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Macedonian State-National Concepts and ... - Makedonika

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several Balkan states to one another determined by friendly counsel along historically<br />

established lines of allegiance <strong>and</strong> nationality; <strong>and</strong> international guarantees of the<br />

political <strong>and</strong> economic independence <strong>and</strong> territorial integrity of the several Balkan<br />

states should be entered into.<br />

The <strong>Macedonian</strong> émigré community in the United <strong>State</strong>s, in its own right,<br />

emerged as an important factor before the international public. These <strong>Macedonian</strong>s<br />

(“more than 100,000” people) organized “huge rallies” in Boston, Chicago, San<br />

Francisco, New York <strong>and</strong> other large American cities, where they decided to<br />

establish contacts with the General Council of the <strong>Macedonian</strong> Societies in<br />

Switzerl<strong>and</strong>, <strong>and</strong> to “authorize it to represent the interests of the whole nation”.<br />

As a result, on April 7, 1919, the following telegram was sent to the General<br />

Council, signed by a Central Committee member, Banev: “The Central <strong>Macedonian</strong><br />

Committee in the United <strong>State</strong>s of America gives you unlimited authorization<br />

to represent our cause before the Peace Conference in Paris.”<br />

After rendering its programme even more precise, <strong>and</strong> following significant<br />

personal changes inside the General Council itself — since in the meantime the<br />

activity of the Bulgarian diplomatic office in Bern had intensified — the session<br />

of the General Council on May 2, 1919 examined “the question of the possible<br />

choice of a disinterested power for the protectorship of Macedonia”. Assessing<br />

that France would be inappropriate in this matter (owing to “its alliance with Serbia<br />

<strong>and</strong> Greece”), as also would be Italy (as “it undoubtedly favours the interests of<br />

the Bulgarian government <strong>and</strong> pulls the l<strong>and</strong> towards new political unrest”), the<br />

Council concluded: “The huge emigration of <strong>Macedonian</strong>s to America, where they<br />

have been received as brothers, <strong>and</strong> this country’s disinterestedness in the Balkans,<br />

make us unanimously put our choice on the United <strong>State</strong>s of America as the<br />

protecting power over independent Macedonia to secure our economic <strong>and</strong> political<br />

freedom.”<br />

In an attempt “not to offend the sensibilities of Great Britain, as it has always<br />

shown concern over the <strong>Macedonian</strong> question, <strong>and</strong> as our l<strong>and</strong> hopes [to find] a<br />

good friend even in the British Parliament”, it was decided first to send a cable to<br />

president Wilson <strong>and</strong> the Senate of the United <strong>State</strong>s in Washington requesting<br />

them “to accept the protectorship of Macedonia”, <strong>and</strong> “if America, owing to its<br />

constitutional provisions, rejects this m<strong>and</strong>ate, we would request Great Britain to<br />

take in h<strong>and</strong> the destiny of unfortunate Macedonia”. Following this line, a cable<br />

was also sent, on May 23, 1919, to the British Prime Minister, Lloyd George,<br />

expressing the hope of the <strong>Macedonian</strong>s that if the United <strong>State</strong>s, “owing to the<br />

provisions of its constitution”, could give an affirmative answer, he would support<br />

their dem<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> “contribute to the just <strong>and</strong> righteous settlement of the <strong>Macedonian</strong><br />

problem with the establishment of an independent Macedonia, the only<br />

radical solution which will lead to permanent peace in the Near East for all times”.<br />

272

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