion. Thesewould consist of various work-related activities asa form of re-socialisation, but also of self-financing(photocopying, book-binding, making of smallerobjects from plastic, serigraphy, T-shirt print, “secondhand shop” and the like).most all (92%) took advantage of soup kitchens on aregular basis. Most homeless people in Zagreb have amid-day meal at one of two soup kitchens of the Cityof Zagreb at Cerska and Branimirova, which prepareover 4,000 meals every day. In order to receive a mealin the soup kitchens, individuals require a referral slipfrom the CSW. Homeless people who do not have areferral slip, receive their meals in church soup kitchensat four locations.For the users of the Reception Centre for the Homelessin Split, the Town of Split funds a mid-day meal forCroatian citizens in DES 146 soup kitchens (390 meals)if they cannot receive such support through the SplitSocial Welfare Centre. For those who do not have Croatiancitizenship, food is provided by the soup kitchenof Caritas (120 meals) with help from the Parish of St.Dominic. Breakfast and dinner in the Reception Centreis organized by the Association MoSt with help fromprivate donations. In the Homeless Centre in Osijek,Caritas pays for breakfast and dinner, as well as lunch inthe soup kitchen (170 meals), and the Town Council cofinanceslunch for the elderly and the incapacitated.3.12.3 Access to HealthcareThe data gathered during the Zagreb survey of 2002indicates that 73% of the homeless realized their rightto health protection through the City Office for Health,Labour, Social Protection and Veterans. Others hadhealth protection through another mechanism (veteran’sstatus, pension, through spouse, etc.) while only asmall number of homeless people were without healthprotection. The City of Zagreb provides free medicalcheck-ups for the homeless, if needed, as an additionalprogramme activity. The first one was organised in2004, but despite good coverage the response wasbelow the expected, only about fifteen people.Individuals who become seriously ill in a countyother than the one in which they are registered asresidents, encounter significant problems accessingnecessary health services, which is a particular problemfor the homeless who are not registered in anycounty. In such a case, there is no secured coveragefor the costs of hospital treatment. In Split, the onlyoption is to use temporary health insurance, which isissued by the branch Department for Health Care andSocial Welfare in this county, but only if the person inquestion had already sent an application for the rightto social assistance to the Split Social Welfare Centre(for which it is necessary to have personal documents).146 DES – Institution for the employment, work and professional rehabilitation of persons with disabilities107

CHAPTER 3THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDIn June 2006, of the 21 people accommodated in theshelter, two-thirds had health insurance, and the samenumber received social assistance. As of 2002, the AssociationMoSt has been cooperating with a generalpractitioner in Split who performs preventive checkupsfor people who do not have health insurance.3.12.4 Access to EducationThe level of education of the homeless in Zagreb issomewhat lower than that of the general population. Inboth populations, the majority have completed secondaryschool, but for the general population this proportionis slightly over 50%, and in the case of the homelesspopulation it is approximately 37%. Every tenth homelessperson in Zagreb has no education at all. However,the low level of education is also confirmed by the factthat in both Split and Zagreb almost one fourth of thehomeless had not finished primary education.istered employment. A few users of homeless sheltersare able to find temporary low paying jobs, such ascleaning staircases and apartments, and manuallabour, which do not provide them with pension orhealth insurance, neither are they secure enough toenable them to plan their future outside the shelter.The Reception Centre for the Homeless in Split organisesre-socialisation programmes designed to helpthe homeless find useful public jobs. One such programmeincludes eight homeless people who cleanthe Youth Home several times a week and the publicbeach Bačvice over the summer, receiving remunerationfor their work.Figure 14: The Structure of the Unemployed in Zagreb,2002occasional jobs -registered16 %was imployed,left work12 %Figure13: Education level of the homeless in Zagreb,2002other14 %never employed21 %108incompleteprimaryschool16 %no school9 %primary school23 %university1 %post secondaryschool1 %other3 %secondaryschool35 %incompletesecondary school12 %3.12.5 Access to Employment andEmployment ServicesOver half of the homeless in Zagreb have beenunemployed for quite some time. Those who havenever worked are almost exclusively women. Morethan 20% of the homeless have disabilities, and 13%do not have the capacity to work. Some homelesspeople could acquire social benefits based on theiryears of service, as one-fifth have over 14 years of reg-was imployed,dismissed20 %3.12.6 Access to Transportationoccasional jobs -unregistered17 %In Split, the people who use the Reception Centre forthe Homeless have reported that it is problematic toget to the soup kitchen which is at quite a distancefrom the city centre. The cost of transportation is notsubsidized, and the price of monthly tickets is toohigh for the homeless to afford. They are only allowedstay in the soup kitchen for up to two hours, and soare forced to spend the rest of the day in town parks,bus/train stations and other public places, until theevening hours when the kitchen re-opens.There is a special problem when homeless peoplehave children accommodated in the institutionsof social welfare in another county. For example, awoman from Split who participated in the focus grouphas two children under age, who live in the Home inOsijek. She is only able to see them rarely and thesevisits are funded by the Centre for Social Welfare.

THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDCHAPTER 3The people who work in the Association MoSt pointout the complexity of having to take care for individualswho do not have Croatian citizenship or who donot have permanent residence in the county. Thesepeople are mostly unable to return to their originalpermanent residence and frequently do not havepersonal documents or have invalid ones. The AssociationMoSt funds the return to of the originalpermanent residence in almost all cases. The Centrefor Social Welfare may finance the return only whenthe person is the user of some other Centre in theterritory of Croatia. In the experience of Split, two outof four foreign citizens return to the Reception Centreafter some time. Of Zagreb’s homeless covered by thesurvey, the majority (87%) have a registered permanentresidence in the City of Zagreb, although thereare quite a few who only have a fictitious registration,so they can realise their social welfare rights.3.12.7 Access to Information andCommunication TechnologyConsidering most homeless are housed in sheltersnot equipped with information and communicationtechnologies, access to the Internet for the purposeof finding employment, obtaining information aboutone’s rights and about possibilities for additionaleducation is not available. In the Croatian EmploymentBureau, several computers are set up for publicuse free of charge, in order to assist in job searchingactivities. However, a certain amount of computerliteracy is still required, and by and large homelesspeople do not have this knowledge. The shelters areequipped with land lines where users of the shelterscan be reached during operating hours and severalusers have mobile phones.3.12.8 Access to Housing and BasicInfrastructureIn Croatia, there are six residential facilities intendedexclusively for the homeless: the Shelter of the City ofZagreb, the Red Cross Shelter in Zagreb, the ReceptionCentre Caritas Rakitje, the Homeless Centre in Osijek,the Reception Centre for Homeless Men and the ReceptionCentre for Homeless Women in Split. The existingaccommodation capacity in Zagreb is not problematicin view of the number of beds however the problem liesin the quality and content of accommodation, especiallyin the Red Cross Shelter, which is foreseen for demolitionon the grounds of inadequate hygienic and technicalconditions. In order to secure adequate accommodationfor people who need longer-term stays in an institution,the City of Zagreb has equipped an already existingfacility in Kosnica with an 80-bed capacity.A big problem in planning and procuring accommodationcapacities lies in the fact that the Ordinance of theMinistry of Health and Social Welfare does not prescribethe conditions relating to space, human resources, hygiene,and other conditions, which should be imposedon an institution (shelter) accommodating the homeless.As a result, the current facilities are not regulated by law.The shelter in Split enables other users, such as peoplewho live in apartments without a toilet and shower, toalso maintain their personal hygiene there, since Splitdoes not have a public bathroom.3.12.9 Social TiesOnly 8% of the homeless interviewed in Zagreb in2002 are married, with the same percentage living inan extramarital union. Forty-three percent of intervieweeshave never married, 34% are divorced, and4% were widowed. Slightly over one half of intervieweesused to live in a two-parent family. About 40% ofthe primary families of interviewees lived withouta home of their own, frequently changing places ofresidence. Over 60% of interviewees grade the materialand housing conditions of their primary family aspoor, and about one half of them evaluate family relationswithin the primary family as bad. Only one-fifthof interviewees had minor children, who lived mostlywith the other parent and to a lesser extent with relatives,in an institution, or with a foster family.The focus groups discussions in 2006 in Zagreb andSplit showed that most homeless people have losttheir social network. Friends offer help or temporaryaccommodation in the initial phases of their troubles,but with the passing of time and without any realisticchances of finding a job or other solution, links withfriends and colleagues wane. The homeless find thatit is difficult to be friends with people who are not inthe same situation as themselves. However, all of thepeople who participated in the focus group in Zagrebcomplained that at places such as shelters relationsbetween people are hostile; there is no solidarity,there are too many problems, too much despair andfrustration. Many feel it is easier to talk to a complete109

CHAPTER 3THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDstranger than to find empathy in the shelter. Still, attimes when they need somebody to talk to, mosthomeless people tend to address members of theirnuclear family or friends outside the shelter, becausethey do not have confidence in the people within.All those who participated in the UNDP researchconfirmed that they felt excluded and inferior. Theirpersonal opinion is that they are held personallyresponsible by other people for their homelessness,which is often thought to be due to substance abuseor criminal activity, which is not true for most. In theshelter in Zagreb, only 10% of users have problemswith alcohol or narcotics, while at the Split shelter, 25%have such problems. A homeless person from Splitdescribed his situation using the following words: “Notone of us begs in the street, we do not ask people formoney and we do not steal. There are no drug addictsamongst us. And we have still been characterized ashomeless thieves and drunkards.“ The homeless pointout that wealth disparities have become larger, thatwithout “connections” one cannot get a job, and thatsociety does not take sufficient care of people whocannot fend for themselves at the moment.3.12.10 Key ChallengesMost homeless people in Zagreb have been homelessfor quite some time and it is unlikely that they will beable to change this lifestyle. Most users stay in receptioncentres over long periods of time, some of themmore than seven years. The average length of stay is2.5 years. According to social indicators, the shelter haslost its initial purpose, which was to provide temporaryaccommodation until a more permanent solution couldbe found.Practical programmes for monitoring and providing assistanceto the homeless in the EU-15 indicate that thisdemographic is not very accessible to public services.Volunteers and representatives of NGOs are able to makemuch better contact with the homeless, especially thosethat are based on self-representation like Zagrebačkibokci. However, NGOs require material and expert supportfrom state authorities, and their programmes mustbe under expert supervision from public services.Croatia has no preventive programmes for familiesat risk of homelessness, no systematic monitoring ofshelter users, and no current plans for their reintegrationinto society. Shelter users also point out the problemof communication with people who work in CSW,who often believe their job ends with the placementof the homeless in the reception centres, creating apermanent out of a temporary solution. They needpsychosocial support and assistance in planning andcarrying out activities which will help them to reclaimdignified and independent lives. Presently, the receptioncentres provide the basic necessities, but they donot provide expert support.For Croatia, just like for the 10 new Member States ofthe EU 147 , the key cause of homelessness is a high unemploymentrate, as well as a large number of peoplewho own apartments, but who cannot afford to pay forthem or pay utility fees. The termination of the tenancyrights and the privatisation of a substantial part of thehousing fund 148 created the need for a new housingpolicy, which would enable a life of dignity for peoplewho presently cannot maintain their property becausetheir salaries and pensions are too low or because theyare unemployed or who cannot pay the market pricefor renting an apartment. Other reasons for homelessnessare: change of social status, problems with mentalhealth, addictions, disorders in behaviour that are oftenstigmatised, personal debts, incarceration, disturbedfamily relations and termination of relationships withfriends and the narrow circle of social support.3.12.11 Policy ImplicationsSuccessful programmes for the homeless in themost developed EU Member States 149 emphasizethe important role of NGOs and volunteers (mostlystudents) regarding the provision of their services inreaching out to isolated individuals. Public campaignsfor sensitising citizens to the problems of the homelessand raising public awareness about the right to quality147 FEANTSA report on JIMs from EU-10 New Member States, May 2004110148 In Croatia, there is a very high percentage of privately-owned apartments (with or without a mortgage) compared to the EU countries.According to the Central Bureau of Statistics, in Croatia there are 82.93% of private apartments, while according to the UNDP research:“Quality of Life and the risk of social exclusion”, the percentage would be 78.2%. According to a similar research, “Quality of Life in the EU”,conducted in the countries of EU-15, the percentage of private apartments is 60%, in the 10 new EU states it is 71%, while the average forthe EU-25 is 62%, and for the three other candidate countries it is 67%.149 MHE-SME (Mental Health Europe –Sante Mentale Europe). An action study in 10 EU countries 1999-2000, the report “To Live in Healthand Dignity “, and the report on the project “The Mobile Café for the Homeless” UDENFOR.2005. Copenhagen

THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDCHAPTER 3housing would help to reduce the stigmas associatedwith homelessness. This will also mobilise local communitiesand the business sector in helping to developand support programmes. It is the task of the state toensure social housing programmes for families whohave lower incomes. The present state incentives programmesfor housing mostly target the strata of bothemployed and credit-worthy individuals.In order to successfully reduce the risk of homelessness,it is necessary to use continuing and systematicintersectoral cooperation between all referential socialservices like social welfare, health care, education,labour and employment, family and housing policies.Preventive activities aimed at socially vulnerablefamilies could significantly reduce the risk of homelessness.Multidisciplinary teams should developassistance in the community (family, schools andstreets), because when a person addresses the socialservices, he/she is usually already so troubled thatthey cannot resolve the situation on their own.The working principle of social services should beindividual case management and active monitoringof social programme users to enable them toleave the system as soon as possible. The plannedinformation-sharing/expansion via database connection,both vertically (between the state, county andlocal level) and horizontally between sectors (socialwelfare, pension, health system, employment, education,etc.) would contribute to greater efficiency andbetter targeting of social welfare.Legislative regulation of homelessness should bedeveloped. All the present forms of assistance (forexample rent assistance, emergency repairs, debt relief,and one-time assistance with heating costs) canonly be exercised by people who have a permanentresidence in a location that falls under the jurisdictionof a Centre for Social Welfare. Shelter users have alsoidentified the need for free legal assistance whichcould be organized through non-governmentalassociations, with support from the state and localcommunity. 150 In many cases, timely legal assistancecould prevent citizens from becoming the victims offinancial or property fraud. Accessible legal advice onoptions concerning social rights could enable individualsto resolve unforeseen difficulties themselves.3.13 People living with HIVBox 19: Personal ExperienceN. is 59 years old and lives with his family in asmall town in Croatia. Seven years ago he testedpositive for HIV and, until obtaining triple therapy(antiretroviral), he had considerable healthproblems. As a result of a previous traffic accident,N. had 20% impaired vision in one eye. Only oneophthalmologist in Croatia was willing to examineN. Together with another special doctor engagedin providing treatment to patients living with HIVin Croatia, he determined that a vitrectomy wasthe only way of restoring his sight.In Croatia, such surgery is performed at onlyone clinic in Zagreb and the waiting line islong. However, N. was informed that patientsliving with HIV are not allowed to receive suchtreatment because the instruments are “veryexpensive and after the surgery they would notbe fit for use again.” It is a known fact that whensuch operations are performed, the instrumentsare not thrown away. Thanks to the persistenceof a Croatian doctor and the NGO CroatianAssociation for HIV, a solution was found. TheCroatian National Institute for Health Insurance(HZZO) was contacted, suggesting the treatmentbe performed abroad at the expense of HZZO.The opinion of a Croatian medical board wasrequired. However, only the test results werereviewed (in a matter of seconds) and a personto-personexam was not carried out. The opinionwas provided: “… [that] the surgery would notbring any major change; the question is whetherthe patient would be able to endure such asurgery..“, and one specialist even added: “Whatdoes he want this for? He is going to die anyway!“In spite of everything, N. successfully underwentsurgery abroad and returned to Croatia.Source: Croatian Association for HIV (CAHIV). Published inthe Croatian Association for HIV bulletin: „HIV/AIDS INFO“ I/II2001, also available at www.huhiv.hr.150 The lawyer engaged through the Association MoSt in Split was not able to take over all lengthy court procedures and bring them totheir conclusion, so that she mostly helps in the form of advice. The procedures mostly relate to probate proceedings, division of property,divorce proceedings, and in some cases there are also criminal procedures against the users of the Reception Centre (non-payment of childsupport, neglecting children, petty thefts and destroying other people’s property and the like).111

CHAPTER 3THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDED1123.13.1 Human RightsHIV infection was first recorded in Croatia in 1985when nine patients registered as positive. WithCroatia’s developed tourist industry, highly mobilepopulation, and relatively liberal principles, it was expectedthat the epidemic would spread quickly. Thespread of HIV did not materialise quite as expected,and by 2005 the rate of infection equated to only 50new cases recorded per year, making a total of 537HIV patients registered with the Croatian NationalInstitute for Public Health. As in most surroundingcountries, the rates of registered infection to dateremain very low and the virus is generally spread topeople who are exposed to high-risk behaviour. Thetransfer of HIV in Croatia has been long associatedwith the population mobility. The infection seemedto spread to individuals who travelled regularly onbusiness, and engaged in long absenteeism. However,recently more cases have been recorded amonggay men, and intravenous drug users. Hence, thoseinfected with the disease actually constitute a verydiverse population.Of those most commonly infected, those that liveabroad tend to face the least amount of stigma, asthey often enjoy a level of affluence higher than thatof the average citizen. Homosexual men are likelyto face the highest amount of stigmatisation due tonegative public perceptions of homosexuality, andthe prevailing perceptions that the two are morefrequently connected. This contributes to doublestigmatisation and discrimination of the affected,which additionally complicates their participationin society and leads to isolation and social exclusion.Intravenous drug users face significantly morediscrimination than the highly mobile patients, butnot quite to the same extent as homosexual patients.They are still predominantly regarded as patients inneed of social support and medical treatment.The Croatian Association for HIV (CAHIV) was registeredin 1999 as a non-governmental, non-partisan,non-profit organization engaged in HIV preventionand providing assistance to people living with HIV.The Association provides assistance to all HIV positiveindividuals in the areas of health care, social welfare,and legal assistance. CAHIV has recorded a whole hostof human rights violations against patients living withHIV, mostly in the area of access to healthcare. Someof these include:- In 1999, the Clinical Hospital Centre Zagrebrefused to admit an HIV patient injured in a trafficaccident;- In early 2004, a female patient living with HIVand in need of medical care was prohibited fromentering the local health care centre, and refuseda house visit by the community-health nurse.The CAHIV submitted a petition to the Ministryof Health and Social Welfare inspection services,after which the patient started to receive servicefrom the healthcare system;- A doctor refused to include two patients living withHIV in the list of patients eligible for transplant,with the explanation that the HIV status providesa contraindication for a transplant.3.13.2 Access to Social ServicesUntil recently, access to social services has been highlyindividualised and dependent on the opinion of theparticular social workers involved in each particularcase. There have been examples of varying degreesof disability benefits being granted to HIV patients;some have acquired a 30% disability or more. Sinceit is local authorities that adopt social welfare andhealthcare measures, people living in larger urbancentres are able to benefit from additional measuressuch as public kitchen meals, free public transportation,and one-time assistance.The CSW have been inclined to grant numerous andvaried types of assistance to HIV patients, and toregard them as any other beneficiary. On a numberof occasions the employees of CSW have contactedCAHIV for assistance in supporting a beneficiary, andeven to ask advice regarding HIV/AIDS itself. Sinceseveral years ago, CAHIV has been financially assistingpeople with HIV who have limited finances. Theyhave provided inter alia one-time financial assistance,assistance with firewood, purchasing of clothes andfootwear, and payment of additional medicines.Since 2005, a Centre for HIV/AIDS - lead by CAHIV -has been present in the Clinic for Infectious Diseases.The Centre employs a social worker and a psychologistand, occasionally, a lawyer. Centre employeesprovide psycho-social support to patients andmembers of their families, and act as a link betweenthe individual and the social welfare system. Recentlythey have started training foster parents to care for

THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDCHAPTER 3children living with HIV. This type of education isextremely important in order to try to avoid a repeatof the awkward situation in 2001 when the children’shomes for orphans refused to accept a girl left withoutparents and who spent 10 months in a hospitalwaiting for the state to find appropriate accommodationfor her. The National Programme for Preventionof HIV 2005-2010 recognizes that those employed injobs where they might come into contact with blood(such as those in medical institutions, educationalinstitutions, social welfare institutions, sports, publicsafety, etc.) should be trained in applying standardprotection measures to prevent the spread of HIV.The CAHIV staff have also been involved in the caseof two asylum seekers living with HIV, in which theassociation provided them with legal and materialsupport. Finding accommodation for older peopleliving with HIV, and those with a deteriorated physicalcondition has become a pressing issue, given the lackof hospices in Croatia.3.13.3 Access to HealthcareThe healthcare system has focused resources for thetreatment of HIV cases at the Clinic for InfectiousDiseases in Zagreb, which has accumulated enoughknowledge and expertise to provide top qualityservice comparable to that available in EU countries.Also, the Clinic staff are able to enjoy close relationswith the patients, which contributes significantly tothe patients’ adherence to treatment as well as tothe success rate of the treatment. Still, when talkingto people living with HIV, the majority of complaintsrefer to the quality of health service and to their treatmentby other healthcare workers aside from thoseat the Clinic. The majority of people neither looks fornor expects help from other public services, such associal protection, education or employment. This lackof expectation illustrates the almost complete absenceof public policies and procedures within thosesectors and in relation to the provision of normal lifeto those with HIV.The healthcare system provides wide access to medicinesand quality treatment programmes for peopleliving with HIV, but often it is basic healthcare services(e.g., dentists) that are lacking due to hesitancyon the part of practitioners to assist a patient livingwith HIV. People living with HIV receive these servicesonly after numerous interventions by relevantorganisations and committed medical staff. Althoughthere are well established healthcare quality controlsystems in Croatia, such as licensing for healthcareworkers, medical inspection, and various medical associations,they are rarely used to protect the rights ofpatients. In fact the number of registered complaintsis practically negligible. One of the reasons for this isthe fear of patients to reveal their HIV status, whichwould further complicate their situation. In recentyears, intensive additional education has been providedto medical specialists in an attempt to increasethe general accessibility of certain health services topatients living with HIV.3.13.4 Access to EducationThe best known HIV patients in Croatia are Ela andNina, whose names appeared multiple times in themedia in September 2002. In early September 2002,the education of Ela was an everyday topic in allCroatian daily newspapers. Ela started first grade inKaštel Novi where the parents of other children immediatelyrose in revolt, not wanting Ela to share theclassroom with their children. Ela was sequesteredin the school library, alone, isolated and stigmatised.Soon she joined a class with five students whoseparents had allowed their children to share the classwith Ela. The following year, her younger half-sisterNina began school. The girls’ foster parents decided achange in environment might be better for them, andmoved the family to Kutina, where the parents’ revoltwas repeated. This time, however, social serviceswere better prepared and the epidemiological teameducated the parents and teachers on HIV, followedby Ministers who visited the school. A group of youngpeople from Bjelovar, together with their mayor,invited the family to move to their town where theysaid that they could guarantee them support. Thefamily decided to stay in Kutina.Public opinion is marked with ambivalence. Morethan 70% of participants in media surveys are of theopinion that HIV infected children should attendschool together with other children and claim thatthey would allow their children to attend classes withthe children with HIV. Since the experience of Ninaand Ela, there have been nine HIV positive children registeredin Croatia, all of whom have gone through the113

CHAPTER 3THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDED114regular educational system indicating that the access toeducation is satisfactory. What differentiates the case ofthese two girls does not concern so much the educationalsystem but the general social climate relating tothe lack of basic knowledge about the risks of infection.3.13.5 Access to EmploymentThrough improvements to the medical treatment ofHIV, Croatia has managed to reduce the mortality rate ofpatients, delay the onset of other debilitating conditionsbrought on by HIV, and drastically reduce the rate ofhospitalisation. These improvements have significantlycontributed to an increased quality of life for peopleliving with HIV, allowing for many of them to continuetheir participation in the labour market. However, manyare still unemployed, and unemployment is one ofthe main contributing factors to their social isolation.In September 2005 the Centre for Peace Studies commencedresearch on public policies on discrimination inemployment, examining also the behaviour of employerstowards HIV positive individuals.It appears that a number of people living with HIV areconsciously excluding themselves from the labourmarket; being self-conscious about their conditionthey may doubt that employers would want to hirethem or that they will fire them upon discovering theyhave HIV. On its web-site, CAHIV reports a case of amedical technician who lost his job due to his condition,but there are also positive examples of employerswho have accepted people living with HIV, and evenaccommodated the patients’ needs for longer breaksand more frequent absences. There are some regulationsthat exclude people living with HIV from certainjobs based on their health condition. These includeemployees in sea and air traffic, police and securityemployees. Such regulations should be changed becausethey represent direct discrimination.3.13.6 Access to TransportationThe most serious problem for the people living withHIV is getting to Zagreb for treatment. Since peopleare scattered throughout the country, their frequenttravel to Zagreb can cause fatigue, aggravation ofillness, high travel costs that are covered by thepatients themselves, and difficulties some patientshave with securing days off work necessary to makethe trip. The majority of patients are required tocome to the Clinic in Zagreb once or twice a yearfor blood work, and to have the virus and their CD4lymphocyte count analysed. The Croatian Institute forHealth Insurance provides antiretroviral drugs to theClinic in Zagreb only. This is why, once a month, CA-HIV members send drugs from Zagreb across Croatia,helping patients who are unable to make the trip toZagreb. In cooperation with the Clinic and throughthe donation of the Global Fund for the Fight againstHIV, Tuberculosis and Malaria, CAHIV has establisheda Centre for HIV at the Clinic which is equipped witha shower and a small resting room to make the wholeexperience more manageable for patients travelling agreat distance for blood work.3.13.7 Access to Information andCommunication TechnologySimilarly to other citizens, access to ICT for the populationliving with HIV depends largely on the financialcircumstances of an individual. There are a number ofwebsites in Croatian containing quality informationabout HIV, including personal testimonies of peopleliving with HIV, and information on treatment andtesting. The two most reputable sites are www.huhiv.hr and www.zdravlje.hr, and www.aids.hr will also beoperational soon. A web-site of the association Iskorak(Coming Out) should also be mentioned (www.gay.hr); it is intended for the male population engagingin sexual intercourse with other men, which isimportant given that the numbers of infected withinthis sub-group is on the rise.3.13.8 Access to Housing and BasicInfrastructureAccess to housing for people living with HIV is moreindividually-based and depends on family ties andthe material status of the individual. The CAHIVreports cases where individuals living with HIV havebeen suddenly issued eviction notices because theirlandlord has learned about their condition. On theother hand, some positive examples of good will, suchas when FC Dinamo donated a trailer to a man livingwith HIV, should not automatically be considered asan adequate solution to a housing problem.

THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDCHAPTER 33.13.9 Media and HIVIn mid November 2004, a Croatian journalist publishedan article about the supposed intentionalspread of HIV by a person in a larger Croatian city,mentioning particular details and practically revealingthis person’s identity. The article, in addition todefaming the person in question, has most certainlycontributed to the tragedy of the person’s family.The greatest mistakes in media reporting on HIV arethe use of stigmatising language, a lack of source verificationand a sensationalist approach. It is paradoxicalthat the media reports always respect the anonymityof those who accuse others for the purposeful spreadof HIV, and that of public sources. The reaction of civilsociety to inappropriate behaviour by the media isinsufficient. While many NGOs express the readinessto establish public dialogue on the protection ofvulnerable social groups, there is a lack of any publicdialogue focused on the destigmatisation of peopleliving with HIV.3.13.10 Social Ties and Civil SocietyThe civil society is highly polarized when it comes toHIV. While the majority of institutions, media, and nongovernmentalorganizations have relatively liberalprinciples in relation to sexuality, religious institutionsand the Catholic Church advocate for HIV preventionprogrammes based on sexual abstinence, often sendingmessages of condom inefficiency in the preventionof HIV spread. Dialogue and compromise between theconflicting parties are difficult to realise. As a result,there is no clear strategy for the prevention of HIV inCroatia among the young population, and all attemptsto develop school-based education programmes haveresulted in the postponement of their adoption, sinceneither the contents nor didactical aspects of theirimplementation have been agreed upon.According to the results of the UNDP Quality of Lifesurvey (2006a), 92.5% of participants have expressedtheir readiness to care for a family member infectedwith HIV, but 58% of them would prefer if a familymember’s condition remained a secret. Reponses toquestions such as would you buy fruit from a personliving with HIV, and should a teacher living with HIV beallowed to continue teaching, reveal some interestingpatterns. Almost one half of the participants (48.5%)would not buy fruit from a person living with HIV,with results varying in different counties and rangingfrom 35.5% (Zagreb County) to 66.6% (Šibenik-KninCounty). Up to 65% of participants agreed that anHIV positive teacher should be allowed to continueteaching, again showing large discrepancy amongthe counties that ranged from 80.8% (Town of Zagreb)to 44.3% (Šibenik-Knin County).Although it is difficult to deduce the complex socialorigins of stigmatisation and isolation for HIV patients,the data provided by the UNDP survey suggests somepossible explanations. The popular opinion thatpeople living with HIV should be avoided may be theresult of the fear of infection. However, this avoidancemay also be derived from stereotypical views thatthose who are infected take part in certain activitieswhich are viewed negatively by the community. Ifthe primary reason was fear of infection, it wouldbe expected that the largest number of participantswould answer negatively to questions regardingclose daily contact with patients living with HIV, suchas taking care of an infected family member. However,the results of the survey run contrary to this assumption,which would lead one to conclude that fear ofinfection is not the primary motivator behind thestigmatisation of patients living with HIV. Therefore itis more probable that the stigmatisation stems fromthe stereotypical negative views of the risk behaviourassociated with infection, and not only from the fearof becoming infected. The fact that the majority ofparticipants would want a family member’s conditionto be kept secret supports this hypothesis.3.13.11 Key ChallengesThe key challenge is the acceptance of people livingwith HIV and a wide range of life situations affectedby HIV, such as the prevention of HIV transfer duringpregnancy and child birth, kindergarten enrolment,realisation of a teenager that he/she is living with HIV,schooling, employment, long-term care in the family,serious drug side-effects and accepting the illness assuch. Intravenous drug users should be provided withgreater access to clean needles, while sexual healthprogrammes targeting men having sex with menshould differ from programmes targeting secondaryschoolpopulation. The vulnerability of women withregards to HIV should be emphasized and negativeexamples of the discrimination pointed out.115

CHAPTER 3THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDThe analysis of the current legislation (Turković,2006), as well as the analysis of media coverage ofissues related to HIV, indicate that there are uncertaintiesabout the application of legal measures forthe protection of patients who have been deniedtheir rights. There also appears to be a low level ofknowledge regarding the legal system among thissocial group and their support network. The Analysisof the Applicable Legislation proposes the adoptionof a comprehensive anti-discriminatory law, modificationof certain sub-ordinary legislation which arenot in compliance with international recommendations,the implementation of education programmesfor representatives of the government and judiciaryon the protection of the rights of vulnerable groups(women, intravenous drug users, men having sexwith men), and building the permanent provision ofsupport to individuals requesting legal protection.Another challenge is determining how to send a messagewhen publishing information about HIV, whileat the same time protecting the rights and freedomsof patients living with HIV who may feel the negativerepercussions from the increased media attention.3.13.12 Policy ImplicationsThe social exclusion of people living with HIV is primarilycharacterized by the overall lack of research andclear data. The experience of people living with HIV atteststo the societal ambivalence where the behaviourof community and institutions may appear protectivein one instance and stigmatising in the other.With regards to the above, the UN Theme Group onHIV in cooperation with CAHIV and the Human RightsCentre are planning to publish in 2007 a report on humanrights and the social status of people living withHIV. This report would document cases of discrimination,problems HIV patients have encountered in realizingtheir rights in the healthcare and social system,and personal stories from people living with HIV. Thereport will help define the greatest and the most frequentproblems encountered by patients living withHIV, help find solutions, and facilitate the monitoringof human rights and the quality of life of people livingwith HIV in Croatia.3.14 Sexual Minorities as a VulnerableSocial GroupBox 20: Personal ExperienceN. first decided to visit a well-known psychiatristof an older generation. She concluded that sheneeded expert help - somebody who could helpher find a solution or at least explain to her whatwas happening. She was too confused, worried andtense to handle what had happened on her own.The meeting with the psychiatrist lasted for lessthan ten minutes. Upon her arrival, N. asked if itwas possible to schedule her appointments later inthe afternoon, because she could not come duringthe morning on account of her work. When thepsychiatrist asked her how she managed to makeit that day, N. said that she had asked her boss fora morning off. Trying to be funny, the psychiatristmade the following comment: “Well, your boss mustbe gay.” N. fell silent; then she got up, thanked thepsychiatrist and left the room. It was her intentionto talk to him about what had happened to her afew weeks before when, for the first time in her life,she fell in love with a woman who, after spendinga night with her, decided to ignore her. (From theauthor’s counselling practice).3.14.1 Human RightsIn 1977, homosexual activity was de-criminalized inCroatia and several attempts were made during the1980s to sensitise the public to this social group. Thebest-known example of this public awareness campaignwas a radio show, Frigidna utičnica (The FrigidPlug), which aired for some time on Omladinski radio101. Despite these efforts, for most of the public thephenomenon of homosexuality remained largely invisible,although it was frequently present in insults,stereotypical jokes and prejudices (Štulhofer andFrancetić, 1996). During the second half of the 1990s,efforts were made by feminist groups to enhance theunderstanding of lesbianism and to provide supportto lesbian women, which led to the creation of thefirst lesbian association, Lori in 2000. 151 Lori became116151 The first attempt at organising lesbians was connected with the so-called Lila inicijativa (The Purple Initiative), which appeared in1989.

THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDCHAPTER 3a registered organization in Rijeka, and in 2002, afterfive years of its activities, 152 a second organization,Kontra, was registered in Zagreb. Also in 2002, Iskorakwas registered as an NGO dedicated to promoting therights of non-heterosexual individuals; the majority ofits members were and remain young gay men. 153 Thatsame year, the coordination of LGBT (Lesbian, Gay,Bisexual and Transgender) associations was formed inCroatia, and the first Gay Pride parade was organized.The emerging NGOs dedicated to representing therights of sexual minorities 154 have had a considerableimpact on the social realities of this social group.Through the activities and anti-discriminatory discourseof civil society, homosexuality has been givena public face. The new visibility of homosexuality hasshed light on a number of issues that were previouslymarginalized as part of a discriminatory cultureagainst people with a different sexual orientation.An environment of contempt, rejection, direct andindirect discrimination, harassment and violenceagainst this social group has been exposed as a socialproblem primarily through the activities of youth-orientedhomosexual associations. 155 Numerous mediaappearances and testimonies given by experts, politicians,and public figures interpreted the increasedvisibility of homosexuality in Croatian society asan epidemic provoked by homosexual lobbying.Following this disturbing trend, the LGBT activistssent a public warning regarding the reproduction ofhomophobia through the authoritative promotion ofnon-scientific attitudes, prejudices, a manipulationof traditional Croatian values, and religious moraldogmas. Demands related to the legal recognition ofsame-sex relationships have clearly shown the extentof inequality, voicing a whole series of rights denied tohomosexual partners as opposed to married couples(Juras and Grđan, 2006).From 2003 to 2005, discrimination based on sexualorientation was recognized in a number of new lawsand amendments. 156 The crowning achievement ofthis legislative reform came in 2003 with the adoptionof the Same-Sex Union Act. Although the Act is a positivestep towards full equality of same-sex couples, itis only a formal recognition of the possibility of samesexpartnerships. It does not include the possibilityof registration and, consequently, the realization ofeconomic, medical and parental rights. The limitationsembedded within the act may be a reflection of the dividebetween increasing liberal policies, and a slightlymore conservative public opinion.Although the attitude of the public to homosexuality isless restrictive and more permissive today than it was30 years ago, 157 Croatian citizens are still divided onthe issue of homosexuality. During a survey conductedin 2003, a staggering 70.3% of people stated that theybelieved sexual relationships between adults of thesame sex are “wrong” while 14.1% of the intervieweesheld an opposite opinion. Fortunately, however, amuch smaller percentage, only 15.4%, agreed with thestatement that homosexuals “are no better than criminals”and that they “should be severely punished” while64.4% did not agree with the statement (Štulhofer andBrajdić Vuković, 2004). In another national survey,50% of citizens stated that they would not accept ahomosexual as a friend, and 47% stated the opposite.Only 39% of those interviewed said that they wouldrecognize the right of a homosexual couple to a maritalunion, with 55% opposing it (Carana, 2002).According to the results of the European Values Surveyof 1999, 158 Croatia’s level of homophobia is aboveaverage. Of the Croatians interviewed, 53% did notwant a homosexual person as a neighbour, whereasan average of only 34% respondents in other European152 Including seting up the first lesbian SOS phone line and an informal counseling service.153 In the first half of the nineties, LIGMA (Lesbians and Gay Men in Action), as the first homosexual association in Croatia, was registered.It was active in 1993 and 1994.154 Despite several attempts, no association of transsexuals currently exists in Croatia. The rights of transgender individuals are representedby Ženska soba (Women’s Room/), an NGO founded in 2002.155 In the report on social openness in Croatia, sexual minorities are indicated (by hundred surveyed experts from various fields) as theminority facing the greatest degree of discrimination (Goldstein, 2005: 60). The same conclusion was made a year later (Bagić and Kesić,2006)156 Gender Equality Act; Croatian Radio Television Act; Electronic Media Act; Labour Act; Act on Scientific Activity and Higher Education;amendments to the Criminal Act of 2004 and 2006; and the Civil Servants Act. For details compare Bagić and Kesić, 2006.157 While in 1971 78% of girls and 76% of boys, secondary school students, regarded homosexuality unacceptable, in 2005 the percentageswere 34%and 67%, respectively (Stulhofer et al., 2006).158 The research included 32 European countries (including Turkey), and was conducted on probabilistic national samples.117

