Journal of - Southern University New Orleans

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20Journal of Urban Education: Focus on Enrichment1989), and socioeconomic status (Allen et al.1989; Broman et al. 1988) are important factorsinfluencing black identity. Broman et al. (1988)found people who were older, Southern, andless educated scored higher on an index measuringcloseness to other blacks.Demo and Hughes (1990) examined the socialstructural process and arrangements related toracial group identification. They found thatgroup identity is shaped by the content of parentalsocialization. In particular, ‚feelings ofcloseness and black group evaluation are enhancedby positive interpersonal relations withfamily and friends‛ (p. 372). Interracial contacthas also been found to shape black identity.Harris (1995) explored the impact of childhoodinterracial contact on adult black identity. Thefindings suggest that ‚interracial contact inchildhood weakens adult feelings of closenessto other blacks‛ (p. 243). Similar findings werealso found in Demo and Hughes (1990) study,in which they discovered that the impact ofinterracial interaction depends on timing; specifically,‚contact during childhood and adolescencehas a negative impact on the blackgroup identity; however, interracial relationshipsduring adulthood promote positive blackgroup evaluations‛ (p. 372). Social movementshave also been shown to affect racial identity.Condi and Christiansen (1977) found that therehas been ‚significant shift in identity structureof blacks and that the Black Power movementwas an important causal factor in effectingchange‛ (p. 53).Residential racial composition, competition,and conflict have been shown to affect blackidentity. Conflict theorists argue group identityand cohesiveness increase as a result of conflictwith an adversary (Coser 1965), and competitiontheorists argue competition amongracial-ethnic groups in work and communitysettings will also increase the likelihood peoplewill attach more importance to their racialethnicidentity (Olzak and Nagel 1986). Jaretand Reitzes (1999) explored black identitychanges in different social settings. The findingsindicate black identity changes across varioussettings; specifically, black identity ismore important for blacks at work and leastimportant at home. In addition, changes inblack identity are affected by racial compositionof the local area. They find that blacks‚living in areas that are ‘intermediate’ in percentageblack say that their racial-ethnic identityis more important to them than do blacksliving in areas with ‘low’ amounts of black residentsor with ‘high’ amounts of black residents‛p. 725).Contrary to the findings of Jaret and Reitzes(1999), Bledsoe et al (1995) found those wholive in neighborhoods with more blacks scoresignificantly higher on racial solidarity scale;mixed-neighborhoods show less solidaritythan those who live in more heavily blackneighborhoods. The major reason is because‚those who live in mixed-race neighborhoodshave more frequent and intimate contact withwhites; surrounded by white friends, acquaintances,neighbors, merchants, and service providers,these blacks may simply perceive lessreason to engage in collective action on behalfof blacks‛ (p. 450).PURPOSE OF THE STUDYThe link between high school racial compositionand black identity has not been fully examined,and purpose of this research is to doexactly that. In this exploratory study, we askthe following two questions:• Does high school composition shape blackcollege students identity?• Does high school composition affect malesand females who attend differently withrespect to their black identity?For the first question, theoretically, we expecthigh school racial composition to affect the racialidentity of black college students. Wemake this prediction on the basis that residen-
Journal of Urban Education: Focus on Enrichment 21tial composition has been shown to have anaffect black identity. In the case of the secondquestion, we expect high school racial compositionto affect both males and females. However,we don’t expect all of the dimensions ofthe black identity measures to be significant forboth males and females. Since this is the firstresearch of its kind (i.e., exploring the impactof high school racial composition on blackidentity), our major objective is to see wherethe significant effects lie and find a rationalexplanation for it.METHODSampleOne hundred and four black college students(54 females, 50 males) were included in thestudy. These students attend colleges and universitiesacross the country and are from KansasCity, Missouri, Washington DC, St. Louis,Missouri, and Tallahassee, Florida. Their ageranges from 18 to 22. All of the students in thestudy are participants of a college program intheir respective cities, and while we contactedseveral program sites, only the above three citieswould allow us access to their students.The program sites sent a letter to their studentsasking them to participate in this researchwhile they were home during their winterbreak.InstrumentsIn order to investigate the research hypotheses,a survey instrument was developed consistingof two sections. The first section included apsychometric scale measuring varying aspectsof the participants’ black identity. The secondsection consisted of questions regarding theirpersonal characteristics (i.e., gender, age, GPA,high school racial composition, college theyattended, and other questions).ProceduresEach participant consented to participating inthe project. Participants in each city were assembledas a group in a university auditorium.At each site, there was one black administratorand an assistant. Participants were given thesurvey, and they were first asked to fill outtheir personal information (i.e., name, sex, racial/ethnicbackground) located on the firstpage of the survey booklet. Next, participantswere asked to complete a psychometric scalemeasuring their black identity. When participantswere completely finished with the survey,they were thanked for their participation.Presented below are the dependent and independentvariables.Dependent VariablesThe Sellers et al. (1998) multidimensionalmodel of racial identity (MMRI) scale was usedto assess black racial identity. Three dimensionsof this assessment were used in thepresent study; centrality, ideology (4 scales)and regard (2 scales). The four-item centralityscale (α= .83) was used to measure the extent towhich a person normatively defines him orherself with regard to race (i.e., I have a strongsense of belonging to black people). Thesecond dimension measured in this study wasracial ideology based on four philosophies; nationalist,oppressed minority, assimilation, andhumanist. The nationalist scale (α= .61) measuredthe extent to which a person’s philosophyemphasizes the importance and uniqueness ofbeing of African descent (i.e., blacks would bebetter off if they adopted afrocentric views).The oppressed minority scale (α= .73) measuredthe extent to which a person’s philosophyemphasizes the commonalities between blacksand other oppressed groups (i.e., the racismblacks have experienced is similar to that ofother minority groups).Next, the assimilationist scale (α= .64) measuredthe extent that one’s philosophy empha-
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Journal of - Southern University New Orleans

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