Soft Power of Defence Diplomacy: A New Approach ... - ISIS Malaysia

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12is unlikely that the military leaders of Myanmar would want to cooperate with the USand the West or trust them. 43This option has a better though mixed chance of success. Occasionally, Myanmarhosts visits by foreign warships, senior defence officials, and groups from the defenceacademies of regional countries. Externally, apart from minor forays across itsborders, Myanmar has not conducted any foreign military campaigns and has notcontributed any combat units to UN military operations. A proposal for jointMyanmar-Malaysia training exercises in 2001 fizzled out. On a rare occasion in 2006,the Myanmar Navy participated in an international naval exercise in the Indian Ocean,its first known foreign deployment for 45 years. 44The Tatmadaw’s rapid expansion and its acquisition of differing weapon systemsfrom different countries have led to difficulties with doctrine, training, integration,logistics and maintenance. Dissatisfaction also arises with some of the arms andequipment purchased from abroad, particularly from China. Myanmar also lacks thescientific and industrial base to keep its modernized armed forces operational withoutsubstantial external assistance. 45 Therefore greater engagement with others in defencediplomacy would be in its own interest for force modernization.JapanHeavily stigmatized countries should not refrain from engaging in active nationbranding nor fully disregard the source of their stigma. Intrinsically, nation-states arein the trade of influence, the production of self-interest and the selling of credibility.Therefore, marketing and communication imperatives exist that could be adjusted tothe situation at hand based on vision and execution. For example, South Africa,heavily stigmatized by its history of apartheid and the prevalence of HIV/AIDS, optednot to ignore these elements in its branding strategy. It cleverly repositioned itself bybuilding a tagline that stressed the future, optimism and opportunities: “South Africa,Alive with Possibility.” 46Myanmar military leaders faced similar stigmatization by being one of the unpopularnationalities to be as cast as villains in US movies. The theme of the wicked militaryregime and its evil servants oppressing its innocent but brave people which can beseen in Hollywood movies such as Rambo 4 where the Myanmar army is portrayed asguilty of genocide, homicide, infanticide, torture, rape, homosexual paedophilia, arson,theft, environmental degradations and cruelty to animals among other crimes. Whilein the movie Stealth (2005), Myanmar’s leaders were portrayed to be aware and43 Alvin, Johan, Democracy in Myanmar/Burma: The Role of the West. Xiaolin Guo (ed),Myanmar/Burma: Challenges and Perspectives. Stockholm-Nacka: Institute for Security andDevelopment Policy, 2008, pp. 193-194.44 Selth, Andrew, Burma’s Armed Forces: Looking Down the Barrel, Regional Outlook Paper No. 21.Brisbane: Griffith Asia Institute, 2009.45 Ibid.46 Simonin, Bernard, Nation Branding and Public Diplomacy: Challenges and Opportunities, FletcherForum of World Affairs, Vol. 32, No. 3, Special Edition 2008, p. 31.
13condone terrorist gatherings on their country’s soil where a terrorist summit wasattended by an Arab, a North Korean and an Afghani. 47The military junta changed its name from the State Law and Order RestorationCouncil (SLORC) to the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) in November1997 based on the advice of a US-based public relations firm to project a new softerimage without much success. 48 In this context, Japan can play a role in helping therebranding of the military regime due to its experience in military rebranding. It hadachieved measured success in gaining domestic approval of a more proactive nationalsecurity outlook through visual and electronic mediums by utilizing pop culture toproject a new and appealing image for its Self-Defence Forces (SDFs) that engenderan image of fun, adventure and national pride to promote the acceptance of Japan’smilitary forces within its society. 49ConclusionThere are significant reasons to doubt the ultimate success of defence diplomacyactivities related to the military’s movement into the humanitarian/developmentsphere in the current fashion should it be used to engage Myanmar. There is a risk thatthe approach will not have the desired returns and a danger that our security interestscould be harmed rather than helped. Defence diplomacy to engage Myanmar mayresult not so much in the democratization of the junta’s mind as in opening a pathwayto the possibility of creeping militarization of the international community’s mind,especially in the context of the US increasing militarization of development. However,this possible pitfall can be avoided if the role of the military is defined deliberatelyand in the context of a broader policy framework. 5047 Selth, Andrew, Populism, Politics and Propaganda: Burma and the Movies, Working Paper No. 100.Southeast Asia Research Centre, City University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, 2008.48 Selth, Andrew, Burma’s Armed Forces: Looking Down the Barrel, Regional Outlook Paper No. 21.Brisbane: Griffith Asia Institute, 2009.49 Margerison, Jill, But Japan is not going to war – Japan’s Changing Security Stance. OceanicConference on International Studies (OCIS) Paper, Canberra: Australia, July 4-6, 2004., 12 June 2010.50 Brigety II, Reuben E., Humanity as a Weapon of War: Sustainable Security and the Role of the USMilitary, Sustainable Security Series Paper. Center for American Progress, 2008.
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Page 19 and 20: 19BibliographyAlvin, Johan, Democra
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