CHAPTER 3THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDcountries felt this way (Baloban, 2005: 264). Furthermore,68% of Croatians interviewed believed that homosexualitycannot be justified under any circumstances, whilethe percentage was nearly half that (or 39%) in the restof Europe (Baloban, 2005: 309). The only countries whichindicated a higher level of homophobia than Croatiawere Latvia, Lithuania, Hungary, Romania and Turkey(Baloban, 2005: 172).In political discourse, objections to granting equal rightsto homosexuals are closely connected to references tothe traditional national identity, just as an individual’s ora community’s level of religiosity (irrespective of the ageand education) is often a good predictor of negativeattitudes towards homosexual relationships (Štulhoferand Brajdić Vuković, 2004). In view of the prominentpublic role and influence of the Church in the formationof moral values (Škrabalo and Jurić, 2005), the religiousinterpretation of homosexuality has an undoubtedlystrong effect on the vulnerability of sexual minorities.Although the Church does not officially reject peoplewho have an inclination towards those of the same sex(considered to be a matter of personal choice) and doesnot support discrimination against them, it still viewshomosexual activity to be unnatural and sinful. 159 Manychurch groups interpret the fight of homosexuals forequal rights to be a sign of a deep moral crisis, and a newthreat to the family, “the most basic social institution.”Human rights violations against the members of sexualminorities tend to relate to a denial of rights related tomarriage, violations of dignity and physical integrity 160(harassment and abuse in public places), and discriminationin the workplace. 161 Currently, same-sex couplesonly receive rights protection after their relationship hasconcluded (if they can prove that they lived togetherfor three years or more). Retroactively they can receivethe right to support and the right to the division of theircommon estate. By comparison, heterosexual couplesgain over 60 rights once their marriage has concluded,and 29 rights can be exercised by persons in extramaritalunion (Bagić and Kesić, 2006).There are many personal testimonies about the humiliationand violence that homosexual individuals are exposedto because of their sexual preferences, however,reliable data on this phenomena is lacking. In 2002, alegal team employed by the Iskorak and Kontra associationsdocumented cases of 25 physical assaults onhomosexuals, which is dramatically different from thedata gathered in the first national study on violenceagainst sexual minorities. According to the nationalsurvey conducted on a random sample of 200 sexualminority members, 14.4% of interviewees had experiencedphysical violence over a period of 36 months.More than 56% had been exposed to insults and/orthreats (Pikić and Jugović, 2006). More than half had afriend or partner who had been the victim of (physical)violence because of his/her sexual orientation. Boththe violence and harassment most frequently happenedin open public places and the perpetrators wereusually unknown to the victim.Cases of police misconduct towards sexual minoritiesalso lacks documentation. However, accordingto several testimonies about the provocation andhumiliation of transsexuals, a recent survey suggeststhat the unwillingness to report violence could be theresult of inappropriate police behaviour towards thevictims. One-fifth (22%) of those who experiencedviolence because of their sexual orientation reportedit to the police, but for one in four this resulted infurther embarrassment (Pikić and Jugović, 2006).Box 21: An IncidentEarly in the morning on March 4, 2006, a group ofat least four young men entered a closed party inSantos, a Zagreb club, which was organized by anassociation promoting the rights of homosexuals.The young men attacked individuals attending theparty injuring eight people. The police managed toarrest two of the attackers and laid on misdemeanourcharges. Iskorak and Kontra, the associations thatpromote the rights of homosexuals, describedthe attack as a hate crime and filed a complaint.However, after conducting a criminal investigationas a result of public pressure and an interventionby the Gender Equality Ombudsman, the ZagrebPolice portrayed the entire incident as a “typical barfight” (Grdjan, 2006).118159 For an identical, elaborated and biblically argumented standpoint of the Protestant Church, compare the Report of The EvangelicalAlliance (UK) Commission on Unity and Truth among Evangelicals (ACUTE, 2005).160 As demonstrated by the threats, stone throwing and tear-gasing on the first gay pride parade in Zagreb in June 2002. All parades helduntil now were secured by a large number of policemen (sometimes comparable to the number of participants) in full riot gear.161 This does not exhaust the whole range of violations of human and civil rights of the members of sexual minorities. It should be pointedout that transsexual persons who do not undergo surgery can not change their sex in personal documents, as opposed to those who havemade surgical transition.

THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDCHAPTER 33.14.2 Access to HealthcareIn principle, sexual minorities have the same accessto health and educational institutions as all othercitizens. Still, in certain cases their participation and/or use of services is more difficult due to a lack ofunderstanding, intolerance or direct humiliation andabuse.In the case of medical examinations, the members ofsexual minorities often encounter “hetero-normative”expectations on the part of their doctors, which mayhave a negative impact on the quality of their diagnoses.This is especially true in urological, gynaecologicaland dermatovenerological practice. A similar problemappears in the field of psychiatry (see Box 20), wherecertain experts, mostly psychodinamically-orientedmembers of the older generation, continue to regardhomosexuality as a mental disorder.Due to current legislative regulation (Act on the Protectionof Patients’ Rights, 2004), a same-sex couplecannot make decisions for their partners when theyare unable to give (or deny) consent to a medicalprocedure, the way a married couple would. Hospitalpractices often go as far as to deny them access to themedical documentation of their partner. Recently,there have been efforts aimed at reducing the risk ofHIV among gay men in Zagreb.3.14.3 Access to EducationThe participation and success of young people witha different sexual orientation is difficult because ofthe absence of materials and sexual education programmesin the education system that could sensitisestudents to differences and promote tolerance. Thereare a number of personal experiences and testimoniesof students being bullied because they are suspectedof being homosexual or simply do not fit the gendernorm (e.g., an “effeminate” young man and a “masculine”young woman). For example, in Zagreb a 15year old boy was psychologically tormented (he waslaughed at and isolated) and physically assaulted. 162Teachers and school administration do not alwaysrespond adequately to such cases.3.14.4 Access to Employment andEmployment ServicesIt seems that the low number of complaints againstdirect and indirect discrimination in the work placeis a consequence of many homosexual individualsfeeling forced to conceal their orientation from theircolleagues and superiors. ‘Coming out’ is extremelyrare, tends to only happen in the case of peopleconstantly in the public eye, and for whom the riskof professional discrimination is minimized by theirmedia stardom.Officially recorded cases of direct and indirect discrimination,especially in seeking employment or atthe work place, are rare. The report prepared by theGender Equality Ombudsman in 2005 records onlyseven complaints of discrimination based on sexualorientation (Bagić and Kesić, 2006). Judging from thefindings of a recently conducted qualitative research(UNDP Croatia, 2006), and taking into considerationthe fact that coming out is extremely rare in Croatia’sprofessional circles, it would appear that the lownumber of recorded cases of discrimination doesnot necessarily mean a low number of incidences.In light of this, the important question becomes towhat extent is the exclusion of these individuals theconsequence of the perceived risks of being openlyhomosexual. According to a 2005 study involving 202companies, one-third (32.7%) of those in charge ofmaking business decisions would not hire a personwho was openly homosexual. In another study, almostone-quarter (23%) of approximately one hundredpsychological experts responded affirmatively to thequestion whether the “coming out” of a colleaguewould result in “harassment at work” (Ženska soba/Women’s Room/ and LORI, 2006b).162 In late 2005, the management of the home took a series of measures with the purpose of protecting the adolescent, including aninvited topical lecture on young people’s sexuality.119

CHAPTER 3THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDED3.14.5 Access to Housing and BasicInfrastructureAccording to some individual testimonies, homosexualsencounter problems in renting apartments,especially when they start living with their partners. 163Same-sex couples often attract neighbours’ interest,which sometimes results in the cancellation of leasesdue to the prejudices of the owner. Finding a place tolive is also difficult because landlords often insist onleasing only to married couples, who are perceivedas reliable tenants. Considering that the present lawdoes not permit same sex marriages, these couplescannot get family loans which might allow them tomove into their own residence.3.14.6 Social TiesRegardless of the problems concerning the processof ‘coming out’, which can be socially costly (loss offriends and sometimes even parents’ support), existingresearch shows that homosexual and bisexualslead relatively rich, sometimes alternative, sociallives. 164 At the moment there are four NGOs (Kontra,Iskorak, LORI, and Women’s Room) that promote therights of sexual minorities, as well as a number ofsmaller groups/associations that are active in publishingrelated materials and in giving psychologicalassistance. In addition, there is a regional network- South Eastern European Queer Network - thatprovides wider coordination and support. NGO activitiesare reflected in a number of legal and politicalinitiatives, and artistic, cultural and expert manifestations,165 smaller research projects and the annual gaypride parade. Places where the members of sexualminorities meet and socialize are still few in number,but they are well organised. These are web portals, 167clubs in Zagreb and Rijeka, gay saunas and a numberof informal meeting places throughout Croatia.For younger generations, close circles of friendsgenerally consist of people with a variety of sexualorientations (UNDP Croatia, 2006b). Consideringthat in public places sexual minorities are not ableto express emotional closeness for fear of reprisal,networks of friends become an extremely importantsource of social support. Although it seems thathomosexuals do not tell their heterosexual friendseverything (especially if the friends are of the samegender; UNDP Croatia, 2006b), such friends are mostprobably an equally important source of supportas their non-heterosexual friends. The way in whichparents react to the fact that their children are differenthas an incredible impact on the quality of life forsexual minorities.No data on the participation of the members of sexualminorities in volunteer, ecological, cultural or recreationalassociations is currently available. However,it seems plausible to assume that the level of theirparticipation is comparable to that of the generalpopulation with the exception of civil political engagement,where there is increased involvement ofsexual minorities (especially the younger generation)promoting GLBT rights.3.14.6 Key ChallengesThere are several dimensions which generate thesocial vulnerability of sexual minorities. The first oneis the present legal restrictions on the human and163 Only 19% of persons of non-standard sexual orientation polled in the recent research live with their female or male partner (Pikić andJugović, 2006.). All respondents reported living in three big towns. Considering that the sample was relatively small and non-random, theinformation should be regarded only as an illustration of the possible situation.164 There is very little information about the positon of transsexual persons. According to some statements, they might be exposed to ahigher risk of social isolation, which is why they frequently consider leaving the country.165 Queer Zagreb festival, Transgressing Gender Conference (2005.), deNORMATIV (www.denormativ.hr), Miks (www.udruga-miks.hr.), andlectures and workshops in MaMa.166 www.gay.hr, www.cro-lesbians.com, www.inqueerzicija.hr.120167 UNDP (2006.).”Research on social exclusion in Croatia: Groups with increased risk of social exclusion - focus groups”. UNDP, Zagreb,Croatia.

THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDCHAPTER 3civil rights of sexual minorities which has a negativeimpact on the quality of their life. The stigma andthe discrimination, which are connected with thedenial of certain rights, play a significant role in theincreased level of mental problems within this socialgroup. Another dimension is the exposure of sexualminorities to mental and physical abuse; an increasedrisk of victimization at public places, which causesfeelings of insecurity and is responsible for potentially(auto)destructive mental mechanisms (Pikićand Jugović, 2006). 168 The wide-spread intoleranceand homophobia in the general public is closely connectedwith this, which is reflected in an environmentwhere discrimination and abuse often pass with latentapproval. For sexual minorities, legislative reformsand public sensitisation are key social imperatives.3.14.7 Policy ImplicationsThe position (and consequently the vulnerability)of sexual minorities in Croatia can and should beimproved through a combination of legal and educationalmeasures. Amendments to the existing SamesexUnion Act enabling the registration of same sexcouples and ensuring equal rights regarding marriageand parenthood, should be adopted as a priority. 169To aid this process, it would be helpful to organizea coordinated information campaign amongst MPsand the leaders of parliamentary parties. 170 The recentintroduction of hate crimes into the Criminal Actis an important legislative improvement. However, sofar, the scope of the provision is quite limited, withhate crimes only recognized if they result in the criminalact of murder (the hatred being an aggravatingcircumstance). Even so, this is still an important firststep in drawing attention to the violence committedagainst sexual minorities. This process needs tobe continued by applying the qualification of a hatecrime to other punishable actions (e.g., physical harm,sexual violence, etc.) in order to further deter violenceagainst this social group.The need for information dissemination and educationis a considerably more complex and versatile task.Programmes that promote understanding and tolerancetowards sexual diversity in various segments ofthe population need to be developed, implementedand evaluated. Information and educational effortsshould include youth (especially school-aged childrenand minors), their parents, experts in specificareas (the judiciary, the police, social workers, healthcare professionals – especially in the area of mentalhealth - and the educational system), as well as thegeneral population. In schools, sensitisation could beachieved by the planned introduction of health education,which will include modules on human sexualityand the prevention of violence. The sensitisationof experts, with the purpose of making them moreaware of the possible ‘’hetero-normative’’ constraintsof their practice, as well as informing them aboutthe specific needs of sexual minorities, should beorganized in cooperation with professional organizationsand civil society. Finally, sensitising the generalpublic will require the dedicated engagement of theelectronic media, especially the public TV.168 More than 40% of subjects surveyed in the first study on violence against persons of non-standard sexual orientation in Croatiaconsidered suicide at least once (Pikić and Jugović, 2006.).169 Whether the right to adopt children will find its place amongst these rights should be left to an argumented expert and publicdiscussion. The realisation of full equality of sexual minorities should be viewed as a process which must take into account the values andjudgments present in the public. Needless to say, these values need to be viewed as temporary and changeable.170 Perhaps even direct suggestions of the European Union.171 Recently, an advocacy program related to counselling LGBTIQ individuals was started by an NGO. Also, American PsychologicalAssociation’s guidelines for working with LGB individuals and The Harry Benjamin International Gender Dysphoria Association’s Standardsof Care for Gender Identity Disorders were translated (Ženska soba, 2006; http://www.zenskasoba.hr/public_html/index.php?option=content&task=view&id=50&Itemid=51).121

CHAPTER 3THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDED3.15 People with Dependency ProblemsBox 22: Growing up in a family with alcoholicparents“My father and my mother were serious alcoholics.My father would drink a bottle of hard liquor a day,but he handled it pretty well. My mother woulddrink to the point of collapsing. When my motherwas drunk in the house, there would regularly bescreaming and fighting; she acted in a sexuallydeviant manner and sometimes tried to abuse mesexually. I remember that once my father beat herup after she kept trying to get into my bed.As the eldest child in a family with alcoholic parents,I had to grow up fast and assume responsibility formyself, my brothers, and our household. My taskwas to cheer up dad, so that he wouldn’t yell atour drunken mother, or start drinking himself andsmashing things around the house, beating us, aswell. I was born old. I don’t remember ever havinga childhood or youth.”3.15.1 Human RightsAlcohol abusersIt is estimated that 6% of the Croatian populationabuse alcohol. Fifteen percent of the adult malepopulation and 4% of adult females drink excessively.Since a moderate consumption of alcohol is toleratedin Croatian culture, as well as individuals who drinkexcessively, alcoholics are socially assimilated, andtheir human rights are not threatened in a fundamentalsense. However, people who have problemswith excessive drinking tend to be responsible for thegreatest number of social deviations, thus directlyjeopardising the rights of others. Their dysfunctionalbehaviour, although having unfavourable effects onthe immediate family and working environment, israrely sanctioned. The immediate responsibility of theMinistries of Justice, the Interior, Healthcare and SocialWelfare is to provide protection to the individualswho share family, working and living environmentswith alcoholics.Users of psychoactive drugsIn the past 15 years, drugs have become more accessible,cheaper and prevailing. Thus, occasional drugusers, who might have remained so in the unorganiseddrug market, have developed an addiction in a shortperiod of time. Similarly, those who have consumedsoft drugs such as marijuana, as well as youth whorecreationally use ecstasy-speed now switch to heroinin a shorter period of time and in greater numbers. Itis now common for individuals to have their first experiencewith drugs between the ages of 14-16, andfor an increasing number of them heroin is the firstdrug of choice. Youth seem to no longer feel drugs aresomething dangerous, prohibited or harmful, so drugsare assuming the role that alcohol use to play. In 2004,the ratio of men to women treated for drug-relatedproblems was 5.2:1 in favour of the male sex. In Croatia,the public is extremely sensitised to the problem ofdrug abuse. Numerous institutions have programmesfor helping drug users, which is frequently above thelevel that exists in many developed western countries.The problem of drug abuse is elevated to the level of apolitical and social problem.3.15.2 Access to Healthcare and SocialServicesAlcohol abusersIn Croatia, the treatment for alcoholics is at an unsatisfactorylow level. The health system suffers from adeficiency of psychiatrists, physicians, social workers,and pedagogues that are especially trained toprovide help to people with drinking problems. Thegeneral level of knowledge about secondary problemscaused by alcohol abuse is also inefficiently low.Psychiatrists tend to feel that dealing with peoplewith drinking problems is not within their scope ofpractice. As a result they tend to deal with the issuefrom a moral and not a medical standpoint.The Ministry of Health and Social Welfare is responsiblefor the implementation and control of preventativeprogrammes for alcohol-induced disorders. Withinthe Ministry, the social welfare department plays alarger role than the health department, because in their122

THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDCHAPTER 3professional opinion, alcohol-induced disorders are resolvedat the national level according to a public healthmodel, and not according to a clinical-medical model.Unfortunately, the welfare system’s interventions arefew and ineffective and do not have a significant impacton improving the care for alcoholics in a given community.In many cases, Croatia has opted for expensiveforms of assistance for alcoholics, with a low efficiencyrate, and a low rate of coverage. This assistance mostlyinvolves hospital detoxification and accommodation ofalcoholics in general psychiatric wards without specificprogrammes targeting their psycho-social recovery.In Croatia, there are limited numbers (or none at all) ofspecific programmes designed to assist in the recoveryof alcoholics, day hospitals, weekend hospitals foralcoholics who undergo treatment while they are maintainingtheir employment, hospital departments, andtherapeutic communities or social homes. The systemthat supports alcoholics’ families, their spouses and childrendoes not exist. Thus, it is strategically important tosupport the establishment of new and existing Clubs ofTreated Alcoholics that facilitate recovery based on theself-help principle. Currently there are about 170 Clubsof Treated Alcoholics in Croatia. It would be ideal to haveone Club of Treated Alcoholics per 10,000 inhabitants,which would require about 500 of them.Within the socio-cultural framework of Croatia, alcoholismis viewed at varying levels of dependency, basedon the general tolerance of Croatians for moderate andeven high (but not excessive) levels of consumption.Towards the more tolerated level of dependency, anindividual may become dependent on alcohol, but onlyto the extent that the addiction impacts their privatelife. While all forms of alcoholism are dysfunctional, thismight be considered a form of “functional” alcoholism,again, because of Croatia’s socio-cultural framework.Most alcoholics – up to three quarters – are considered‘functional’ alcoholics whose drinking is independentof their multiple social roles (i.e. family, work) and whomostly function normally. Those who consume excessiveamounts of alcohol, to the point where their addictionimpacts their public life, might be considered to be “dysfunctional”alcoholics. Dysfunctional alcoholics accountfor only about 15% of those with drinking problems inCroatia, yet they receive the majority of targeted programmes.However, the programmes designed to assistdysfunctional alcoholics are generally not suitable forothers with varying levels of dependency. These peopleare left with nowhere to turn to for adequate support,advice, or even information. Up to 80% of alcoholics, andthose at risk of becoming alcoholics, are not covered byany sort of organised assistance.The majority of people with alcohol dependencyproblems are relatively easy to treat and even brieftherapeutic interventions by a general practitionermake a significant impact on recovery, preventingprogression towards dysfunctional alcoholism. Throughmotivational interviews and brief focal interventions,functional alcoholics are assisted by engaging in selfhelptechniques. Unfortunately, Croatia has no suchservices or interventions.Continuing, supportive, and frequent but low intensitytherapy is the doctors’ method of choice for treating individualsdependant on alcohol. Consequently, the majorityof alcoholics are treated outside the hospital andin self-help groups. Currently, there are only four groupsof Alcoholics Anonymous and one professionally-runself-help group for women with drinking problems.A coherent state strategy for treating alcohol-relateddisorders would need to incorporate the therapeuticaction provided by self-help groups, derived from (or directlyrelated to) world-renowned self-help movementsfor people with drinking problems. These groups couldinclude inter alia, AA-groups (Alcoholics Anonymous),RR-groups (Rational Recovery), MM-groups (ModerationManagement), and WFS-groups (Women for Sobriety).Most formal support systems for alcoholics are organisedto meet the needs, patterns, and characteristicsof male clients. If women are not successful in maintainingtheir sobriety, it is believed that that they didnot try hard enough, as opposed to the more likelyreason, that they did not receive the proper support.Self-help groups for women with drinking problemscan better address the specific nature of women’sdrinking in a way that is not possible for self-helpgroups that target both genders.Users of psychoactive drugsCompared with the past decade, the growing trendof treatment for drug users (that began in theearly 1990s) has been halted, making the numberof treated drug users stable since 2000. The totalnumber of treated drug users in the few past yearsranges from 5,400 and 5,700. The number of treatedheroin users ranges from 4,000-4,200 cases, whilethe annual number of reported new heroin users123

