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Political Corruption in America: A Search for Definitions ... - See also

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1978 <strong>Political</strong> <strong>Corruption</strong> <strong>in</strong> <strong>America</strong> 981discussed. The size of the payoff as well as itsimmediacy <strong>in</strong>fluences an official's perception ofcorruption. We cannot demonstrate that withour data, as all <strong>in</strong>volve $50,000 worth of stock.Beard and Horn (1975), however, offer arelevant example. More Congress members believeit more corrupt <strong>for</strong> a legislator to cast avote <strong>for</strong> benefits to the sav<strong>in</strong>gs and loan<strong>in</strong>dustry when the legislator owns $100,000worth of stock rather than only $5000 (1975,p. 22). In our own data, several people <strong>in</strong>dicatedthat if <strong>in</strong>stead of own<strong>in</strong>g $50,000 ofstock, the Secretary of Defense were a "major"stockholder, then the ta<strong>in</strong>t of corruption mightbe greater.F<strong>in</strong>ally, <strong>in</strong> these four items we can see thatthe nature of the public office is <strong>also</strong> relevant.The conflict of <strong>in</strong>terest <strong>in</strong>volv<strong>in</strong>g a judge wasbelieved more odious than that <strong>in</strong>volv<strong>in</strong>g eithera bureaucrat or a member of Congress. A judge,<strong>in</strong> a nonpolitical role, is held to higher standardsthan are legislators.The AMBASSADOR items differ from theOIL, DEFENSE and JUDGE acts. The payoff, acampaign donation, is much more immediate.The donor, however, is provid<strong>in</strong>g a campaigncontribution rather than funds to be usedsimply <strong>for</strong> personal enrichment. To us, theAMBASSADOR and RIGHT WAY cases seemparallel. In one case, the favor is a vote, <strong>in</strong>another, an appo<strong>in</strong>tment. Why the <strong>for</strong>mer isseen as more corrupt is undoubtedly becausethe "spoils system" of appo<strong>in</strong>tment has aresidue of legitimacy that the practice of"vot<strong>in</strong>g <strong>for</strong> pay" has not.Our typology of corrupt acts helps expla<strong>in</strong>why these conflict-of-<strong>in</strong>terest behaviors areoften ambiguous. As the payoff becomes moreand more long-range, and the donor and favorsare constituency-oriented, it is easy to arguethat an act is not corrupt. Most public officialshope that all acts have some positive payoff <strong>for</strong>them, pr<strong>in</strong>cipally reelection (Mayhew, 1975),and do<strong>in</strong>g constituency-oriented favors is oneway to <strong>in</strong>crease the probability of reelection.99Jack Anderson commented on this po<strong>in</strong>t <strong>in</strong> arecent "expose" of congressional misbehavior:"Favors are part of a politician's stock <strong>in</strong> trade. He isexpected to produce government jobs, public worksprojects, appo<strong>in</strong>tments to military academies andTable 3. Percent Agree<strong>in</strong>g Act Is CorruptPercent ofPercent ofRespondents Believ<strong>in</strong>g Respondents Believ<strong>in</strong>gPercent of Most Public Officials Most of PublicRespondents View<strong>in</strong>g Would Condemn Would CondemnThis Act as Corrupt This Act This ActDRIVEWAY 95.9 92.2 97.5TRAVEL 95.2 80.4 96.5LAND SALE 95.1 92.1 97.5RIGHT WAY 91.9 82.2 94.3JUDGE 78.8 82.3 91.0AMBASSADOR 71.1 44.5 81.2DEFENSE STOCK 58.3 62.1 84.4OIL 54.9 55.1 81.2WEAPONS CONTRACT 31.6 20.9 34.4LAW SCHOOL 23.7 15.5 35.9Table 4. Correlation Matrix of Perceived <strong>Corruption</strong> ItemsTRVL LDSL RTWY JUDG AMB DFST OIL WPNS LAWSDRIVEWAY .19 .28 -.28 .06 .12 .13 .02 .03 .09TRAVEL - .29 .35 .07 .15 .08 .10 .10 .10LAND SALE - .33 .16 .15 .16 .06 .08 .10RIGHT WAY - .16 .20 .14 .10 .14 .06JUDGE - .16.45 .31 .11 .20AMBASSADOR .19 .23 .15 .22DEFENSE STOCK - .46 .07 .18OIL .12 .12WEAPONS CONTRACT - L2 l

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