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'Split wh-constructions in Classical and Modern Greek'

'Split wh-constructions in Classical and Modern Greek'

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(12) a. Which power i does it have t i?<br />

b. Whose book i did you br<strong>in</strong>g t i?<br />

(13) The RED DRESS i I saw t i.<br />

Follow<strong>in</strong>g ideas by Dev<strong>in</strong>e & Stephens (2000), we assume that<br />

splitt<strong>in</strong>g can be traced back to two NPs <strong>in</strong> apposition. NP 1 conta<strong>in</strong>s<br />

a nom<strong>in</strong>al. NP 2 consists of [Mod e], <strong>wh</strong>ereby Mod = modifier <strong>and</strong><br />

e an empty category - the semantic equivalent of pro –<strong>wh</strong>ich<br />

st<strong>and</strong>s for a nom<strong>in</strong>al). The modifier is thus a so-called null head<br />

modifier. By ‘modifier’, we mean a superclass <strong>wh</strong>ich <strong>in</strong>cludes<br />

both adjectives <strong>and</strong> <strong>wh</strong>-words. By ‘null head modifier’ we mean,<br />

follow<strong>in</strong>g Dev<strong>in</strong>e & Stephens’s def<strong>in</strong>ition a modifier that can<br />

st<strong>and</strong> by itself <strong>in</strong> place of a noun phrase without the support of a<br />

noun or an overt pronoun. The modifier restricts e. The nom<strong>in</strong>al<br />

(unselectively) b<strong>in</strong>ds the empty category. This means that the<br />

configuration yielded by split <strong>constructions</strong> is like (14b) rather<br />

than (14a):<br />

(14) a. *X i [ ZP t i Y]<br />

b. [XP] i [ ZP Y ] t i<br />

The po<strong>in</strong>t is that <strong>wh</strong>at moves is not a head, but a DP. This is most<br />

obvious <strong>in</strong> the case of bare adjectival extraction ((9) <strong>wh</strong>ich is repeated<br />

here for convenience):<br />

(9) b. [To KOKKINO] F idha forema. (CG)<br />

the red see PAST 1SG dress<br />

‘It is the RED dress that I saw.’<br />

(Androutsopoulou 1997:2)<br />

148

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