CHAPTER 3THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDED124ranges from 800-1,000 persons. According to the totalnumber of treated drug users compared to the totalnumber of inhabitants, the County of Istria takes firstplace, followed by the County of Zadar, and the Countyof Šibenik-Knin. Major towns that are at the forefront ofillegal drug abuse are primarily Pula, Zadar, Trogir andSplit, followed by Zagreb, Rijeka, Vinkovci and Osijek.However, only Pula and Zadar have an unacceptablyhigh number of drug users. The most frequent mentaldisorders found in people treated for drug abuse areprimarily personality disorders, alcoholism, and depression-relateddisorders. The amount of deaths related todrug abuse, mostly due to overdose, indicates a risingtrend, ranging from only 29 in 1996 to 108 in 2004.The Life Quality Improvement Organisation LET conductedresearch to obtain a subjective evaluation ofthe quality of life of drug users (family situation, physicalhealth, progress of dependence, and satisfactionwith one’s life). The participants were involved at thetime of research in the needle exchange programmes(aka ‘harm reduction’) which LET conducts in the Cityof Zagreb. The results of the study indicated a tendencytowards dissatisfaction of participants with theirgeneral situation. Apart from hepatitis, depression wasone of the most frequent illnesses reported. Numerousother studies show that drug abuse tends to result indepressive moods, and indicate a connection betweendrug abuse and other mental disorders. The majorityof participants stated that they had a negative attitudetowards their present situation and a pessimisticoutlook towards the future. Most interviewees do notsleep well, which may be connected with the side-effectsof drug consumption, and depressive moods. Thedata obtained from the research indicates that 64%of interviewees underwent medical treatment in theprevious year, 71% of whom were treated in a medicalclinic (substitution therapy), and 28.8% in hospital.Drug users have had negative experience with generalpractitioners, dentists and pharmacists. General practitionersor family doctors prescribe methadone fordaily use as part of a drug recovery plan. Drug users frequentlyencounter a lack of understanding on the partof their doctors, which is displayed as a negative opinionregarding methadone therapy and a belief that recoveringaddicts will bring about unpleasant feelings amongother patients in the waiting room, a fear of break-insand methadone theft, and through a lack of support fordaily methadone therapy. Dentists do not like to treatdrug users either, because they are fearful of contaminationfrom hepatitis C as well as of losing other patientswho look at recovering addicts with disgust or fear. Mostpharmacists refuse to sell sterile needles to intravenousdrug users, which is counter productive to attempts tostop the spread of HIV, hepatitis B and C.One deficient mechanism in public health and in thetreatment of addicts is the monitoring and controlof the spread of HIV among intravenous drug users,especially those who return from unsuccessful treatmentsabroad. These drug users increase the risk ofHIV epidemics among Croatian drug users. Fortunately,the past several years have seen a decrease in theamount of shared needles in recreational drug use. In2002, shared needles were used by 38.6% of drug users,which fell to 33.1% in 2003 and further to 29.3% in2004. There is still a very low presence of HIV amongtreated heroin users (only 0.5%) while the infectionrate with serum viral hepatitis is significantly higher(19.2% for hepatitis B and 47.4% for hepatitis C). Thelow presence of HIV among Croatian drug users is notthe result of good preventative work, but simple luckthat the virus is not prevalent in this region. However,if an outbreak were to occur, Croatia would find itvery hard to contain the rate of infection.The prevention and treatment programmes for drugusers that are insufficiently developed in Croatiainclude:- “Harm reduction” drop-in centres, needle exchangeprogrammes and outreach activities for drug users.Pioneers in the national “harm reduction” scene arethe Red Cross Croatia and the Organisation Let inZagreb, and Help in Split as the organisers of needleexchange programmes. Novi Život in Split is forthe time being the only unit of “outreach” for drugusers in Croatia, and Terra in Rijeka has initiated thefirst “drop-in” centre for drug users in addition to aneedle exchange programme.- Methadone treatment programmes in Croatia arenot structured effectively, which results in a highrate of methadone abuse outside the therapeuticcontext. Because of the disorganised system ofdistribution, the positive therapeutic potentialof using methadone has not been realised. InCroatia, methadone is recorded as the secondmost dangerous illicit drug. Drug users who areon methadone therapy do not re-socialise, butlead a chaotic and destructive lifestyle identical tothat of heroin.

THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDCHAPTER 3- A lack of structured programmes for drug recoveryin penitentiaries and prisons in Croatia as well asmandatory programmes for drug users once theyleave the prison.- Hospital detoxification programmes in psychiatricdepartments of town or county hospitals aretoo low in number, forcing many people to behospitalised unnecessarily. However, as thedetoxification of drug users can be organisedwithin the departments for intensive psychiatriccare of any county hospital, further expansion ofhospital capacity is unnecessary.Inexpensive, wide-scope therapy systems outsidehospitals are needed, such as day hospitals for drugusers, groups for psychological rehabilitation andre-socialisation, and methadone treatment programmes.A network of Clubs of Treated Drug usersare also needed, similar to the active network of Clubsof Treated Alcoholics that has been in existence fordecades. The prevention and treatment programmesfor drug users which operate at quite a satisfactorylevel in Croatia include:- Therapeutic communities for drug users which,although lacking in number and capacity, aresuccessfully targeting parents of drug users andinstitutions, but at the same time are less attractivefor drug users. In Croatia, there are 12 therapycommunities with 33 therapy homes. At themoment, there are slightly more than 1,000 Croatiandrug users in various communes in Croatia, Italyand Spain. Most of the communities do not havethe capacity to provide long-term care for girls andwomen. Special therapy homes for female drugusers exist in only three communities, with a totalcapacity for only 48 female drug users.- County centres for the prevention and treatmentof dependency outside hospitals. Twenty-twocentres for the prevention of dependency havebeen formed within county public health institutesin all major towns. Considering that a number ofcounties do not have pronounced problems withthe abuse of illegal drugs, the number of suchcentres is unnecessarily high.3.15.3 Access to EducationAbusers of alcohol and psychoactive drugsAt the national level, School Prevention Programmes(SPP) make efforts to reduce the interest of school-agedchildren in experimenting with both illegal and legaldrugs (such as alcohol and nicotine). The programmesalso try to reduce the exclusion of young people whohave problems with drug and alcohol consumptionthrough discreet protection programmes. However,the SPP does not manage to help young people withhigh-risk behaviour (behavioural disorders, abuse ofdrugs and alcohol, inclination to delinquency), so theyfrequently leave schools. Social protection institutionshave not been successful in providing efficient assistancein preventing their further social marginalization.Most treated drug users have secondary school education(62.9%), but there is a significant number of thosewho have never finished their secondary school educationor who have finished only primary school (32%).Only 3.2% of the total number of treated drug usershave university qualifications.3.15.4 Access to Employment andEmployment ServicesAlcohol abusersIn evaluating the impact of alcohol-induced problemsamongst employees, the situation must be consideredin regard to Croatia’s socio-cultural context, in whichalcohol has been a component of work for decades.Employees have historically always been able to drinkat work, and on many occasions employers wouldgive alcoholic drinks to their employees as part oftheir wage. It took decades of preventive efforts andpublic health sensitisation of the public for drinkingto be viewed as predominantly connected with leisure.Employers still tolerate drinking amongst theiremployees; they deny the problem of drinking in theircompany, thus actually providing tacit acceptance.Although employers are obliged by law to interveneif they find that one of their employees has a drinkingproblem, they tend not to address or report suchproblems in order to avoid causing them additional125

CHAPTER 3THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDproblems such as embarrassment, stigmatisation,and disciplinary action. Immediate supervision ofemployees by their employer is the most reliable wayof preventing drinking in the work place. This shouldbe coupled with constructive confrontation with theemployee regarding their drinking problem, andconsequential strict disciplinary action if they fail toseek professional help.Users of psychoactive drugsOf the total number of people treated for drugabuse, 42.8% are unemployed, 10.8% work occasionally,while 17.9%, generally consumers of non-opiatedrugs, are students. The highest rate of unemploymentis amongst heroin users, one in four of whomis long-term unemployed. To a lesser extent, this isconditioned by the generally high rate of unemploymentamongst young people, and to a greater extentby the almost impossible task of conciliating thechaotic, dependent lifestyle of drug users with theresponsibilities of employment.3.15.5 Access to Housing and BasicInfrastructureAlcohol abusersHomelessness affects only about 5% of alcoholics, whocomprise the most vulnerable subgroup of alcoholicsand frequently neither seek help nor allow others tohelp them. As a first step, social welfare should acceptthese individuals as unable to stop drinking while employingharm reduction strategies. This would includereferring homeless alcoholics to shelters, homeless hostels,drop-in centres (where they may stay during theday, but may not drink), “wet”-centres (where they canstay and also drink, under protective conditions), andwhere social work services can help them. The secondstep is to discourage drinking, which can be difficult torealize until these individuals have found a long-termsolution to the housing problem by reintegration withtheir families, foster-care families, social welfare homesor communes for alcoholics. While Croatia presentlypossesses 12 therapeutic communities for opiate users(communes for drug users) with 33 therapy houses,there are no specialised therapeutic communities fordysfunctional and homeless alcoholics.Users of psychoactive drugsA large majority of Croatian drug users live with theirfamilies; 70.3% live with their parents, 10.7% live withthe families they have started, while 8.3% of treateddrug users live on their own.3.15.6 Social TiesAlcohol abusersExcessive drinking of functioning alcoholics has adevastating effect on their psychological and physicalhealth, but it is a relatively negligent factor when itcomes to their family and working and their immediatesocial environment. For dysfunctional alcoholics,the situation is different. Their drinking jeopardisesthe functioning of their families and their workingenvironment. In the worst-case scenario, alcoholicsdestroy both themselves as well their families. In abetter case scenario, alcoholics destroy only themselves,while the family marginalises them and excludesthem from family relations in order to protectthe family. In such cases, there is a high rate of maritalconflict, family violence and divorce.Users of psychoactive drugsGroup re-socialisation programmes for drug usersin Croatia are highly deficient. Currently, Croatiais not able to offer adequate social rehabilitationprogrammes for drug users, similar to those foundin western countries. Advocates of the employmentand re-socialisation approach to former drug usersbelieve that these programmes can help avoid furthermarginalization and criminalization of addicts,which is also a proactive way for society to protectitself against the harmful effects of drug abuse. Socialrehabilitation of drug users falls under the jurisdictionof social welfare, which has so far not becomesufficiently involved in this aspect of social development.As a result, various NGOs have emerged as theorganisers of social rehabilitation programmes fordrug users. In Croatia, there is a whole series of NGOs(about thirty of them) who provide various forms ofassistance to drug users and their families.126

THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDCHAPTER 3Box 23: Marko’s experience“On November 19, the police arrived at the point inŠpansko and started to harass a user of the [needleexchange] programme they found there, forcinghim to strip to his waist, amongst other things. Thenews about this event spread rapidly, so the usersof the programme did not come to the point for acouple of days. When we finally managed to calmthem, trying to convince them that the incidenthad been a misunderstanding, that we weresupported by the MZSS, which supports this kindof programme, that it would not happen again, andthat they had no reason to be afraid, on November30 the police came to the same point again, but thistime it was the intervention police. The police havebegun to frequent other points, as well.”The programme can only achieve full success if wecan guarantee full anonymity, trust, and protection,while maintaining a non-judgmental attitudetowards the users of intravenous drugs. Only thendo drug users visit the association, take advantageof the needle and syringe exchange programmes,and only then do we prevent the spread of HIVand other diseases. The experiences of states inEastern Europe and Central Asia, where intravenousdrug users are persecuted, show that closing theprogrammes for harm reduction, and a lack ofcommunity support leads to a worrisome spread ofHIV and hepatitis B and C. (Organisation LET)3.15.7 CrimeAlcohol abusersAlcohol addiction indicates the strongest correlationbetween aggressive and crime-related behaviour,such as: theft and violent crimes. Alcoholics arealso prone to self-injurious and suicidal behaviour.One-fourth of all medical emergencies, one-thirdof suicides, and more than half of violent crimes inCroatia are related to alcohol in one way or another.At the time of arrest, one-third of the individuals areunder the influence of alcohol. Either the victim orthe perpetrator was under the influence of alcoholin 65% of murders, 70% of assaults, and in 50% offights or cases of domestic violence. As the generalconsumption of alcohol rises, so does the numberof battered, raped and murdered women. Alcoholicsabuse children (mentally, physically or sexually) toa significantly greater extent. Alcohol as a risk factoris present in about 30% of cases involving childabuse. Seventy percent of violent crimes committedunder the influence of alcohol take place during theevening, in the privacy of one’s home, and they arepredominantly aimed against members of one’s ownhousehold.Users of psychoactive drugsAccording to the Ministry of Justice, the possessionof illegal psychoactive substances accounts for 75%in the total crime rate related to drug abuse. Othercriminal acts connected with narcotic substancesinclude: 18.3% convicted of selling drugs, 0.9%convicted of conspiring to sell drugs, and 4.9% convictedof giving drugs to a minor. In 2004, 703 drugusers were incarcerated for various criminal acts, 915drug users were detained, and 136 drug users werecharged with misdemeanours. The share of detainedand incarcerated male drug users is nearly thirty timeshigher than the number of detained and incarceratedfemale drug users.The number of inmates who are using drugs andare serving prison sentences has shown a trend ofcontinuing growth over the past fifteen years. Since1991, only 14 drug users were serving sentences,while in 2004, 566 were incarcerated. The number ofpeople convicted for producing a narcotic substancein 2004 (17 convicted) is still low, which indicates thatthere is little evidence that units illegally producingnarcotics exist in Croatia.3.15.8 Key ChallengesAlcohol abusersThe experiences of western countries, which haverecorded a downward trend in the consumption ofalcohol over the past 20 years, suggest the adoptionof a new, progressive, theoretical platform for understandingthe phenomenon of alcoholism. In brief, thiscan be summarised as follows:127

CHAPTER 3THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDED1. The concept of drinking as deviant behaviourin terms of one’s health and social norms is notapplicable only to alcoholics, but also to all peoplewho drink. The community pays the highest pricefor the consequences of drinking by those whousually do not drink in excess.2. Considering that only minimal quantities ofalcohol are not harmful, social drinking should beviewed as excessive and risky.3. Environmental conditions play the most importantpart in encouraging alcohol-related problems(e.g., public advertising of drinking and alcoholicdrinks, positive views of drinking), as well as theavailability of alcohol, and only then the internalpredispositions of the drinkers.Thus, a state strategy for reducing alcohol-related disorderswhich exclusively target alcoholics is not sufficient,and should target the entire drinking populationas well. Although people who drink sporadicallyto moderately have a lower risk of becoming affectedby an alcohol-related problem, the percentage ofpeople who drink moderately in the adult populationis up to 80%, so the problems arising from their drinkingsocially are more numerous and significant thanthe problems of alcoholics themselves.Users of psychoactive drugsAlthough Croatia has a well defined National Strategyand Action Plan for Eliminating Drug Abuse, there isno systematic approach to dealing with the problemof drug abuse. Different treatment programmes suitdifferent drug abusers and the same drug addictneeds to receive different treatment programmesdepending on his or her recovery phase. Currently,there are wide ranging and competing programmesto assist drug addicts, which cater to a specific profileof drug user, leaving some with no services at all.Although various programmes of assistance to drugusers are mutually complementary, their organiserstend to compete for funding and public support.3.15.9 Policy ImplicationsAlcohol abusersCroatia does not have a comprehensive national programme,or an action plan within the national strategy,for the prevention and elimination of alcohol-induceddisorders, but only isolated measures that regulateindividual alcohol-provoked problems. There seems tobe no policy-related imperative to develop such a plan;no awareness that such a plan should exist; and Croatianexperts do not have the competence to developsuch a strategy. The requirements imposed by theWorld Health Organisation’s Regional Office for Europethat Croatia should contribute to the implementationof the European Alcohol Action Plan are not binding inany way. As a result, Croatia did not respond in a seriousmanner. However, in order to meet the requirementsof the European Union, Croatia will have to create andimplement a national action plan.Users of psychoactive drugsIt is a political and not just a social question as towhether Croatia will adopt a progressive platform ofdrug differentiation, according to which the collectiveterm ‘drugs’ does not exist. What exist instead are variousforms of dependence, each of which has its ownpersonal magnetism, its own degree of harmfulness,its own pattern of consumption and its own specificgroup of users. Thus, it would be best to classify thereasons for dependence according to the harmfulnessof the different types of dependence.128

THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDCHAPTER 33.16 Child Poverty and ChildWell-BeingThe concept of child well-being is very subjective, andas of yet does not have a universal definition. Froma child rights perspective, child well-being can beunderstood as the realisation of children’s rights andthe opportunity that every child be given to reachtheir full potential. This concept is not static, but isthe result of the interplay between resources andrisk factors regarding the personal situation of thechild, their family, friends, situation at school and thewider society. Children are generally doing well whentheir families are doing well, when they have friendsand safe neighbourhoods, when they have access toquality education, healthcare and social services, andwhen society provides them space for developmentand participation. In this sense, child well-being becomesa good indicator of societal well-being.In times of economic recession, or social and demographicchange, children become particularlyvulnerable to the effects of poverty and cuts in publicspending. Croatian policy has yet to focus on the situationof children. The new National Plan of Action forChildren’s Rights and Interests 2006-2012 states thata new programme for fighting poverty and social exclusionshould be drafted. Such a programme wouldrecognise the living conditions of children in Croatiaand provide for a comprehensive strategy to ensuretheir well-being.Over the past five years the reduction of child povertyhas become an explicit priority in the EU SocialInclusion Process. Experiences in EU Member Statesindicate that increasing the well-being of children willrequire a more diverse approach than one focusedexclusively on income poverty reduction. Countriesthat have been successful in either reducing highlevels of child poverty (such as the UK) or in keepingchild poverty at a low level (such as the Scandinaviancountries) have adopted a multi-dimensional strategyto support children and their families.In order to support children and their families indeveloping this sense of well-being, policies and servicesneed to take into account the child’s resourcesand deprivations in all areas of their life. These areasFigure 15: Children who find it easy to talk with theirmothers and fathers10090807060504011 yrs 13 yrs 15 yrsgirls - mothersgirls - fathersSource: HBSC 2001 (Currie et al. 2004)include the different dimensions of their familysituation, their material situation, education, subjectivehealth and well-being, their risk behaviour andsafety. Some groups of children, for example childrenin institutions, live in particularly disadvantaged circumstancesand are at a high risk of social exclusion.However, like the concept of well-being, vulnerabilityis not a clearly defined category either; for every childthat is excluded from mainstream society, many otherchildren may be at risk but may remain invisible.3.16.1 Family Situation 172boys - mothersboys - fathersThe quality of family relations is one of the mostimportant factors of child well-being. Trust and emotionalwarmth between parents and children is thebasis on which children develop self-confidence andcompetences to deal with social difficulties (Orthneret al. 2004, Hoelscher 2003). In Croatia, family cohesionis still strong; 89.3% children grow up with theirparents, 7.4% with a single parent, and only 2.8% live infoster care (Currie et al. 2004). The Health Behaviour inSchool Aged Children Survey (HBSC) 173 indicates that172 This chapter discusses what is known about the well-being of children in Croatia in these different dimensions. It draws mainly on datafrom the index of child well-being in CEE/CIS countries (Richardson et al. 2006) and from the Health Behaviour in School Aged ChildrenSurvey (HBSC) that covers 35 countries, mainly from across Europe (Currie et al. 2004).173 The HBSC Survey covers 35 countries in Europe and North America. All European counties are included except for BiH, Serbia andAlbania.129

