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Confronting the Terrorism of Boko Haram in Nigeria - Resourcedat

Confronting the Terrorism of Boko Haram in Nigeria - Resourcedat

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JSOU Report 12-5a slow, pa<strong>in</strong>ful death.” 67 Throughout <strong>the</strong> country, <strong>the</strong>re are myriad examples<strong>of</strong> what John Alexander describes <strong>in</strong> his 2009 monograph as <strong>the</strong> “concentration<strong>of</strong> wealth and power <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> hands <strong>of</strong> a very few, with nepotism andtribalism as key factors.” 68 Income distribution <strong>in</strong> <strong>Nigeria</strong> is among <strong>the</strong> worst<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> world, with most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> wealth go<strong>in</strong>g to a select few. 69Perceived authority to govern is based on power, and power <strong>in</strong> <strong>Nigeria</strong>is based on patronage. The country reflects quite well what Hisham Sharabidescribes as neopatriarchy:32Despite all ideological appearances, <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>dividual’s basic affiliation<strong>in</strong> “modernized,” neopatriarchal society is to <strong>the</strong> family, <strong>the</strong> clan,<strong>the</strong> ethnic or religious group. For <strong>the</strong> common person <strong>in</strong> this society<strong>the</strong> concept <strong>of</strong> society or fa<strong>the</strong>rland is an abstraction, which hasmean<strong>in</strong>g only when reduced to <strong>the</strong> primordial significations <strong>of</strong>k<strong>in</strong>ship and religion… This practice streng<strong>the</strong>ns both personalloyalty and dependence, cultivated early with<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> family, andbolsters <strong>the</strong>m with<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> larger social whole <strong>in</strong> a system <strong>of</strong> patronageand <strong>the</strong> distribution <strong>of</strong> favor and protection. 70In <strong>Nigeria</strong>, <strong>the</strong> powerful make decisions based on what <strong>the</strong>y believeis required for <strong>the</strong>ir political survival and <strong>the</strong> economic security <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>irfamily, clan, and close associates. They have <strong>of</strong>ten used illegal and extrajudicialmeans to coerce or elim<strong>in</strong>ate those who might oppose <strong>the</strong>m. Notably,<strong>the</strong> president <strong>of</strong> <strong>Nigeria</strong> has enormous power; <strong>the</strong>re are very few constitutionalconstra<strong>in</strong>ts on <strong>the</strong> president.Dur<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> 1990s <strong>in</strong> particular, <strong>the</strong> Sani Abacha regime set an awfulstandard for plunder<strong>in</strong>g a nation’s resources. Money was stolen openlyand with impunity (by some estimates, over $8 billion), and most <strong>of</strong> thoseresponsible have never been held to account for <strong>the</strong>ir crimes. The system thatenabled such thievery rema<strong>in</strong>s <strong>in</strong> place today, a system <strong>in</strong> which resourcesare channeled through state entities that control access to jobs and wealth.The easiest, and <strong>of</strong>ten <strong>the</strong> only way to make money is a position <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> government.A university pr<strong>of</strong>essor’s salary is 400,000 naira (roughly $2,500)per month, while a local government chairman’s salary is 1.2 million naira(over $7,500) per month. This creates an obvious <strong>in</strong>centive for medical doctors,scientists, and academics to leave <strong>the</strong>ir pr<strong>of</strong>essions and go <strong>in</strong>to politicsjust to make money. For example, as a May 2011 article <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Economist

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