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Macedonian State-National Concepts and ... - Makedonika

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neither Serbian nor Bulgarian ideas, but <strong>Macedonian</strong> ones. Whoever wants to<br />

discuss autonomy should do this with the <strong>Macedonian</strong>s <strong>and</strong> with no one else.”<br />

This activity was suppressed in 1905, but the idea continued its development.<br />

It was not by chance that Grigorije HadÔitaškoviÚ in 1917 became the proponent<br />

of a genuine south-Slav platform in the Voden Declaration, <strong>and</strong> in the next year<br />

he travelled as far as Corfu in order to explain his concepts, in a special<br />

Promemoria, to PašiÚ’s government, although everyone once again refused to hear<br />

the voice of the <strong>Macedonian</strong>.<br />

5.<br />

We still do not know much about the ‘Russian Party in the Bitola region’ in<br />

1910, <strong>and</strong> there is no detailed research on the activity of Marko A. MuševiÌ <strong>and</strong><br />

his mission to Russia at that period, when a special Memor<strong>and</strong>um to the Russian<br />

Government <strong>and</strong> the Russian Church was submitted. Nor do we know very<br />

much about the missions of Krste Misirkov in 1909 <strong>and</strong> of Dimitrija Ëupovski in<br />

1911 in Macedonia. Yet we know a great deal about the establishment <strong>and</strong> concepts<br />

of the Ss Cyril <strong>and</strong> Methodius Slavonic-<strong>Macedonian</strong> <strong>National</strong> <strong>and</strong> Educational<br />

Society in St Petersburg from June 27, 1912 onwards, whose Article 31 of<br />

its Constitution considered “the Slavonic-<strong>Macedonian</strong> language as the spoken <strong>and</strong><br />

written language”; <strong>and</strong> about the concepts of the Bitola Circle expressed in its act<br />

of August 15, 1912, <strong>and</strong> also about the presentations of Ëupovski, Dimov, Dr<br />

KonstantinoviÌ <strong>and</strong> others in the Russian capital, <strong>and</strong> their warnings that “in<br />

Macedonia it smells of death” <strong>and</strong> their anticipation of future historical events.<br />

“The victory of the Slavic Alliance, if achieved,” they said, “is absolutely undesirable<br />

from a Slavic point of view, as this will be a requiem for the descendants of<br />

Cyril <strong>and</strong> Methodius: Macedonia will be divided into three parts, there will be a<br />

temporary triumph over its body, but no one will be satisfied, a fight will<br />

unavoidably break out among those who dismembered it <strong>and</strong> there will be no bright<br />

day for the Slavs”, <strong>and</strong> “the outcome will inevitably be a European war <strong>and</strong> the<br />

partition of Macedonia”.<br />

Seeing the speedy preparations for war in the Balkans, in early September 1912,<br />

the <strong>Macedonian</strong>s pointed out: “The <strong>Macedonian</strong>s want political freedom, but<br />

public opinion (the people) in Serbia <strong>and</strong> Bulgaria also wants freedom for<br />

Macedonia, as the <strong>Macedonian</strong>s will then return to their own fatherl<strong>and</strong>. Of course,<br />

there are also aspirations in Bulgaria <strong>and</strong> Serbia to the creation of a Greater<br />

Bulgaria or a Greater Serbia, but this is not the voice of the people.”<br />

The voice of the neighbouring monarchies, however, spoke through the barrels<br />

of the cannons <strong>and</strong> what ensued was what the <strong>Macedonian</strong>s had predicted —<br />

242

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