CHAPTER 3THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDthe younger respondents find it easy to talk to theirparents, and that difficulties in communication tend toonly occur between teenage girls and their fathers.The traditional role of the family in providing for thewell-being of children in Croatian society seems tohave relieved the state from developing efficient supportsystems for children and their families. This lackof state involvement increases the vulnerability ofchildren when family relations come under pressure,such as in cases of domestic violence. According tothe data from the Ombudsman’s Office for Children, 17448% of children in 2004 and 53% of children in 2005were victims of domestic violence, particularly in theform of psychological abuse.Research with children and young people suggeststhat corporal punishment and verbal abuse are stillwidespread. In the UNICEF Young Voices survey 71% ofthe children reported that they experience violent behaviourat home (including verbal violence), and 15%stated that this occurred frequently, or very frequently.Similarly, research at the University of Zagreb showsthat 75% of students had experienced some kind ofphysical violence in their family, and another studyindicated that 1/3 of children aged 13-15 say that theyare physically punished at home (Bošnjak et al. 2002).3.16.2 Economic situationPoverty and deprivation can have a strong impact onchildren’s well-being. In Croatia 16.6% of children livein relative poverty, with single parent families andfamilies with more than three children being particularlyat risk.Relatively high disparities in income distribution arereflected through the quintile share ratio; 20% ofthe population with the highest household incomeshave incomes 5.4 times higher than individuals in thelowest income quintile. 175 However, since the wellbeingof children depends on more than a suitableeconomic situation, data on relative income povertyalone gives very little insight into children’s actualliving conditions. Poverty rates vary depending onwhich threshold, equivalence scale and unit of analysisis used, and income data does not give informationabout what resources actually reach the children.Therefore income data needs to be complementedwith data on material deprivation and subjectivepoverty (Bradshaw 2005). While child income povertyin Croatia compares favourably with poverty ratesboth in the EU and CEE/CIS countries, data on materialdeprivation and a family’s difficulties in makingends meet provides a very different picture.Table 7: At-risk-of-poverty rate at 60% equalized medianincome, selected groups of populationTotal0-1565 +Single parent2 adults, 1 dependentchild2 adults, 2 dependentchildren2 adults, 3 or moredependent childrenwith income inkind16.9%15.2%27.9%29.1%14.9%13.7%19.1%Source: Croatian Statistical Yearbook 2004, Data: 2003without incomein kind18.9%16.6%32.2%31.8%14.7%15.2%21.6%The HBSC survey uses a ‘Family Affluence Scale’ (FAS)to measure a child’s material situation. Children areasked how many cars and computers their family has,how often they were away on holidays the previousyear and whether or not they have their own bedroom.Up to 43.5% children have a low FAS and only 13.6%have a high one. Almost half of the children say thattheir families do not have a computer at home. Thisranks Croatia 26th among the 35 participating countriesin this research (Currie et al. 2004). The high levelof deprivation was confirmed by a survey of secondarystudents (17-18 yrs) in war affected areas in 1999.Thirty percent of young people worried whether theirfamily had enough income to cover their basic costsof living while 37% stated that their family was notable to pay their bills (Raboteg-Šaric 2004). A studywith dual and single parent households in urbanareas also revealed considerable financial difficulties130174 Source: The Report of the Ombudsman for Children for 2004 and 2005/Izvješće o radu pravobranitelja za djecu za 2004. godinu iInformacija o radu Ureda pravobranitelja za djecu za 2005. godinu (Available only in Croatian).175 Source: Central Bureau of Statistics, 2004c, according to Raboteg-Šaric, page 539

THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDCHAPTER 3for Croatian families. More than half of single parentsand 25% of dual parent families struggle to make endsmeet. More than half of the single parents said that theypostpone shopping for themselves to buy somethingfor their child, that they are late in paying bills and donot go for vacations, and about a half of them agreedthat they do not have enough money for their children’sextracurricular activities (Raboteg-Šaric 2004).Poverty and deprivation affects child well-being bothdirectly through the lack of economic resources, andindirectly, through their parents’ stress, conflicts andcorresponding adjustments in their family’s lifestyle.Poverty is linked to poor health and problems inchildren’s cognitive development, particularly whenpoverty occurs early in life and persists over severalyears. 176 While the impacts of poverty in early childhoodare mainly mediated by good family relations,the direct consequences of poverty becomes moreevident later in life as some girls and boys have todeal with the reality of having less than others (McLanahan1997). Disadvantaged children usually cannotparticipate in peer activities and may stand outbecause they cannot afford the ‘right’ clothing. ManyCroatian young people say that ‘poverty is boredom’.Youth in rural areas feel isolated as they cannot affordtransportation to meet with peers and do not havethe money for leisure activities (Raboteg-Šaric 2004).3.16.3 EducationChildcareQuality childcare is one of the most important elementsof a comprehensive strategy to reduce childpoverty. It enables parents to reconcile work andfamily life, and it also supports children’s development.Participation in high quality childcare is linkedto improvements in children’s social, emotional andverbal abilities (Duncan and Brooks-Gunn 2000).Children’s enrolment in kindergarten and childcareis low in Croatia. In 2005 the pre-primary enrolmentrate was 43% and only 15% of young children (1-3years old) are in childcare. 177 This partially reflects thewidespread perception that family is the best placefor young children. Often grandparents live with thefamily or nearby and tend to the children during theday. But family support may no longer be sufficientin a modern society that places new demands on thelabour market, and forces families to become highlymobile, dual income households (Raboteg-Šaric2004).Another contributing factor is the lack of developmentin the Croatian childcare system. Currentcapacities are insufficient and parents may be unableto afford it, particularly in rural and war-affected areaswhere the quality may be low. To be beneficial forchildren and their families, Croatian childcare needsto be more accessible, of higher quality and flexibleto the needs of modern parents.SchoolNinety-seven percent of children are enrolled inbasic education, ranking Croatia 7th among the 20CEE/CIS countries. 178 However, a considerable minorityof 6.9% of primary school age children are not inschool. 179 The enrolment rate for secondary schoolsin 2004/05 was 79.2%, but only 69.5% of the youngpeople enrolled actually finish secondary school(Government of the Republic of Croatia, 2006). Disadvantagedchildren are more likely to drop out ofschool early and it is very difficult for them to accesshigher education. Urban-rural disparities in primaryand secondary education and the costs for textbooks,transportation and accommodation are becomingmajor barriers for students wishing to continue theireducation (Raboteg-Šaric, 2004).According to the HBSC survey, Croatian children thinkthat they are doing well and do not feel particularlypressured by school work compared to their classmatesin other HBSC countries (Croatia ranks in thetop third). However, they tend to spend more timedoing their homework than their peers in othercountries (Croatia ranks 30th). Also, Croatian childrendo not particularly enjoy school, which places Croatiaat the very bottom of the scale in the same research(Currie et al. 2004).176 Duncan and Brooks-Gunn 2000, Beresford et al. 2005, Peters and Mullis 1997177 Government of the Republic of Croatia 2006, Raboteg-Šaric 2004178 Source: UNICEF TransMONEE 2005179 Source: UNESCO Institute for Statistics131

CHAPTER 3THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDChildren’s well-being at school is influenced by a range offactors such as friendships, inclusion into the classroomactivities, student-teacher relationships, the perceivedrelevance of the curriculum, structural conditions, theorganisation of lessons, and school life. The HBSC surveyalso reviewed children’s peer relationships at school.About 75% of boys and girls find their peers kind andhelpful, ranking Croatia above average in an internationalcomparison. However, according to the 2004 and2005 data from the Ombudsman’s Office for Children,there were a number of filed complaints in relation toviolence in primary and secondary schools, includingpeer violence as well as violence of the teachers andschool authorities working with children. The UNICEFquestionnaire on school bullying from 2003 180 showsthat one in 3 children had experienced peer violencerecently, and 10.4% experienced repeated violence (2-3times per month or more often). Verbal bullying is themost common form of violence among children. Publicopinion polls, conducted by UNICEF in 2003 and 2005,also show that the general public is concerned aboutthe incidence of violence among children.Reasons why children do not enjoy school are likely tobe found in the school structure and organisation. Whilethere are discussions about a more flexible and childcentrededucation system, in practice these ideas facesubstantial barriers. Most schools in Croatia lack spaceand facilities; they are overused and operate in two orthree shifts. Children have to adjust to changing schooltimes which make it difficult for parents to reconcile workand family life. Only in some urban areas can young studentsaccess after-school programmes, and even thenthe capacities are insufficient. At the same time schoolsstruggle with a lack of funding. A high portion of thefunding for education goes into building maintenance,reconstruction and equipment rather than teaching. Inwar-affected areas the situation is even more difficultas reconstruction and the revitalisation of social life areslow processes. Schools in urban areas usually have lessspace but are better equipped and have better qualifiedfaculty than schools in disadvantaged rural areas.Teacher-student relationships tend to be formal andauthoritarian in all cases, and children and their parentshave little say in the organisation of school life. SchoolsFigure 16: School experience and subjective well-being9080706050403020100above middlelife satisf.Source: Currie et al. 2004negative middle positivegood or exelenthealth2 daily healthcomplaintssmoking at leastweeklytend to operate in isolation, without partnerships withcommunities and local actors (Raboteg-Šaric 2004).By analysing children’s overall experience in school,and taking into consideration the children’s subjectiveachievements, pressure from school work,well-being at school, peer-relations and experiencesof violence, the HBSC survey found that there is aclose link between how children experience schooland their subjective well-being. If school becomesa predominantly negative experience, students arenot only more likely to drop out, but they also faceincreased health risks.The survey also points to the dynamics through whichpositive school factors benefit children’s life satisfactionand health. A positive school environment ischaracterised by a socially inclusive school climate,supportive peers and good academic achievementswith a low level of stress, and an increase in the senseof success and competence in the young people.Self-confidence in turn benefits children’s health andwell-being, which again strengthens the likelihoodthat they will continue to perform well at school (Currieet al., 2004).132180 based on Olweus, sampled on 84 elementary schools and 9 secondary schools, total 26 000 children

THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDCHAPTER 33.16.4 Subjective Health and Well-BeingDuring childhood and adolescence, children’s subjectivewell-being tends to decrease with increasingage and while there are hardly any gender differencesamong 11 year-olds, over time boys tend tofeel better about themselves than girls (Currie et al.2004, Quilgars et al. 2005). Compared to other HBSCcountries, the well-being of 11 year-olds is average(Croatia ranks 16th) but falls below average for 13year-olds (Croatia ranks 24th) and falls even lower for15 year-olds (Croatia ranks 29th).Figure 17: Children who rate their life satisfactionabove the middle of a scale from 0-109080706011 yrs 13 yrs 15 yrsavrg. boysavrg. girlsSource: Currie et al. 2004boysgirlsA similar trend can be seen in the opinions childrenhave of their own health, with 36.8% of girls and18.6% of boys at age 15 rating it as fair or poor, downfrom 15.8% (girls) and 11.2% (boys) at age 11. Onereason for children’s health problems is poverty; 31%girls and 21% boys with a low FAS report poor health,about 10% more than children with a higher FAS. Froman international perspective Croatia again ranks 29thamong HBSC countries. There is a clear east-west divide,with many of the transition countries occupyingthe lower ranks (Currie et al. 2004). This may indicatestructural, socio-economic inequalities but could alsoindicate that children and young people are bearingthe brunt of transition and have difficulties copingwith a rapidly changing environment.3.16.5 Risk BehaviourAdolescence is a developmental time when risk behaviour,seen as a way to gain acceptance by peers,becomes very common. Young people tend to underestimatethe risks they take. While the impacts oftobacco, alcohol and drugs on young people’s healthare evident, their consumption has to be seen in thecontext of their development, peer pressure and copingstrategies. Alcohol and tobacco are also used tocreate a sense of togetherness within the peer group,for example by sharing cigarettes and engaging insocial drinking (Stewart-Knox et al. 2005). Boys andgirls who engage in risk behaviour often do so inmore than one way, e.g. they consume alcohol andalso have unprotected sex. Research indicates thatrisk behaviour is influenced by stressful experiencesthat young people cannot manage successfully withpositive coping strategies (Klein-Hessling et al. 2005).Among 15 year-olds in Croatia, 21.1% girls and 38.0%boys have been drunk at least two times in their lives.Every fourth young person smokes at least once aweek, girls slightly more often than boys. Cannabisuse is less widespread with 14.1% girls and 18.9%boys having consumed it at least once in their life.Compared with other HBSC countries these valuesare average (Currie et al. 2004).Sexual intercourse at a young age is likely to be unplannedand therefore unprotected. Compared withother European countries 9.7% of the 15 year-oldgirls and 23.2% of the 15 year-old boys in Croatia alreadyhad sexual intercourse. Three quarters of themuse condoms while other forms of contraception arerarely used (Currie et al. 2004). The teenage fertilityrate is relatively low with 14.6 births per 1,000 womenaged 15-19. 1813.16.6 Vulnerable Groups of ChildrenSome groups of children are particularly vulnerable,like institutionalised children, children with disabilities,and Roma children. The situations of thesechildren are very heterogenic and demand differentresponses. Current services are designed in a waythat isolates these children from their peer groupsand deprives them of family care, which is especially181 Source: World Bank Health, Nutrition and Population Statistics133

CHAPTER 3THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDED134the case with institutionalised children. To preventsocial exclusion and support a sound development,a balance is needed between targeted support andmainstreaming that fosters the inclusion of thesechildren in their peer group. The Ombudsman’s Officefor Children also advocated for periodic assessmentsof the reasons and justifications for a child’s stay in aninstitution, as well as for priority support for familieswith children in institutions, with the purpose ofstrengthening ties and re-establishing a quality relationshipwith these children.Preventive community-based social services thatsupport children and their families according totheir specific needs are still rare in Croatia. The stateonly intervenes when family problems escalate, forexample when children become victims of neglect orabuse, and/or develop behavioural problems. Manychildren are then separated from their families andplaced in institutions. On average children stay forfour years in institutions but many of them stay untilthey leave secondary school or reach adulthood. Spatialand material conditions in children’s institutionsare often inadequate and in more than half of allhomes five or more children share a room. In recentyears attempts were made to place older children inprotective apartments so they could further developtheir life skills. However, this has not led to a reductionin institutionalisation as these children wereimmediately replaced by others entering institutionalcare (Bošjnak et al. 2002).Institutionalisation is unlikely to give children thesupport they need in terms of counselling, educationand the development of life skills. The Committee onthe Rights of the Child, for example, expressed specificconcerns about violence in care institutions in Croatia(Cantwell et al. 2005). This may lead to the paradoxicalsituation that children who are victims of abuse areplaced in institutions that may be abusive themselvesand use corporal punishment and emotional cruelty(Bošjnak et al. 2002). Hence, in developing new services,priority needs to be given to supporting thechild within the family for as long as possible. In this,social workers from different services, such as childcarefacilities, schools, health services and the policeshould form strong local partnerships and coordinatetheir work to be better able to help families. It is alsocrucial that children and their families are heard in theprocess and that they are seen as partners in creatingtheir own solutions.3.17 Common Issues and Concernsfor Socially Excluded GroupsThree things stand out from the examination of groupsat risk of poverty and social exclusion. The first is thelack of sufficient in-depth data and research whichfor most of the identified groups significantly inhibitsthe development of appropriate policies. UNDPresearch on the Quality of Life and the qualitativeresearch on focus groups have made a step forwardin this respect. Secondly, the analysis shows that theincrease of the social inclusion of each disadvantagedgroup requires a multi-dimensional and holistic approachthat cuts across a broad range of policy areas.The third point is the extent to which the differentgroups share common issues and common areas forimprovement. Thus, what is required is to increasethe access to essential services while at the same timetailoring those services to specific needs and adaptingthem to the specific situations of the vulnerable.Some of the common issues and common strands arehighlighted below.Human rights and anti-discrimination: A key issuethat emerges for several groups is the need tostrengthen the enforcement of anti-discriminationlegislation. This is particularly evident in relation tothe Roma, returnees and people with physical andintellectual disabilities. However, it is also relevantto people with HIV, sexual minorities, people living ininstitutions, the homeless, prisoners, single parents,victims of domestic violence, and children. The issuegoes beyond simply enforcing legislation. It alsoinvolves ensuring the right to fully participate insociety, combating marginalisation, and to having avoice in the decision-making processes. This involvesraising awareness about human rights and promotingthe empowerment of groups.Access to social security: The issue of improving thesocial security system in order to ensure an adequatebasic income emerges for several groups. It is particularlystressed in relation to people with physical disabilities,single parents, the long-term unemployedand some pensioners, especially those living alone.Another common issue is the need to link socialsecurity payments more closely to personal plansand social supports, which will motivate people andincrease their ability either to access employment or

THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDEDCHAPTER 3to participate in society. This seems to be especiallythe case for the long-term unemployed, people withdisabilities, the Roma and single parents.Access to social services: There is an evident needto develop the network of support and care servicesfor many of the different groups. In particular there isa strong emphasis on the need to develop supportin the community and reduce the dependence oninstitutional care, whether for people with disabilitiesor children. The need to provide more integrated andholistic services which address the range of people’sneeds is a frequent theme, notably in relation topeople with physical and intellectual disabilities,families and children, victims of domestic violence,the elderly, and the homeless.Access and affordability of health services: Inadequateaccess to health services, whether due to a lackof health insurance or the costs involved, emerges asan issue for several groups, notably the Roma, returnees/IDPs,people with intellectual disabilities, singleparents, the long-term unemployed, and the elderly.In addition more specific programmes are needed forgroups such as alcoholics and drug users.Access to education and training: Increasing participationand integration in normal schools is another issuethat cuts across several groups at risk. In particularit is an issue for the Roma, children with intellectualdisabilities (especially those living in institutions), andchildren with physical disabilities. The importance ofpre-school education for children from disadvantagedbackgrounds is another recurring theme. The need toincrease access for and participation by adults in lifelonglearning is another recurring educational theme,notably for the long-term unemployed, single parents,and older workers. Closely linked to this is the emphasison making access to and training in ICT more availableand affordable to several groups such as the Roma, returneesin remote areas, people with disabilities, singleparents, and the long-term unemployed.Access to employment: A common issue that occursfor many of the at-risk groups is increasing their accessto employment. Developing a more comprehensiveapproach including improving personalised training,ensuring social support services, creating moreaccess to public employment and to subsidised andsheltered employment is stressed. Groups includedhere are returnees, Roma, people with intellectualand physical disabilities, single parents, the longtermunemployed and unemployed youth. Ensuringequal access to jobs in the public sector is especiallyimportant for the Roma, Serb returnees, and peoplewith disabilities.Transportation: Improving access to transportationis a frequent issue as it is seen as a key factor in affectingpeople’s ability to access other basic services,particularly health and employment. This mainlyincludes returnees living in remote areas, people withphysical disabilities, and single parents.Access to housing and basic infrastructure: Theimportance of housing and basic infrastructurestands out for several groups. It ranges from the needto ensure decent quality housing and adequate basicinfrastructure, notably for the Roma and for manyreturnees, through the development of alternativesto institutional care for children and people with anintellectual disability, to developing social housing forgroups such as single parents, people with a disabilityand the homeless, including emergency shelters forvictims of domestic violence.Social supports: The importance of family and socialsupport networks is highlighted for most groups,where the role of NGOs, self-help groups, youth organisationsetc. are especially important.Area based strategies: Poverty and social exclusionare often concentrated in particular geographic areas,whether these are remote rural areas or urban slums.Thus, the need to develop comprehensive local developmentprogrammes for disadvantaged areasthat integrate and coordinate efforts across a rangeof policy domains, emerges as an issue affecting mostgroups. It is particularly important for Roma communitiesand for returnees living in remote areas.135

CHAPTER 3THE SOCIALLY EXCLUDED136

CHAPTER 4KEY CHALLENGES

CHAPTER 4KEY CHALLENGESChapter 4:Key Challenges4.1 IntroductionReducing social exclusion in Croatia will require innovativethinking, based on the theoretical, conceptual,and practical understandings which underpin thecurrent revitalisation of the European social model inthe context of the evidence provided in the first threechapters of this NHDR. The nature of social exclusion,its complexities, and the heterogeneity of lived experiencesof those who are excluded in Croatia today,suggest the need for a wider range of smart, active,flexible, and dynamic policies than those currently inuse. Evidence-based social policies are necessary tofight social exclusion, based on an appropriate mix ofthe four broad tools, including: universal provision,categorical benefits, insurance-based, and meanstestedbenefits and services.Universal provision defines eligibility not accordingto means but according to membership of a broadcommunity or group. Categorical benefits and servicesare similar to universal ones but tend to focuson very specific vulnerable groups and/or on specificsocial problems. Insurance-based approaches provideservices based on past contributions to the systemand/or work history. Means-tested approaches tiebenefits or services to an assessment of assets andmeans, with only those below a certain threshold beingentitled. The appropriate mix of these approachesshould minimise the errors of inclusion (i.e., providingservices meant for those at risk to those not at risk), anderrors of exclusion, which result in a significant numberof those excluded not receiving benefits, oftenas a result of stigma. However, the externality effectof short-term cuts to universal benefits in responseto economic shocks, can undermine longer-termsolidarities necessary for sustained pro-poor growth.Attempts to encourage economic growth throughradical structural adjustments risk undermining elementsof the social fabric, notably extended familysupport and social networks, which are themselvesguarantors of social inclusion. In this formulation,conceptualising ‘targeted’ benefits and services asone of the tools has been explicitly avoided. Targetingshould be seen as an outcome, intended or not, ofa particular benefit or service, in terms of the extentof its coverage of the most vulnerable.This chapter will address three key challenges: the importanceof designing policies which respond to keyrisk groups, while recognising the multi-dimensionalcharacter of exclusion; the importance of spatial dimensionsto social policy; and, the need to react tonew forms of social risk and uncertainty.4.2 Groups at Risk of Social ExclusionIt is still somewhat difficult to estimate the numberand types of people who are structurally excluded inCroatia, not least because of the lack of time seriesand panel studies which would show paths into andout of exclusion over time. However, studies indicatethat as many as one in five Croatians is excluded orat risk of exclusion. A recent World Bank study 182calculated a poverty rate of 11% in Croatia, with anadditional 10% of the population at risk of poverty,consuming less than 25% above the poverty line. TheUNDP 183 found 11.5% of the labour force populationto be deprived in areas of income, employment andsocio-cultural participation. Among the groups whichappear to face a systematic risk of social exclusion,and pose special challenges to future policy formation,are the following:138182 based on the 2004 Household Budget Survey data (World Bank, 2006)183 UNDP (2006a) Research on social exclusion in Croatia: Quality of Life and the risk of Social exclusion. UNDP, Zagreb, Croatia

KEY CHALLENGESCHAPTER 4- People with disabilities: Physical barriers to institutionsand social stigma, combined with a lack ofemployment opportunities, and a problematic relationshipwith an ineffective health system, work toexclude people with disabilities. Focus group interviews(UNDP, 2006b) show a fundamental disconnectbetween costly, medical assessment procedures andthe inadequate benefits which these allow access to.This indicates a need to shift policies and practice infour directions. First, towards a more realistic packageof cash and care benefits based on a thoroughsocial and medical assessment. Second, to providereal incentives on both the supply and demand side,to promote participation in the labour market, whichis seen as a good investment in terms of productivityin the longer-run (cf. ILO, 2006). Third, given the lackof skills and trust as evidenced in the focus groups,there needs to be a shift in responsibility for advice,guidance, and legal counsel away from CSW andtowards new agencies, perhaps run by coalitions ofdisability associations. Fourth, and perhaps most difficultto achieve politically, there is a need to movetowards a system where benefits relate more to thenature of the disability than to the cause (whetherwar-related, work-related, or other). Whilst pointingout that veteran benefits are not designed in termsof poverty alleviation but, rather, represent “a publicpolicy choice to recognise past military service”, theWorld Bank estimates that public expenditures onsuch benefits amounted to 1.63% of GDP in 2004,representing approximately 41% of social benefits(World Bank, 2005; 1).- The Long-Term Unemployed: Despite some encouragingtrends in the reduction of unemploymentrates in Croatia, Chapter 3.7 illustrates that thelong-term unemployed still comprise more thanhalf of the total unemployed, with the number ofvery long-term unemployed increasing. Over 3% ofthe Croatian population is long-term unemployed,representing a significant portion of households atrisk of poverty and social exclusion. This group suffersfrom low income, poor access to health andother services, and has little trust in institutions. Thechallenge for policy-makers is to provide adequateincome maintenance as well as support job-searchefforts and skills enhancement. Regionally basedstrategies may be needed given the varying causesof long-term unemployment. Clear targets mayneed to be set to ensure that the portion of the longtermunemployed who receive training and supportraises the low figure of 2.5% envisaged under theNational Employment Action Plan.- Varied Family Forms - Single-parents and largefamilies: The Croatian family structure is still verytraditional, although the number of single-parentsis now around the EU average. As Chapter 3.6 illustrates,single-parent families face numerous difficulties;they are at a higher risk of poverty, and abouthalf of them struggle financially. While having tocope with underdeveloped services, it is understandablethat single-parent families depend onhelp received from the extended family. Those whocannot rely on that help experience the highest levelsof social exclusion. Single-parent families alsoface considerable problems in balancing work andfamily obligations, placing them in a disadvantagedposition when trying to obtain paid work. Largefamilies are in a similar position, with an even higherrisk of poverty than single-parent families. The threatof poverty for larger families results from a combinationof factors, including lower levels of educationand poor employment records. Both types of familiesrequire special social attention and a variety ofmeasures to address their specific needs.- Families with Young Children: A recent WorldBank study found that, while poverty in Croatia isgenerally stable throughout the life cycle, the oneexception can be found among children aged 0-4years. These small children have the second highestvalue in the poverty gap index, necessitating specialconsideration for households with infants (WorldBank, 2006; 18). The importance of an integrated setof policies for early childhood education and childcare is recognised increasingly in both developedand developing countries (cf. Haddad, 2002), basedon the principles of universality and inclusiveness, aswell as horizontal and vertical co-ordination. Suchpolicies are clearly necessary in Croatia.- Minority Ethnic groups - Roma and Serbianreturnees: As in most of South Eastern and CentralEurope, the Roma face structural exclusion in Croatia.This is also the situation with members of the Serbianminority population, particularly returnees. In bothcases, the strengthening of anti-discriminatorylegislation is needed, coupled with an area-based139

CHAPTER 4KEY CHALLENGESapproach to development (UNDP, 2006b). In thecase of the Roma, putting an end to discriminationin the labour market is an essential first step towardschallenging the Roma’s ‘asymmetrical’ relationshipwith social welfare. Above all, a focus on investmentsin education and housing is crucial. For Serbianreturnees, there is a need to emphasise a humanrights approach and to consider legal pre-conditionsfor inclusion as a priority.- Institutionalised populations: In part becauseof the less dramatic situation found in Croatiacompared to, for example, Bulgaria and Romania,there is a danger of failing to respond to the structuralexclusion of various institutionalised populationsin Croatia (such as, children without parental care,children with disabilities, adults with disabilities, andjuvenile and adult offenders). Institutionalisation,in some cases, appears to produce exclusion as itinvolves segregation from family and other support,often in remote settings. Moreover, those who leaveinstitutions are not prepared for re-integration orinclusion in society. A wholesale commitment tonew forms of community care is needed. Again, thisneeds to be tied to area-based assessments of needand the provision of more ‘intermediate’ resourcesto avoid over-reliance, either on costly institutionalcare or on unsupported and over stretched familycare (Bošnjak and Stubbs, 2006).- Older people without a pension: The latest WorldBank poverty study (World Bank, 2006) indicatesthat the risk of poverty increases with age. Elderlyheaded households face a poverty risk twice thatof the general population. A higher risk is facedby households headed by females aged 65+ andby female single-resident households. Withinhouseholds headed by elderly people, those whodo not receive pensions are particularly vulnerable,facing a poverty risk more than five times the nationalaverage. The World Bank study shows that no lessthat 62% of those aged 65+ who do not receive apension are in poverty, compared to 19% of thosein the same age group who do receive a pension.Chapter 3.1 suggests that one-fifth the populationover 65 (131 414 people) do not receive a pension.The case for introducing some kind of ‘social pension’appears to be very strong in Croatia. It is obvious thatolder people are not a homogenous group – while aminority is in a relatively good position, the majorityis made up of a number of different, highly excluded,sub-groups. The focus groups survey also showsthat assistance to older people with low incomescould, to a considerable extent, be realized throughmeasures which would lower costs for medical andrelated services.4.3 Geography of Exclusion andRegional InequalitiesUntil recently, there was very little accurate informationon the extent of regional inequality in Croatia.However, a number of recent studies have begun toproduce a rather consistent, and somewhat worrying,picture of spatially concentrated disadvantage,although much of this is still pitched at the level oflarger regions and counties, with municipal leveland neighbourhood data almost completely lacking.County level data shows the need for a set ofdevelopment indicators rather than only using GDPper capita. Supplementing the World Bank tableswith UNDP Quality of Life survey data (UNDP, 2006a)indicates that there are links between per capita GDPand levels of social exclusion (see Table 9). While theWorld Bank report emphasises that the bottom fivecounties in terms of per capita GDP is not correlatedespecially with income or consumption poverty, itdisplays a stronger correlation with social exclusion.According to the UNDP survey, three of the countieswith the highest levels of social exclusion are alsoamong those with the lowest per capita GDP. Anotherway of reading Table 9 is to consider that 12 of 21counties appear in the bottom five in at least one ofthe six indicators, with two counties, Osijek-Baranja140

KEY CHALLENGESCHAPTER 4and Virovitica-Podravina, appearing four times andfour others appearing three times. Adding five moreindicators, as in Table 13, means that eight countiesappear in the bottom five four or more times, whiletwo new counties also appear in the list.In addition, while per capita GDP figures indicate aratio from highest to lowest of 3.12:1 in 2003 (WorldBank Background paper 4), the ratio of social exclusionis 16.29:1 (UNDP, 2006a), with six counties havingrates of above 20%. When aggregated into five compositeregions, the World Bank study still finds a considerabledifference between urban Zagreb’s povertyrate of less than 3% and a figure of over 20% in therural central region. The UNDP survey disaggregatedby counties shows high disparities in levels of trust, inestimates of quality of, and satisfaction with, educationservices, in Internet usage and in job security.Clearly, more research is needed to determine theunderlying causes of exclusion, not least of which isbecause the World Bank study can only account forsome of the regional discrepancies with what are normallythe key indicators of poverty, such as employmentstatus, age of household head, and householdsize. The observation, that “given the relatively largeunexplained regional differences in living standards,a regionally differentiated strategy probably makesgood sense for Croatia” (World Bank, 2006; 33), isparticularly welcome. Some elements of this typeof strategy have already been proposed under thedraft National Strategy for Regional Development incollaboration with the Ministry of the Sea, Tourism,Transport and Development. 184 The report pointsto large and widening socio-economic disparitiesbetween the counties, noting five, not necessarilymutually exclusive, areas with significant developmentneeds: the war-affected areas; traditional industrialareas; hilly and mountainous areas; the islands;and border areas. The report suggests a number ofremedial actions based on the premise that existingsupport to disadvantaged areas has been too smalland poorly co-ordinated.The Vision Statement of the Strategy includes pledgesto significantly reduce “the gap in internal income andliving standards between all counties, wider regionsand social groups across the country” by 2013. Whilemost of the focus is on broad-based capacity building,institutional strengthening, and multi-stakeholderpartnerships, the proposal to establish a Programmefor the Development of Disadvantaged Areas (PDDA)is of particular interest. It envisions an integratedGovernment plan for these areas (under the leadershipof the MSTTD), a unified definition of disadvantagedareas, to retain that status for seven years, andan integrated focus on economic and human capital,and infrastructure components. The designation ofspecific Action Zones, to promote social inclusion,access to health, education and employment will beneeded in the future to tackle the spatial dimensionsof exclusion in Croatia. In addition, a new agenda totackle rural disadvantage on a much larger scale willbe needed. It is crucial for local social planning to beallied with redistributed transfer payments in order toavoid the more developed local provision of welfarebeing located in areas which need it least.Above all, a careful reconsideration of the causesand consequences of spatial inequalities is needed.These are multi-faceted and historical developmentalinequalities, including the specific effects of war andits aftermath, transition-induced restructuring, andthe current ‘gateway’ effect of EU candidate status.The importance of promoting labour mobility is afacet that has remained largely unquestioned butthat could lead to more young people leaving theircommunities to seek work in urban areas. This couldhave negative consequences in both smaller communities,with older, less skilled, or less mobile peoplebecoming more reliant on passive social assistance;and in the receiving areas, leading to discriminationin the housing market and new pressures of urbanisation.Simply promoting ‘mobility’ under-estimatesthe role of the extended family as an effective andefficient form of social support. There is a need tostudy, much more closely, the disincentive effects inhibitinglabour mobility in Croatia and not to jump togeneral conclusions. To take just one example, thereis currently a shortage of qualified social workers inOsijek-Baranja county, and a surplus of unemployedqualified social workers in Zagreb. Reluctance tomove is, in large part, a result of the inability to secureadequate and affordable housing on the salary of asocial worker.141184 See web page: http://www.mmtpr.hr/UserDocsImages/CARDS_2002%20(D)/intro_en.html)

CHAPTER 4KEY CHALLENGESTable 8: Alternative lists of five poorest counties in CroatiaRank(1=poorest)GDP per capita(2003)Social ExclusionPer capitaincomePer capitaconsumptionAve. monthlyearningsHeadcount PovertyRate (%)1Vukovar-SirmiumPozega-SlavoniaVirovitica-PodravinaKarlovacVirovitica-PodravinaKarlovac2Sl. Brod-PosavinaVirovitica-PodravinaOsijek-BaranjaVirovitica-PodravinaVaraždinSisak-Moslavina3Sibenik-KninSl. Brod-PosavinaKarlovacSisak-MoslavinaBjelovar-BilogoraBjelovar-Bilogora4Pozega-SlavoniaVukovar-SirmiumSisak-MoslavinaKrapina-ZagorjeKoprivnica-KriževciKoprivnica-Krizevci5Krapina-ZagorjeOsijek-BaranjaPozega-SlavoniaOsijek-BaranjaSl. Brod-PosavinaOsijek-BaranjaSource: World Bank estimates based on 2002-04 HBS and LFS. GDP per capita from background paper No. 4. Social Exclusion from UNDP Quality of Life SurveyTable 9: Additional IndicatorsRank(1=poorest)HighUnemploymentHigh Pop Over 65Low Pop GrowthLarge No of Peoplewith disabilitiesLarge No ofSocial assistancerecipients1Vukovar-SirmiumLika-SenjKarlovacKrapina-ZagorjeSibenik-Knin2Sisak-MoslavinaKarlovacLika-SenjPozega-SlavoniaVirovitica-Podravina3Sl. Brod-PosavinaSibenik-KninSisak-MoslavinaSisak-MoslavinaSisak-Moslovina4Virovitica-PodravinaVirovitica-PodravinaBjelovar-BilogoraVaraždinSl. Brod-Posavina5Sibenik-KninKrapina-ZagorjeKrapina-ZagorjeSibenik-KninMeđimurjeSource: HZZ, taken from Analytical Bulletin No. 4 from 2004 from the Croatian Employment Services, Croatian Bureau of Statistics4.4 ‘New’ Risks, Uncertainties andRestructuringThis report shows how a number of ‘new risks’,common to post-industrial societies, and related tocomplex socio-economic and socio-cultural transformations,are emerging in Croatia. Central to this is thechanging relationship between social policy and thelabour market. It is extremely important to recognisethe effects of restructuring and the segmentation ofthe labour market on social security and insecurity.The labour market should be approached in termsof the supply of labour including, but not limited to,‘flexibility’, ‘employability’ and ‘mobility’ along withconsiderations regarding the demand for labour, thefamily-work balance, and, crucially, the possibility ofsecuring ‘decent work for all’. Long-term comparativeresearch has questioned the idea that unemploymentis linked to a lack of work motivation and has alsoquestioned any straightforward link between differentwelfare systems and any incentive or disincentiveeffects regarding employment (cf. Gallie, 2000a).Indeed, it is too often forgotten that “the extent towhich employment offers opportunities for socialparticipation depends crucially on the quality of jobs”(Gallie, 2000b).142

