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In the Service of Young People? Studies and Reflections on Media ...

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When Childhood Gets Commercialized, Can Children Be Protected?<str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> Burger King, in c<str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g>y Mars <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> Hershey. <str<strong>on</strong>g>In</str<strong>on</strong>g> beer, Anheuser-Busch <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> Millerdominate. <str<strong>on</strong>g>In</str<strong>on</strong>g> food <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g>re are more than two, but few – Kraft (Philip Morris), Nabisco(RJR), General Foods, Pepsico, Unilever <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> Nestle are major players. Am<strong>on</strong>gmedia companies, rapid c<strong>on</strong>solidati<strong>on</strong> has occurred, <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> children’s media isdominated by Viacom, Disney, Fox, <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> Time Warner. <str<strong>on</strong>g>In</str<strong>on</strong>g>deed, it is estimated thatfive media corporati<strong>on</strong>s now c<strong>on</strong>trol <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> majority <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> U.S. media outlets (Bagdikian2004). The annual revenue streams <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g>se companies are enormous – Viacom,for example, has reported annual revenues exceeding $25 billi<strong>on</strong>; last year Coca-Cola earned just under $22 billi<strong>on</strong>. The companies <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g>mselves are valued athundreds <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> billi<strong>on</strong>s <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> dollars.These corporati<strong>on</strong>s not <strong>on</strong>ly have enormous ec<strong>on</strong>omic power, but <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g>ir politicalinfluence has never been greater. They have funneled unprecedented sums<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> m<strong>on</strong>ey to political parties <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>ficials. For example, between 1995 <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> 2002,Philip Morris gave more than $9 milli<strong>on</strong> dollars to <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> two political parties, with<str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> bulk ($7.8 milli<strong>on</strong>) going to <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> Republicans. Time Warner gave more than$4 milli<strong>on</strong>, Disney $3.6 milli<strong>on</strong>, <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> U.S. Sugar Corporati<strong>on</strong> gave $2.3 milli<strong>on</strong>(Schor 2004). For three decades, corporate power <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> influence have been exp<str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g>ing.The power wielded by <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g>se corporati<strong>on</strong>s is evident in many ways, from <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g>irability to eliminate competitors to <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g>ir ability to mobilize state power in <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g>irinterest. C<strong>on</strong>sider developments relating to food. <str<strong>on</strong>g>In</str<strong>on</strong>g> 2005, <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> expert panel advising<str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> government <strong>on</strong> revisi<strong>on</strong>s to federal nutriti<strong>on</strong> guidelines, a majority <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>whom had str<strong>on</strong>g links to industry, proposed guidelines that made no menti<strong>on</strong><str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> limiting sugar c<strong>on</strong>sumpti<strong>on</strong>, despite its role in rising obesity. While sugar dideventually appear in <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> final guidelines, after protests by activists, it is buriedinside <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> report under carbohydrates (see OMB Watch 2004). The sugar industryhas also bullied <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> WHO with threats that <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g>ir anti-obesity initiative wouldresult in a withdrawal <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> U.S. funds to <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> industry. Agriculture <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> food lobbieshave pushed through food disparagement laws in twelve states where <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g>y arepolitically powerful. Oprah Winfrey was sued by a group <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Texas cattlemen under<str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g>ir ‘veggie libel law’ after she did a show <strong>on</strong> Mad Cow Disease. Biotech giantM<strong>on</strong>santo not <strong>on</strong>ly used its clout to have recombinant bovine growth horm<strong>on</strong>eapproved by <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> Food <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> Drug Administrati<strong>on</strong>, despite <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> fact that it is bannedin every o<str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g>r industrialized country for its links to cancer <str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> early puberty, but<str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> company has pressured <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> United States Department <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Agriculture to preventfarmers from informing c<strong>on</strong>sumers that <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g>y do not use <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> horm<strong>on</strong>e (Mohl2003, Schor 2004). <str<strong>on</strong>g>In</str<strong>on</strong>g> schools, <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> s<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g>t drink companies have dem<str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g>ed exclusiveaccess. The companies tout ‘nutriti<strong>on</strong> educati<strong>on</strong>’ as <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> soluti<strong>on</strong> to poor diets<str<strong>on</strong>g>and</str<strong>on</strong>g> obesity, but have fiercely resisted government attempts to require labeling<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g>ir products. (For more <strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> political clout <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> Big Food, see Nestle 2002,Schor 2004.)Recent acti<strong>on</strong>s <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> FTC also illustrate <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> growing reach <str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> corporate power.<str<strong>on</strong>g>In</str<strong>on</strong>g> early 2005, <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> FTC dismissed Commercial Alert’s petiti<strong>on</strong> to require disclosure<str<strong>on</strong>g>of</str<strong>on</strong>g> product placements in televisi<strong>on</strong>. The rati<strong>on</strong>ale for <str<strong>on</strong>g>the</str<strong>on</strong>g> petiti<strong>on</strong> was that41

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