y the majority male average prestige score yields theproportion <strong>of</strong> the majority score that is attained bythe women or minority men.As with the previous indicators, a ratio <strong>of</strong> 1.0would indicate the averages are equal, <strong>and</strong> a ratio <strong>of</strong>0.6 would indicate that the minority or femalegroup's average is 0.6 (or 60 percent) <strong>of</strong> the majoritymale score. Thus, the indicator directly represents theextent <strong>of</strong> disparity between the two groups' averages.Table 3.4 contains the averages <strong>and</strong> ratios <strong>for</strong> 1960,1970, <strong>and</strong> 1976.The prestige indicator values in table 3.4 <strong>and</strong>figure 3.3 show that blacks, American Indians/AlaskanNatives, Mexican Americans, <strong>and</strong>Puerto Ricans <strong>of</strong> both sexes typically have much lessprestigious occupations than majority males. Bygender, the scores are virtually identical <strong>for</strong> themajority group <strong>and</strong> very similar within most <strong>of</strong> theminority groups.The high concentration <strong>of</strong> women in a fewoccupations with relatively high prestige scores, suchas secretaries <strong>and</strong> other white collar occupations,contributes to the high average prestige scores <strong>for</strong>females. 12 Other indicators in this report emphasizemany significant differences in the occupations <strong>of</strong>males <strong>and</strong> females. There<strong>for</strong>e, this similarity inoccupational prestige scores <strong>of</strong> men <strong>and</strong> womenshould be interpreted cautiously. An indicator laterin this chapter deals specifically with the extent towhich women <strong>and</strong> minority males have occupationssimilar to majority males.None <strong>of</strong> the minority male groups shows adecrease in average prestige scores relative tomajority males. Although the changes are not verylarge <strong>and</strong> major discrepancies clearly exist, it seemsthat the trend is <strong>for</strong> minority males to be moving intomore prestigious occupations at a slow pace, but,nonetheless, at a faster rate than majority males.While the average prestige score <strong>of</strong> majority malesincreased about one percentage point during eachinterval, the other male groups' average scoresincreased more substantially. Despite more rapidmovement toward more prestigious jobs, most12 In 1973 nearly two-fifths <strong>of</strong> all women workers worked as secretaries,retail trade salesworkers, bookkeepers, private household workers, elementaryschool teachers, waitresses, typists, cashiers, sewers <strong>and</strong> stitchers, <strong>and</strong>registered nurses. U.S., Department <strong>of</strong> Labor, Employment St<strong>and</strong>ardsAdministration, <strong>Women</strong>'s Bureau, 7975 H<strong>and</strong>book on <strong>Women</strong> Workers,Bulletin 197, p. 91.13 It has been estimated, however, that it will take approximately sevengenerations <strong>for</strong> blacks <strong>and</strong> whites to have similar occupational distributions,even if discrimination were to stop immediately. See Stanley Lieberson <strong>and</strong>Glenn V. Fuguitt, "Negro-White Occupational Differences in the Absence<strong>of</strong> Discrimination," American Journal <strong>of</strong> Sociology, vol. 73, no. 2 (September1967), pp. 188-200.eMeminority male groups still have much lower presscores than majority males.The female groups show a far different patjAlthough each minority male group had its lowestindicator value <strong>of</strong> the time series in 1960 ^highest in 1976, among the female groupsfollowing had their worst scores in 1976: MeAmerican, Puerto Rican, <strong>and</strong> majority. From1976 one <strong>of</strong> the female groups' average pregicescores actually dropped in absolute as well as relatevalues, <strong>and</strong> one group's score remained the s(Q)e.Clearly, the female groups are still in a precaaapsituation without any encouraging trend. ^Occupational MobilityDisparity <strong>of</strong> occupational prestige levels bgroups can change through two processes,persons entering the labor <strong>for</strong>ce may be acinto occupations that earlier either did not exiwere closed to members <strong>of</strong> their race, ethnicor sex. Through this process, successive genera<strong>of</strong> women <strong>and</strong> minority men may becomesimilar to majority males in prestige levels M&
:fflmge that do not in fact indicate upward mobilityies <strong>for</strong> improvement.cause <strong>of</strong> this inadequacy, the indicator <strong>of</strong>pational mobility used here is based on thechange in prestige scores <strong>of</strong> those whooccupations in the past 5 years. This changeto an occupation with a similar prestige scorea higher or lower score. The indicator itself isr^ratio <strong>of</strong> the average change <strong>for</strong> minorities <strong>and</strong>voTnen to the average change <strong>for</strong> majority males.T^tadvantages discussed earlier <strong>of</strong> using ratios alsotto this indicator.the 1960 census <strong>and</strong> in the Survey <strong>of</strong> IncomeEducation in 1976, people were not asked totheir occupation 5 years earlier, so this indicatorol DfTc Occupational mobility is only available from thecensus; that is, <strong>for</strong> the 1965 to 1970 period. ThelnMsator values are contained in figure 3.4 <strong>and</strong> in3.5, which also includes the average change inge scores <strong>for</strong> those who changed occupations,w <strong>of</strong> the differences between the majority malesanjL the other groups are large enough to bestatically significant. The primary statistical reasonhis is the large variation in change scores thatbe observed in table C-2 in appendix C. Thecan American males show substantial relativebut the Mexican American, Chinese American,Pilipino American females all are far belowrity males. It should be recalled from theItous indicator that the absolute level <strong>of</strong> prestigeinority <strong>and</strong> female groups in 1970 was stilllower than <strong>for</strong> majority males, despite thed mobility <strong>of</strong> some <strong>of</strong> those who changedpupations.Occupational Segregation^ie critical issue <strong>of</strong> whether individuals in differhavedifferent occupations serves as theco«eptual basis <strong>for</strong> the next indicator <strong>of</strong> equality.Wrereas occupational characteristics were used <strong>for</strong>us indicators—i.e., prestige scores <strong>and</strong> educarequirementsassociated with specific occupa-—here the concern is more basic. The occupathemselvesare to be compared.occupational categories are described in note 11 above.