KEY CHALLENGESCHAPTER 4In welfare state restructuring, so-called activationpolicies 185 or ‘active labour market policies’have sometimes been emphasised above otherpolicy measures. Sometimes, the balance betweenevidence-based and ideological motivation for suchschemes appears distorted, and their effects appearto vary depending on the nature of the schemes,their assumptions regarding the labour market,and the balance between incentives and sanctionswhich they contain. An overview of ‘workfare’ in aninternational perspective (Lødemel and Trickey (eds.),2001) shows the existence of common problems ina variety of schemes, precisely deriving from the factthat they are compulsory, work based and targetedto a population facing formidable barriers to work. A‘social division of workfare’ which mirrors that of thelabour market as a whole, with a ‘creaming off’ of themost employable increases the further exclusion,through ‘sink options’, of the more disadvantagedand vulnerable groups. Hence, great care needs to betaken when devising programmes for ‘hard-to-place’groups with participants’ rights guaranteed and,above all, appropriate evaluation undertaken.There is a need to be far more circumspect in the connectionsbetween policies to increase employmentand policies to reduce social exclusion. Too close alink, in which policies to reduce social exclusion focusexclusively on activation policies is unlikely to yieldpositive results and could, indeed, worsen exclusion.It is beyond question that more resources need tobe devoted to active rather than passive measures,combining national best practices with locally tailoredschemes. Care must be taken, however, to avoidfurther stigmatising vulnerable groups.In terms of older people and members of the labourforce who currently do not receive, or who appear unlikelyto receive, a subsistence pension, there may bea need to revisit the idea of a ‘social pension’ perhapsin conjunction with some kind of special fund. Issuesaround the work-life balance require more concertedfocus on child care policies and, in particular, theprovision of day care, through a mixture of providers,funding arrangements, tax and other subsidies, andeven voucher schemes. Longer-term care arrangementsfor vulnerable older people, adults and childrenwith disabilities and those living with recurrentchronic illnesses require more flexible provision and,above all, a shift so that resources follow clients ratherthan being ‘tied up’ in existing structures. New formsof community-based micro-insurance schemes willbe needed, in addition to a new ‘zonal’ social policywhich seeks to challenge multiple disadvantages.In addition, as developed below, there is a need tointegrate fiscal and social policies in a more coherentand sophisticated way in Croatia.While overall, Croatia performs well in terms of thediffusion of Information and Communication Technology(ICT), with a ranking of 45th in the ICT diffusionindex, and scores particularly highly in terms ofaccess (UNCTAD, 2006; 49), this masks a considerableregional variation. The UNDP Quality of Life Surveyshows that only 22.7% of respondents used the internetfrequently in the month before the study; some12.7% used it occasionally and 63.7% not at all (UNDP,2006a; 30). Variations in frequent use were similarto the difference in rates of understanding writtenEnglish, with usages most common amongst men,younger respondents, those with more education,and those living in urban areas. The County of Istriaand the City of Zagreb had rates of frequent usagealmost four times that of the county with the lowestrate. More work is clearly needed on the relationshipbetween e-exclusion and other forms of social exclusion,and it is important that initiatives such as thee-Croatia initiative, address the needs of marginalizedand disadvantages groups and regions moresystematically.4.5 Conclusion -- ‘smart’ social policy?Over and above the specific policy recommendationsoutlined above, there is a need for ‘smart’ socialpolicies free of ideology and that are evidence-based.The discussion of social policy framed in terms of ‘freeriding’ and ‘double dipping’ needs to be supportedby evidence, rather than asserted. One of the mostimportant aspects of this is to calculate precisely theextent and trend of state social expenditures. It oftenseems that figures in this regard, based on questionablecalculations, continue to circulate, giving theimpression that Croatia is a high social spendingcountry which, in many ways, is far from the truthand conceals a more complex picture. Data from the185 Defined as „a set of policies/measures/instruments aimed at integrating unemplyed social assistance recipients into the labour marketand improving their economic and social inclusion.“ (Hanesch and Balzter, 2001; 3).143

CHAPTER 4KEY CHALLENGESMinistry of Finance indicates that the central governmentsocial expenditures rose from 40.5 billion HRK in2000 to almost 50 billion HRK in 2004. In the contextof economic growth, however, social expenditures asa proportion of GDP fell from 26.6% in 2000 to 23.4%in 2004 (Figure 19). These figures are not strictly comparableto EU figures. In addition, they do not includeveterans’ benefits (around 1.6% of GDP) or local andregional government expenditures (around 0.5% ofGDP). Nevertheless, the figures, largely a product ofreductions in health and pensions expenditures as ashare of GDP, provide important counter-evidence tothe notion of high and increasing social expenditures.Overall, a hard and fast division between ‘the economic’and ‘the social’ and, indeed, the ‘environmental’ is counter-productive.Instead, an integrated approach to socialpolicy as investment in human and social capital needsto be developed. In addition, a cautionary principleneeds to be adopted in which safeguards ensure thatpolicies do no harm and are likely to improve the positionof excluded groups and individuals. Finally, ‘smart’social policy needs to be based on an inclusive dialogueand not remain the preserve of politicians, professionals,policy makers or existing institutions. Changingperceptions of ‘the social’ is at the heart of any serious,long-term, perspective on challenging social exclusion.Figure 18: Social Expenditure (as % of GDP)30.025.020.00.52.10.42.0 0.51.8 0.62.70.62.615.016.516.9 16.0 13.9 13.610.05.00.07.5 7.2 6.7 6.4 6.62000 2001 2002 2003 2004HealthSocial securityWelfareOtherSource: Croatian Ministry of Finance; Notes: According to GFS 1986 classification144

CHAPTER 5POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS

CHAPTER 5POLICY RECOMMENDATIONSChapter 5:Policy Recommendations5.1 IntroductionFrom the evidence outlined in the previous chapters,it is clear that Croatia faces an important policychallenge in strengthening its efforts to significantlyreduce social exclusion and poverty and in buildinga more inclusive society. Many aspects of this challengewill require new policy responses. In particular,key issues where policy efforts will be needed includetackling long-term unemployment, modernising thesocial protection system, improving access to services(especially health, housing, education and socialservices) and eliminating discrimination, especiallyfor minority groups and people with disabilities. Inaddition, it will be essential to take into account thesignificant regional differences in social exclusion anddifferences between urban and rural settings.The broad range of policy areas that need to be includedto improve the position of the main groupsat risk of poverty and social exclusion are highlightedin Chapters 3 and 4. The key policy conclusion to bedrawn is that promoting social inclusion should bemainstreamed as a priority objective across all areasof policy making and policy implementation. Thiswould ensure a multi-dimensional and holistic approachto preventing and reducing poverty and socialexclusion. Equally important are better linkages betweenpolicy areas reflecting an overall governmentapproach. Addressing social exclusion in this way isalso required in the context of EU accession, in linewith the objectives of the Union’s Social Protectionand Social Inclusion process.Developing a comprehensive approach will requirethe government to strengthen the institutional arrangementsfor developing, delivering and monitoringpolicies to promote greater social inclusion. Thiswill involve: allocating clear political responsibility forensuring that social exclusion is at the heart of policymaking; establishing clear objectives and quantifiabletargets for reducing social exclusion; ensuring that effectivearrangements are in place to guarantee horizontalcoordination between ministries and agenciesat the national level and also between national andlocal levels; involving and mobilising relevant actorssuch as social partners and NGOs in the process; and,developing better data and analysis of social inclusiontrends and ensuring regular monitoring of progress.This chapter concentrates on four key areas for policyaction that have emerged in the earlier chapters asbeing of fundamental importance in preventing andalleviating social exclusion for the disadvantagedgroups identified in this report. Relevant policiesinclude: developing an inclusive labour market andreducing long-term unemployment; reducing institutionalisationand increasing support in the community;supporting families and children; and, tacklinggeographic areas that experience high levels of socialexclusion.146

POLICY RECOMMENDATIONSCHAPTER 55.2 Inclusive Labour MarketAs highlighted in Chapters 3 and 4, increasing accessto employment and improving activity rates is clearlyvital to both preventing and reducing unemploymentand social exclusion for many people. However,the employment has to be of a sufficient quality togenerate adequate income and care has to be takennot to encourage people into low paid jobs that perpetuatetheir situation. Clearly part of the solution liesin the sphere of economic growth and developmentand increasing the overall supply and quality of jobs.Overcoming mismatches between labour demandand supply is critical. However, there is also a need tostrengthen measures that will increase the employabilityof disadvantaged groups. There is already asignificant commitment to active labour market measuresin Croatia, however, these need to be targetedbetter to those more distant from the labour market.They need to be more flexible, more localised as wellas regularly monitored for effectiveness. Relevant servicesand ministries require improved co-ordination.Given the very high level of long-term unemployment,developing personalised progression routesback to employment would be particular useful.Reducing the number of people who are becominglong-term unemployed will require special initiativesto retain people in work, to update the skills of theolder employed and to create more opportunities foryoung people, in order to ease their transition fromschool to work. All this involves developing highquality counselling and retraining services.A key factor in addressing child and family poverty willbe to give a high priority to supporting single parents,parents from jobless households, and parents withlarge families in accessing employment. Not only willthis require increasing their involvement in active labourmarket programmes but also introducing morefamily friendly policies, such as more flexible forms ofemployment and increased provision of pre-schooland day care provision.Wherever possible, the focus should be on increasingaccess to the open labour market with other options,such as sheltered employment, being the last resort.To this end, increasing the participation of ‘at risk’groups, such as those with disabilities, ethnic minoritiesincluding the Roma, ex-prisoners and peoplewith addiction problems in active labour marketprogrammes is important. To further this, it will alsobe important to address discrimination by employersin employing such groups, both through enforcinganti-discrimination legislation on grounds of race,gender, disability, religion, sexual orientation andthrough a programme of education and awarenessraising. Particular barriers also need to be identifiedand addressed such as physical barriers to buildingsor public transportation faced by people withdisabilities. In some cases, access to normal employmentwill not be possible, when other options suchas sheltered employment and community work willbe necessary.Interactions between tax and welfare provisionsplay a key role in determining whether work paysor whether there are disincentives to taking up employment.The development of local employmentpartnerships involving government employment andsocial agencies, social partners and NGOs working togetherto develop local strategies, could be useful indeveloping employment opportunities in the areasof the highest risk of social exclusion.147

CHAPTER 5POLICY RECOMMENDATIONSRecommendations for Developing an Inclusive Labour Market and Tackling Long-Term Unemployment- Refocus Active Labour Market Programmes for the long-term unemployed or those at risk of longtermunemployment and, in particular, people with disabilities, the older unemployed, the youngunemployed, single parents, the Roma and returnees;- Develop personalised counselling and guidance services for people from disadvantaged groups andestablish progression routes back towards employment involving education, training, communitywork, and public sector employment;- Improve coordination between Croatian employment services and other relevant social services andlocal initiatives so as to develop integrated programmes of support for disadvantaged groups facingmultiple problems;- Enforce anti-discrimination legislation in relation to race, gender, disability, age, religion, sexualorientation and develop education and awareness raising programmes to engender respect foremployment rights of minorities.- Make changes to the tax and welfare system to remove unemployment traps and increase incentives totake up employment, with particular emphasis on families with children, while maintaining adequateincome support for those unable to gain employment;- Develop a system of tax and financial incentives to encourage employers to employ people withdisabilities and people from other high risk groups;- Consider a quota scheme to encourage employers to employ a certain proportion of people withdisabilities;- Increase financial support to employers to make workplaces accessible to people with disabilities;- Develop sheltered employment opportunities for vulnerable groups such as those with certainintellectual or severe physical disabilities;- Promote community work and public employment options for the long-long term unemployed whoare very far from the labour market, such as the homeless, people with alcohol and drug problems orfor those living in areas with few employment possibilities;- Consider increasing the age of eligibility for pensions and provide incentives for older workers tocontinue working;- Develop life-long learning and training opportunities especially for older workers;- Increase access to, and training in ICT for disadvantage groups;- Increase access to affordable child care and day care for dependents and develop more flexible andfamily-friendly forms of employment;- Increase access to public service jobs for ethnic minorities;- Establish local employment partnerships between employment services, social services agencies,education and training providers, local authorities, employers, trade unions and NGOs;- Develop programmes to support entrepreneurship among vulnerable groups and provide practicaland financial support to promote self-employment;- Increase access to affordable transportation for disadvantaged groups to facilitate access to jobs.148

POLICY RECOMMENDATIONSCHAPTER 55.3 Deinstitutionalisation and theDevelopment of Social ServicesAs has been highlighted in Chapters 3 and 4, atpresent Croatia still depends heavily on the use ofinstitutional settings for groups such as children withdisabilities, children separated from their parents,adults with intellectual and physical disabilities, andjuvenile and adult offenders. The effect of institutionalisationincreases isolation from family and socialsupport networks and increases dependence and exclusion.Reducing independence on institutional carein favour of developing community-based servicesand family care should be a high priority. This furtherpromotes inclusion since it enables vulnerable individualsto participate to the fullest extent possible insocial and economic life. Thus, the existing networkof social support and care services also needs todevelop, which particularly refers to improving thequality, coverage and accessibility of social services atthe local level. Local social services need to becomea first point of contact, providing information andadvice on the ground, while ensuring that a range ofservices are provided in a more integrated manner.Integrated social services mean effective coordinationacross areas such as social housing, health services,education and training services and employmentservices. Consequently, this also requires the mobilisationof a range of different actors in providingsupport that include partnerships between stateagencies, local authorities, NGOs and the private sector,which can all more efficiently deliver services atthe local level.For those leaving institutions it is very important todevelop tailored packages of support to assist theirintegration into society and employment. For thosewho remain in institutions it is important that thoseinstitutions develop strong links with local communitiesand local services as much as possible. Forinstance children in institutions should, whereverpossible, be educated in local schools and take partin local social, recreational and sporting activities.Recommendations for reducinginstitutionalisation- Develop community care services at the locallevel to support the deinstitutionalisation ofpeople with disabilities and ensure links withhealth, education and training services;- Develop support in the community thatfosters the independent living of people withdisabilities such as: 1) introducing a systemof personal assistants, and 2) developing thesupporting role of NGOs;- Develop provision of specially adapted socialhousing for people with disabilities;- Improve physical accessibility to buildings andtransport;- Develop support and training to increase employmentaccess for people with disabilities;- Improve the financial independence of peoplewith disabilities by revising the system ofbenefits so that disability benefits are paid onthe basis of a degree of disability and not onthe basis of the cause of disability;- Ensure access to and opportunities toparticipate in recreational and cultural activitiesin the community;- Develop education and training programmesto counter discrimination and to promoterecognition of rights, abilities and needs ofpeople with disabilities;- Develop fostering and adoption services forchildren at risk.149

CHAPTER 5POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS5.4 Children and Families at RiskWhile the position of children in Croatia is relativelypositive thanks to strong family support structures,the condition of children is still a critical issue forpromoting greater social inclusion. Indeed any comprehensivestrategies to tackle social exclusion mustbreak the intergenerational inheritance of povertyand thus stop the inflow into social exclusion of children.As can be seen from Chapters 3 and 4, childrenin larger families and children in single parent familieshave a very high risk of poverty and social exclusion.Certain groups of children are at an even greater riskof social exclusion, such as children in institutionalcare, children with disabilities, Roma children andchildren in families experiencing domestic violence.Croatia also faces an aging population problem andshould support and encourage families with childrento ensure that the potential of each child is fully realizedso they can contribute to the future social andeconomic development of the country.There is an overall need to develop a more comprehensiveand integrated approach to preventing andalleviating the social exclusion of children based onthe rights of the child. A comprehensive approachmust involve increasing the access of single parentsand parents of large families to employment, improvingthe system of income support for families at highrisk, enhancing access to social services, developingcare and protection systems for children at risk, andthe development of early intervention initiatives tosupport vulnerable families and children. Such an approachis especially important given that promotingthe inclusion of children is now one of the key prioritiesin the EU’s social inclusion process. At the March2006 European Council meeting, the Heads of Stateand Government asked that: “the Member States takenecessary measures to rapidly and significantly reducechild poverty, giving all children equal opportunities,regardless of their social background”. In viewof Croatia’s candidate country status this has becomea priority for the Croatian government as well.Support services to families with children in Croatiaremain underdeveloped. In particular, many childrenthat could remain in family care are instead placed ininstitutions where the quality of care can sometimesbe poor. Improving support to vulnerable familiesand developing the foster-care system are neededas alternatives. Additionally, increased cooperationbetween services, such as childcare facilities, schools,health services and the police is required in order tofurther support children in families.Recommendations for supporting children and their families- Develop a comprehensive and integrated strategy for promoting the social inclusion of all children;- Reform the system of income support to families with children so it better targets the mostdisadvantaged families and also encourages parents to take up employment;- Support the efforts of parents from disadvantaged families to access employment;- Reduce the number of children in institutions by developing support systems for families and bygiving greater support to the foster care system;- Promote early intervention with children in families at risk and develop day care and pre-school opportunitiesfor children with disabilities, Roma children and other children from disadvantaged backgrounds;- Promote the development of local partnerships involving different services such as childcare facilities,schools, health services and the police together with NGOs and parents;- Ensure that all schools are equipped and that staff are trained to work with children with specialneeds;- Counter the segregation of Roma children and ensure their full integration in the education system;- Expand and develop child protection and child care services;150- Ensure that children from disadvantaged backgrounds have access to regular sporting, recreationaland cultural activities.

