'Split wh-constructions in Classical and Modern Greek'
'Split wh-constructions in Classical and Modern Greek'
'Split wh-constructions in Classical and Modern Greek'
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d. *O Yanis elpizi t<strong>in</strong>os na feri<br />
the John expect 3SG <strong>wh</strong>ose PRT SUBJ br<strong>in</strong>g 3SG<br />
i Maria to vivlio?<br />
the Maria the book<br />
e. *O Yanis elpizi na feri t<strong>in</strong>os<br />
the John expect 3SG PRT SUBJ br<strong>in</strong>g 3SG <strong>wh</strong>ose<br />
i Maria to vivlio?<br />
the Maria the book<br />
‘Whose book is it that John expects Maria to br<strong>in</strong>g?’<br />
We argue that the <strong>wh</strong>-element needs to appear at the left position<br />
of the clause, because it needs to check a strong <strong>wh</strong>-Q feature <strong>in</strong><br />
C, <strong>and</strong> so it automatically surfaces <strong>in</strong> Spec-CP. More generally,<br />
no specific position other than Spec-CP need be assumed for <strong>in</strong>formational<br />
focus. Like contrastive focus, <strong>in</strong>formational focus<br />
elements can appear <strong>in</strong> many places <strong>in</strong> the sentence:<br />
(19) a. O Yanis ipe oti i Maria (MG)<br />
the NOM Yanis said 3SG that the NOM Maria<br />
tha feri TI NINA.<br />
will br<strong>in</strong>g 3SG the ACC N<strong>in</strong>a<br />
b. TI NINA ipe o Yanis oti<br />
the ACC N<strong>in</strong>a said 3SG the NOM Yanis that<br />
tha feri i Maria.<br />
will br<strong>in</strong>g 3SG the NOM Maria<br />
c. O Yanis ipe TI NINA oti<br />
the NOM Yanis said 3SG the ACC N<strong>in</strong>a that<br />
tha feri i Maria.<br />
will br<strong>in</strong>g 3SG the NOM Maria<br />
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