2005). Likewise, at the large-scale Muda Irrigation Project in Malaysia, for every dollar of incomegenerated directly by the project, another 83 cents was generated in the form of indirect ordownstream income benefits (Bell et al., 1982, cited in Rosegrant et al., 2005). To sum up, evenmoderately successful investment in agricultural water development can treble per capita farmincomes and provide additional wage employment of approximately 45 labour-days/ha, which in itselfhas a significant impact on income poverty reduction. Every dollar of income so generated likelygenerates at least US$ 0.40-0.50 in the form of indirect income benefits. This is so even forinvestment projects that perform only modestly.Agricultural water development could also be one of the better alternatives for poverty reduction.Clearly, investment in agricultural water development can have substantial impacts on incomepoverty reduction. But is it the best of the available alternatives? As discussed, when up to 90percent of rural people are poor and rely on agriculture for their primary livelihoods, significant growthin agriculture is a necessary step toward poverty reduction. Although improved primary education,better health services, clean water and better roads are all important and appropriate investments,they are not sufficient by themselves to generate increased rural incomes (Brooks, 2005). Sinceagricultural growth is so important for poverty reduction, agricultural water development could beeven more so, since the potential income growth per hectare from successful investment inagricultural water is greater than that from dry-land agriculture. Although data is not available toprove the validity of this assumption for Sub-Saharan Africa, differences in the rate of growth ofaverage agricultural output per unit of crop area were important in explaining cross-state differencesin rural poverty reduction in India, for example, where the impact of irrigation in reducing poverty wasfound to be even higher than that of rural literacy and significantly higher than roads, fertilizers andmodern varieties (Datt et al., 1997, cited in Rosegrant et al., 2005). If this is the case elsewhere,there would appear to be no reason why the same should not apply in Sub-Saharan Africa.Furthermore, the income poverty reduction impacts of agricultural water investment can inducepositive impacts on other MDGs. <strong>The</strong> income poverty reduction impacts of agricultural waterinvestment induce important positive impacts on other MDGs, including reduced hunger, improvedaccess to primary education, safe drinking water and basic sanitation, as well as a contribution toimproved maternal health, reduced child mortality and generally better nutrition and health (IFAD,2007).Targeting the poor and womenSome irrigation project designs of the past two decades have attempted —usually unsuccessfully —to target the poorest. Defining extreme poverty in terms of the MDG income poverty level has nowsimplified targeting. Where targeting the poorest socio-economic stratum has been specified in thepast, it has rarely been implemented as planned (IFAD, 2007). Either the technology wasinappropriate for the poorest and the targeting methodology was weak or implementation staff hadnot fully understood the intentions, or found it socially infeasible to carry out because of the sociogeographicaland political implications of excluding the less poor. Defining extreme poverty in termsof per capita income of less than $1/day has simplified targeting, as most rural people in the regionhave to subsist on less than this amount. For example, in the Madagascar, Tanzania and Zimbabwecases cited above, no attempt was made at targeting, yet it is clear that it was mainly the extremepoor who benefited because average without-project farm incomes ranged from only $0.03 to$0.13/day.Agricultural water investments, even without targeting, will therefore mainly benefit the extreme poor,although in a range of different ways. It is likely that the vast majority of the rural populations of Sub-Saharan Africa fall into the category of ‗extreme poor‘ and almost any agricultural water developmentbased on principles of profitability and equity will benefit a majority of poor people. However, differentpoor people may benefit in different ways: (i) from direct participation as producers; (ii) directly fromagricultural wage employment; (iii) from access to crop by products for livestock; and (iv) fromemployment in upstream and downstream economic activities generated by the investment.Moreover, it is usually the poorest stratum that benefits most from the additional wage employmentopportunities generated by investment in agricultural water (IFAD, 2007).<strong>The</strong>re are numerous ways in which the poverty reduction impacts of investments can be enhanced.<strong>The</strong> first step is to understand the socio-economic profile of the communities, how they derive their62
livelihoods, what their constraints are, how they interact socio-economically and how agriculturalwater management can improve their livelihoods. Based on this knowledge, measures can beincluded to make projects more pro-poor. <strong>The</strong>se measures can include: (i) capacity building andempowering the poor to participate effectively; (ii) ensuring that the voice of the poorer segments ofcommunities is adequately heard in participatory planning and land and water allocation decisions;(iii) minimising involuntary resettlement and ensuring that the poor are not excluded or furthermarginalised by development; (iv) strengthening the bargaining powers of the poor thoughinstitutional reform and facilitating their access to land and water; (v) targeting the poor with extratechnical support; (vi) ensuring that the entry price is affordable to the poorest stratum, for example,by the use of affordable technologies; (vii) ensuring that cost-recovery arrangements/water chargesare not unfairly weighted against the poorest stratum; and (viii) optimising the potential for direct andindirect employment gains.Targeting agro-ecological zones and farming systems with high agricultural potential andconcentrations of poverty can also be pro-poor. When arid and semi-arid zones were targeted forpoverty reduction, the results were mixed, mainly because of the generally high costs of waterdevelopment in such zones, their remoteness from markets and sparse populations (IFAD, 2007). Incontrast, the more humid agro-ecological zones, which also coincide with high incidences of poverty,provide better potential for investing in agricultural water for poverty reduction (Dixon et al., 2003).This perhaps surprising suggestion may be explained by considering that, as population densitiesincrease, farmers gradually shift from extensive to increasingly intensive production systems. <strong>The</strong>trend is encouraged once significant market opportunities emerge. Where population densities arehigh, a process of intensification has already started and market opportunities are emerging,investment in agricultural water development is likely to be more successful than in drier zones. Thisdoes not exclude the possibility that there will be opportunities for investment in agricultural watermanagement in the arid and semi-arid zones and that these could make a significant contribution topoverty reduction and growth — provided they are demonstrably economically viable and physicallysustainable.In addition to considerations of gender equity, targeting women can also enhance poverty reductionimpacts. Women contribute 60-80 percent of labour for food production in Sub-Saharan Africa,typically with a major role in planting, weeding, application of fertilizers and pesticides, harvesting,threshing, food processing, transporting and marketing, while men are generally responsible for landclearing and preparation, including ploughing (FAO, 2003a). This division of labour also applies inirrigated agriculture. In many Southern African countries, the proportion of female-headed ruralhouseholds and women-led farms exceeds 50 percent (IWMI, 2005g). At selected schemes inZimbabwe, for example, 20-64 percent of the plot holders were female-headed households (IFAD,2007). In rice-growing areas in West Africa and parts of Southern and Eastern Africa, paddycultivation is increasingly becoming a ‗female farming system‘ in which women are often the decisionmakers on formerly male managed farms as a consequence of male migration to towns for work(IWMI, 2005g).Women often take the lead in fruit and vegetable production (Box 3.4) as well as in productionsupport activities such as savings groups (IFAD, 2002). Studies have shown that gender-equitableagricultural production boosts productivity (IWMI, 2005g). Clearly, then, targeting women for trainingand support services and ensuring their equitable participation in the benefits of agricultural waterinvestments can improve productivity and enhance poverty reduction. Yet most staff in supportservices is male and policies and communications strategies are biased toward males. Projects cancompensate for these biases by building gender considerations into design and implementation fromthe outset (IWMI, 2005g).63
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Lead TeamBWALYA Martin, NEPAD Secre
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3.2.4 Water and irrigation manageme
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Executive SummaryThe Framework for
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Focus on implementationThe heart of
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performance of the agricultural sec
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financial resources; and (v) provid
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and regional development. By contra
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Box 2: Summary of Land Degradation
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Source: Douglas, 1994Apart from ine
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