POLICY RECOMMENDATIONSCHAPTER 5There is a particular need to more fully integratechildren with disabilities and children from ethnicminorities, especially Roma children, in the educationsystem, thus avoiding segregation. This will meandeveloping support services such as counselling andmentoring, and ensuring that schools are sufficientlyequipped and that staff are trained to work withchildren with special needs. It will also be importantto ensure that the costs of education (e.g. books,transport) do not act as a barrier to participation orto progression to higher levels. A particular priorityhere must be to focus more on early intervention anddevelop pre-school and day care provision. This isparticularly important for children who come frompoor and socially excluded backgrounds for whichearly intervention is crucial. Thus they should begiven a high priority.Economic, labour market and social policies needto be developed and tailored to take account of theparticular problems and difficulties of disadvantagedregions. The exact measures will vary depending onwhether these are war-affected areas, traditionalindustrial areas, hilly and mountainous areas, islands,or border areas. In terms of tackling social exclusionit is important not only that the Croatian Governmentdevelops its National Strategy for Regional Developmentbut that within designated regions it also developsa very specific focus on issues of poverty andsocial exclusion. It is essential that there is an effectiveredistribution of resources to ensure that theseareas do not lag behind in the development of socialservices and welfare provision, particularly as there isoften a greater need for such services in these areas.Given the very high level of unemployment in theseareas, there should be a concerted effort to focus ActiveLabour Market Programmes and other measuresto create employment.In terms of local social planning, it could be helpfulto identify particular priority areas experiencing multipleforms of deprivation and to develop integratedlocal strategies or action plans to promote socialinclusion. It will be important to ensure that thesestrategies focus on the needs of the disadvantagedgroups identified in this report, such as returnees, theRoma, people with disabilities, the isolated elderlyand ‘at risk’ families. An integrated package of actionsshould encompass local economic development, theimprovement of social services, the development ofhuman capital and the improvement of local infrastructure,including housing and physical infrastructure.The promotion of partnerships is, as with otherpolicy areas, applicable here as well.5.5 Areas Experiencing High Levels ofSocial ExclusionRecommendations to develop regional andarea based strategies- Redistribute resources to disadvantaged regionsto ensure they do not lag behind in thedevelopment of health, education, social services,welfare provision and public transport;- Prioritise disadvantaged regions when developingActive Labour Market Programmes andother measures to promote employment andlocal economic development;- Improve access to transportation;- Identify and designate specific local areasexperiencing high levels of multiple deprivationand develop locally integrated strategiesfor social inclusion, particularly targeting themost disadvantaged groups;- Promote the development of area-basedpartnerships involving national and local authorities,the social partners and NGOs.151

CHAPTER 5POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS152

STATISTICAL ANNEX

STATISTICAL ANNEX1. Poverty indicators2005154At-risk-of-poverty rate, %At-risk-of-poverty threshold for one-person households, kunaAt-risk-of-poverty threshold for households consisting of two adults and two children, kunaAt-risk-of-poverty rate by age and sex, %MenWomen0 – 15 yearsMenWomen16 – 24 yearsMenWomen25 – 49 yearsMenWomen50 – 64 yearsMenWomen65 years and overMenWomenAt-risk-of-poverty rate, by most frequent activity status, %EmployedMenWomenSelf-employedMenWomenUnemployedMenWomenRetiredMenWomenOther economically inactiveMenWomenWith income in kind17.521 237.5744 598.8915.918.919.718.221.315.315.914.713.112.913.215.61516.125.620.928.53.95(2.7)13.7(13.7)(13.8)33.436.93019.319.119.523.719.226.8Without income in kind19.919 644.4141 253.2718.121.520.9192316.116.815.314.314.414.218.51818.93125.734.44.35.4(2.8)17(15.2)(19.6)37.341.533.222.521.623.225.920.929.5

STATISTICAL ANNEX2005s dohodkom u naturibez dohodka u naturiAt-risk-of-poverty rate, by household type and age, %One-person householdMenWomenOne-person household, 30 – 64 yearsOne-person household, 65 years and overTwo adults, no dependent children, both adults under 65 yearsTwo adults, no dependent children, at least one adult 65 years or overOther households with no dependent childrenSingle parent household, one or more dependent childrenTwo adults, one dependent childTwo adults, two dependent childrenTwo adults, three or more dependent childrenOther households with dependent childrenAt-risk-of-poverty rate by tenure status, %Tenant (contracted, fixed and full rent)Owner or rent freeInequality of income distribution – quintile share ratio (S80/S20)Gini coefficientRelative at-risk-of-poverty gap, %Dispersion around the at-risk-of-poverty threshold40% cut off50% cut off70% cut offAt-risk-of-poverty threshold before social transfers, %Pensions included in incomePensions excluded from income31.1(22.1)34.225.735.212.325.67.734.812.813.13113.421.617.34.50.2922.95.410.725.534.943.238.627.542.528.345.515.330.110.24113.314.131.614.420.719.85.10.3124.87.512.927.436.844.3Source: CBS155

STATISTICAL ANNEX2. Quality of life indicatorsIndicatorsMean value on ascale of 1-10 orpercentage20062003HR EU-25 BG RO TR1. Health- Quality of national health service (1 verypoor quality – 10 very high quality)mean value5.26,23,75,63,92. Employment –Work is boring (percentage ofemployed people who strongly agree or agree)%1211,411,611,141,72b. -Likelihood of loosing the job (very likely or likely)%79,152,317,727,33. Income deprivation- Unable to pay scheduled billsfor accommodation or utilities%2313,36,234,130,43b. - Satisfaction with own standard of living (1 verydissatisfied – 10 very satisfied)mean value5.66,946,14,64. Education - Quality of education system (1 very poorquality – 10 very high quality)mean value5.86,34,46,54,44b. - Satisfaction with own education (1 verydissatisfied – 10 very satisfied)mean value6.06,96,47,84,75. Family - Satisfaction with family life (1 verydissatisfied – 10 very satisfied)mean value7,57,97,18,17,85b. - More than fair share of family responsibilities(measured on three item scale)%13251821435c. - Support from family members (received help atleast three out of four situations)%61645769586. Social participation - Religious service attendance(at least once a week)%2417423416b. - Use of the Internet%3346*1721276c. - Trust in people (1 ‘you can’t be too careful indealing with people’ - 10 ‘most people can be trusted’mean value4,65,64,45,44,56d. - Voted in last election%78807989847. Housing- Persons per roommean value1,30,81,11,11,37b. - No indoor flushing toilet%432840127c. - Renting the dwelling%53045277d. - Owning the dwelling outright%70278581577e. - Owning the dwelling with a mortgage%9221128. Transport - Commuting time (less then 20 minutesto travel to work or study)%27263234341568b. - Quality of public transport (1 very poor quality– 10 very high quality)mean value56,14,96,24,9

STATISTICAL ANNEXIndicatorsMean value on ascale of 1-10 orpercentage20062003HR EU-25 BG RO TR9. Safety- Unsafe or rather unsafe to walk around atnight in the area where live%137761656110.Leisure - Too little time for hobbies and interests(three item scale)%414358665311. Life satisfaction - Quality of social services (1 verypoor quality – 10 very high quality)mean value4,763,65,64,211b. - Tensions between rich and poor people (% ofpeople who think there is lot of tensions in their country)%623554536011c.– Tensions between young and old people%241617293311d. - Tensions between workers and management%603637494811e. - Tensions between different ethnic groups%354513334611f. – Optimism (agree completely or somewhat withthe statement ‘ I am optimistic about the future’)%736447676312. – Happiness (1 very unhappy to 10 very happy)mean value6,57,55,87,16,4Source: indicators for EU-25 and Bulgaria, Romania and Turkey in EuroLife database by European Foundation for the Improvement of Living and WorkingConditions based on EQLS 2003; data for Croatia based on UNDP Research on Quality of Life and Risks of Social Exclusions 2006 using EQLS questionnaire(N=8534)* data for EU-15157

STATISTICAL ANNEX3. Human Development Indicators 186Human Development IndexHDI rankHuman Development Index (HDI) value, 2004Life expectancy at birth (years) (HDI), 2004Adult literacy rate (% ages 15 and older) (HDI), 2004GDP per capita (PPP USD) (HDI), 2004Life expectancy indexEducation indexGDP indexDemographic trendsTotal population (millions), 1975Total population (millions), 2004Total population (millions), 2015Annual population growth rate (%), 1975-2004Annual population growth rate (%), 2004-2015Urban population (% of total), 1975Urban population (% of total), 2004Urban population (% of total), 2015Population under age 15 (% of total), 2004Population under age 15 (% of total), 2015Population over 65 (% of total), 2004Population over 65 (% of total), 2015Total fertility rate (births per woman), 1970-1975Total fertility rate (births per woman), 2000-2005Commitment to health: resources, access, servicesPublic health expenditure (% of GDP), 2003Private health expenditure (% of GDP), 2003Health expenditure per capita (PPP USD), 2003One year-olds fully immunised against tuberculosis, 2004One year-olds fully immunised against measles, 2004Births attended by skilled health personnel (%), 1996-2004Physicians (per 100,000 people), 1990-2004HIV prevalence (% ages 15-24), 2005Condom use at last high-risk sex (% ages 15-24), young women, 2005Condom use at last high-risk sex (% ages 15-24), young men, 2005Tuberculosis cases – prevalence (per 100,000 people), 200444 of 1770.84675.298.112.1910.840.900.804.34.54.50.2-0.245.156.359.515.813.917.018.72.01.36.51.38389896100244

STATISTICAL ANNEXWater, sanitation and nutritional statusPopulation with sustainable access to improved sanitation (%), 1990Population with sustainable access to improved sanitation (%), 2004Population with sustainable access to an improved water source (%), 1990Population with sustainable access to an improved water source (%), 2004Population undernourished (% total), 2001-2003Children underweight for age (% under age 5), 1996-2004Children under height for age (% under age 5), 1996-2004Infants with low birth weight (%),1996-2004Survival: progress and setbacksLife expectancy at birth (years), 1970-1975Life expectancy at birth (years), 2000-2005Infant mortality rate (per 1,000 live births), 1970Infant mortality rate (per 1,000 live births), 2004Under-five mortality rate (per 1,000 live births), 1970Under-five mortality rate (per 1,000 live births), 2004Probability at birth of surviving to age 65, female (% of cohort), 2000-2005Probability at birth of surviving to age 65, male (% of cohort), 2000-2005Maternal mortality ration reported (per 1,000 live births), 1990-2004Maternal mortality ration adjusted (per 1,000 live births), 2000Commitment to education: public spendingPublic expenditure on education (as % of GDP), 1991Public expenditure on education (as % of GDP), 2002-2004Public expenditure on education (as % of government expenditure), 2002-2004Current public expenditure on education, pre-primary and primary (as % of all levels), 2002-2004Current public expenditure on education, secondary (as % of all levels), 2002-2004Current public expenditure on education, tertiary (as % of all levels), 2002-2004Literacy and enrolmentAdult literacy rate (% ages 15 and older), 1990Adult literacy rate (% ages 15 and older), 2004Youth literacy rate (% ages 15-24), 1990Youth literacy rate (% ages 15-24), 2004Net primary enrolment ration (%), 1991Net primary enrolment ration (%), 2003/2004Net secondary enrolment ratio (%), 1991Net secondary enrolment ratio (%), 2003/2004Tertiary students in science, engineering, manufacturing and construction (% of tertiary students), 1999-2004100100100100711669.674.934642788.173.2285.54.510.032.446.219.396.998.199.699.6798763 1888524188 Primary UNESCO Institute of Statistics estimate, subject to further revision.159

STATISTICAL ANNEXTechnology: diffusion and creationTelephone mainlines (per 1,000 people), 1990Telephone mainlines (per 1,000 people), 2004Cellular subscribers (per 1,000 people), 2003Internet users (per 1,000 people), 1990Internet users (per 1,000 people), 2003Patents granted to residents (per million people), 2004Recipients of royalties and licence fees (USD per person), 2004Research and development (R&D) expenditures (% of GDP), 2000-2003Researchers in R&D (per million people), 1990-2003Economic performanceGDP (USD billions), 2004GDP (PPP USD billions), 2004GDP per capita (USD), 2004GDP per capita (PPP USD), 2004Average annual change in consumer price index (%), 1990-2004Average annual change in consumer price index (%), 2003-2004Inequality in income or expenditureSurvey yearShare of income or consumption (%) – poorest 10%Share of income or consumption (%) – poorest 20%Share of income or consumption (%) – richest 20%Share of income or consumption (%) – richest 10%Inequality measures – ratio of richest 10% to poorest 10%Inequality measures – ratio of richest 20% to poorest 20%Inequality measures – Gini indexThe structure of tradeImports of goods and services (% of GDP), 2004Exports of goods and services (% of GDP), 2004Primary exports (% of merchandise exports), 2004Manufactured exports (% of merchandise exports), 2004High-technology exports (% of merchandise exports), 2004Aid, private capital and debtOfficial Development Assistance (ODA) per capita of donor country (2004 USD), 2004ODA to least developed countries (% of total), 1990ODA received (net disbursements), total (USD millions), 2004ODA received (net disbursements), per capita (USD), 2004172425640029368.91.11,29634.354.27,72412,19119.72.120013.48.339.624.57.34.829.05647277213401120.826.6160

STATISTICAL ANNEXODA received (net disbursements) (as % of GDP), 2004Net foreign direct investment inflows (% of GDP), 2004Other private flows (% of GDP), 2004Total debt service (as % of GDP), 2004Total debt service (as % of goods, services and net income from abroad), 2004Unemployment 189 in OECD countriesUnemployed people (thousands), 2005Unemployment rate total (% of labour force), 2005Unemployment rate female (as % of male rate), 2005Youth unemployment rate total (% of labour force, ages 15-24), 2005Youth unemployment rate female (as % of male rate), 2005Long-term unemployment, total, 2005Long-term unemployment (% of total unemployment), women, 2005Long-term unemployment (% of total unemployment), men, 2005Energy and environmentTraditional fuel consumption (% of total energy requirements), 2003Electricity consumption per capita (kilowatt-hours), 2003GDP per unit of energy use (2000 PPP USD per kg of oil equivalent), 2003Carbon dioxide emissions – per capita (metric tons), 2003Carbon dioxide emissions – share of world total (%), 2003Ratification of environmental treaties – Cartagena Protocol on BiosafetyRatification of environmental treaties – Framework Convention on Climate ChangeRatification of environmental treaties – Kyoto Protocol to the Framework Convention on Climate ChangeRatification of environmental treaties – Convention on Biological DiversityRefugeesInternally displaced people (thousands), 2005Refugees by county of asylum (thousands), 2005Refugees by country of origin (thousands), 2005ArmamentsMilitary expenditure (% of GDP), 2004Conventional arms transfers (1990 prices) – Imports (USD millions), 1995Conventional arms transfers (1990 prices) – Imports (USD millions), 2005Conventional arms transfers (1990 prices) – Exports (USD millions), 2005Conventional arms transfers (1990 prices) – Exports (share %), 2001-2005Total armed forces (thousands), 2006Gender related development indexGender related development index (GDI) rank, 2004Gender related development index (GDI) value, 2004Life expectancy at birth, female (years), 2004Life expectancy at birth, male (years), 2004Adult literacy rate, female (%, ages15 and older), 2004189 Source for unemployment data: Central Bureau of Statistics0.43.611.415.48.722912.713.932.635.67.48.46.56.23.7335.65.30.1dadaneda531191.7220002140 of 1770.84478.671.697.1161

STATISTICAL ANNEX162Adult literacy rate, male (%, ages15 and older), 2004Combined gross enrolment ratio for primary, secondary and tertiary schools, female (%), 2004Combined gross enrolment ratio for primary, secondary and tertiary schools, male (%), 2004Estimated earned income, female (PPP USD), 2004Estimated earned income, male (PPP USD), 2004Gender empowerment measureGender empowerment measure (GEM) rankGender empowerment measure (GEM) valueSeats in parliament held by women (% of total)Female legislators, senior officials and managers (% of total)Female professional and technical workers (% of total)Ratio of estimated female to male earned incomeGender inequality in educationAdult literacy rate (female rate % ages 15 and older), 2004Adult literacy rate (female rate as % of male rate), 2004Youth literacy rate (female rate % ages 15-24), 2004Youth literacy rate (female rate as % of male rate), 2004Net primary enrolment – female ratio (%), 2003/2004Net primary enrolment – ratio of female to male, 2003/2004Net secondary enrolment – female ratio (%), 2003/2004Net secondary enrolment - ratio of female to male, 2003/2004Gross tertiary enrolment – female ratio (%), 2003/2004Gross tertiary enrolment - ratio of female to male, 2003/2004Gender inequality in economic activityFemale economic activity rate (% ages 15 and older), 2004Female economic activity rate (index, 1990=100, ages 15 and older), 2004Female economic activity (as % of male rate, ages 15 and older), 2004Female employment in agriculture (%), 1995-2003Male employment in agriculture (%), 1995-2003Female employment in industry (%), 1995-2003Male employment in industry (%), 1995-2003Female employment in services (%), 1995-2003Male employment in services (%), 1995-2003Woman contributing family workers (%), 1995-2004Man contributing family workers (%), 1995-2004Women’s political participationYear women received right to voteYear women received right to stand for electionYear first woman elected to parliamentWomen in government at ministerial level (as % of total), 2005Seats in lower house or single house held by women (as % of total), 200699.375729.87214.69033 od 1770.60221.723520.6797.1199.71870.99861.02421.1944.7967415162137634773271945194519920.321.7

STATISTICAL ANNEXStatus of major UN human rights conventionsInternational Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, 1948International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, 1965International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, 1966International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, 1966Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women, 1979Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, 1984Convention on the Rights of the Child, 1989Convention relating to the Status of Refugees, 1951Convention relating to the Status of Stateless PersonsStatus of fundamental labour rights conventions 191Freedom of association and collective bargaining - Convention 87Freedom of association and collective bargaining - Convention 98Elimination of forced and compulsory labour - Convention 29Elimination of forced and compulsory labour - Convention 105Elimination of discrimination in respect of employment and occupation - Convention 100Elimination of discrimination in respect of employment and occupation - Convention 111Abolition of child labour - Convention 138Abolition of child labour - Convention 182Status of Council of Europe major human rights conventions 192Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental FreedomsEuropean Social CharterEuropean Convention for the Prevention of Torture and Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or PunishmentEuropean Charter for Regional or Minority LanguagesFramework Convention for the Protection of National MinoritiesEuropean Convention on the Exercise of Children’s RightsEuropean Convention on NationalityDate ofratification orsuccession 19008.10.1991.08.10.1991.08.10.1991.08.10.1991.09.10.1992.08.10.1991.08.10.1991.08.10.1991.08.10.1991.08.10.1991.08.10.1991.08.10.1991.05.03.1997.08.10.1991.08.10.1991.08.10.1991.17.07.2001.05.11.1997.26.02.2003.11.10.1997.05.11.1997.11.10.1997.nije ratificirananije ratificirana4. Millennium Development Goals (MDG) indicators can be found in the DevInfodatabase on the UNDP website: www.undp.hr190 Source: Official website of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and European Integration; www.mfa.hr.191 Source: ILOLEX, http://www.ilo.org/ilolex/english/docs/declworld.htm192 Official web site of the Ministry of Foreign A163

TECHNICAL NOTETechnical noteHUMAN DEVELOPMENT INDEX – HDIA composite index measuring average achievement in three basic dimensions of human development - along and healthy life, knowledge, and a decent standard of living. The HDI is a summary measure of humandevelopment. It measures the average achievements in a country in three basic dimensions of humandevelopment:- A long and healthy life, as measured by life expectancy at birth.- Knowledge, as measured by the adult literacy rate (with two-thirds weight) and the combined primary,secondary and tertiary gross enrolment ratio (with one-third weight).- A decent standard of living, as measured by GDP per capita (PPP USD).GENDER EMPOWERMENT MEASURE – GEMA composite index measuring gender inequality in three basic dimensions of empowerment - economic participationand decision-making, political participation and decision-making, and power over economic resources.Focusing on women’s opportunities rather than their capabilities, the GEM captures gender inequality in threekey areas:- Political participation and decision-making power, as measured by women’s and men’s percentage shares ofparliamentary seats.- Economic participation and decision-making power, as measured by two indicators - women’s and men’spercentage shares of positions as legislators, senior officials and managers, and women’s and men’s percentageshares of professional and technical positions.- Power over economic resources, as measured by women’s and men’s estimated earned income (PPP USD).GENDER-RELATED DEVELOPMENT INDEX - GDIA composite index measuring average achievement in the three basic dimensions captured in the humandevelopment index - a long and healthy life, knowledge, and a decent standard of living - adjusted to accountfor inequalities between men and women.While the HDI measures average achievement, the GDI adjusts the average achievement to reflect the inequalitiesbetween men and women in the following dimensions:- A long and healthy life, as measured by life expectancy at birth.- Knowledge, as measured by the adult literacy rate and the combined primary, secondary and tertiary grossenrolment ratio.164- A decent standard of living, as measured by estimated earned income (PPP USD).

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Questionnaire for the readersDear reader,The 2006 National Human Development Report (NHDR) is devoted to vulnerable groups in Croatian society.Given that the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) in Croatia concentrates its efforts on promotingthe inclusion of social groups that are under increased risk of social exclusion, your opinion on this Report is veryvaluable to us. We are especially interested in the following:1. To what extent has this NHDR increased you knowledge about the concept of social exclusion?2. To what extent has this NHDR deepen your knowledge of vulnerable groups in Croatian society?3. Which part of this NHDR have you found particularly interesting?4. Which part of this NHDR failed to satisfy your expectations?5. Has this NHDR impacted your work? In what way?6.In your opinion, to what extent does this NHDR address the national priorities of Croatia?7. Please provide below any other comments and recommendations to UNDP.Please send your responses to:UNDP / Jasmina PapaKesterčanekova 110000 Zagreb

Nations Development Programme (UNDP)The Office of the Resident Representative in CroatiaKesterčanekova 110 000 ZagrebTel.: 385 1 23 61 666Fax: 385 1 23 61 620E-mail: registry.hr@undp.orgwww.undp.hr