«:, <strong>for</strong> example, Lieberson <strong>and</strong> Fuguitt, "Negro-White Occupationalfences in the Absence <strong>of</strong> Discrimination"; Reynolds Farley, "Trendscial Inequality: Have the Gains <strong>of</strong> the 1960's Disappeared in the'," American Sociological Review, vol. 42, no. 2 (April 1977), pp. 189-d Francine D. Blau, Equal Pay in the Office (Lexington, MassachuxingtonBooks, 1977).The term "segregation" reflects the extreme degree<strong>of</strong> separation <strong>of</strong> races, ethnic groups, or sexes thatcan result from deliberate acts channeling <strong>and</strong>restricting choices <strong>and</strong> opportunities. This phenomenoncan occur in the work place as well as inneighborhoods <strong>and</strong> schools. Two major types <strong>of</strong>segregation can be found in the world <strong>of</strong> work.Employment segregation implies that women <strong>and</strong>minorities have different employers than majoritymales, so that work settings are segregated. Occupationalsegregation refers to the situation in whichminorities <strong>and</strong> women have different occupations ortypes <strong>of</strong> jobs regardless <strong>of</strong> where or <strong>for</strong> whom theywork. In a hospital setting, <strong>for</strong> example, a majoritymale typically is a doctor, a woman is a nurse, <strong>and</strong> aminority male is an orderly. This type <strong>of</strong> extremeseparation <strong>of</strong> employees may be found in a variety <strong>of</strong>industries <strong>and</strong> appears to have been even morecommon in the past. Within the recent past, thelistings <strong>of</strong> job openings in newspapers were segregatedwith a section <strong>for</strong> males <strong>and</strong> one <strong>for</strong> females.Thus, segregation <strong>of</strong> occupations restricts women,minority males, <strong>and</strong> even majority males from full<strong>and</strong> fair access to the available positions in the labormarket.The occupational segregation indicator, usingcomparisons to majority male occupations, allowsmeasurement <strong>of</strong> the degree to which occupationalsegregation exists <strong>and</strong> has changed in the recent past<strong>for</strong> minorities <strong>and</strong> women. This indicator, like theprevious two based on occupational prestige, requiresa classification <strong>of</strong> jobs. The classificationscheme used in this report is the most detailed thatthe Bureau <strong>of</strong> the Census <strong>of</strong>fers, consisting <strong>of</strong> 441categories <strong>of</strong> occupations. 16To measure occupational segregation, the statisticaltechnique called the "index <strong>of</strong> dissimilarity" wasutilized. This index is a summary measure <strong>of</strong> theoverall differences between two percentage distributions.It has received wide use by others to measureoccupational differences, 17 as well as residentialsegregation 18 <strong>and</strong> other types <strong>of</strong> differences. Althoughpreviously the index <strong>of</strong> dissimilarity hastypically been used with the 12 major categories, it is18 Karl E. Taeuber <strong>and</strong> Alma F. Taeuber, Negroes in Cities: ResidentialSegregation <strong>and</strong> Neighborhood Changes (Chicago: Aldine, 1965); Thomas L.Van Valey, Wade Clark Ro<strong>of</strong>, <strong>and</strong> Jerome E. Wilcox, "Trends inResidential Segregation: 1960-1970," American Journal <strong>of</strong> Sociology, vol. 82,no. 4 (January 1977), pp. 826-44; <strong>and</strong> Leslie Hollingsworth, Jr., "Indexes <strong>of</strong>Racial Residential Segregation <strong>for</strong> 109 Cities in the United States, 1940 to1970," Sociological Focus, vol. 8, no. 2 (April 1975), pp. 125-42.39
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Ed. PrestigeOccupational Title Req.
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susde Occupational Title|63 Sewers
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Occupational TitleGanged Occupation
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$364.62 will be added to the estima
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GroupFemaleConstantBAgeBSchoolYBPre
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"majority" was identified as the po
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Number of Cases for Each Social Ind
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INCOME AND POVERTYGroupTextTableSoc
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Number of Unweighted Cases for Each
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TABLE C-2Standard Deviations for Pr
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flrrnings Differential for College-
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trP persons would have less income
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Part II:Computer ProgramsFOLLOWING
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I FORMAT(1X,2A4,A2,I4,1X,2I4)f1 WKE
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T MEDIUMCASESCATEE LABELSHOURS1 55-
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INTEGER OCC,SEX,AGE,IDDIMENSION X(1
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(SET EQ 4) G4 = 1.0(SET EQ 5) G5 =
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U. S. COMMISSION ON CIVIL RIGHTSWAS