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Macedonian State-National Concepts and ... - Makedonika

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Switzerl<strong>and</strong> in the Balkans, or of the <strong>Macedonian</strong> Republic, autonomous <strong>and</strong><br />

neutral”.<br />

Of special significance was the effort to print the mouthpiece of the Provisional<br />

Representative Office of the Former United Internal <strong>Macedonian</strong> Revolutionary<br />

Organization, Bjuletin (Bulletin). Its 10 numbers published the most reliable<br />

testimonies reflecting the genuine frame of mind of <strong>Macedonian</strong> émigrés. It<br />

printed a large number of official acts of the movement as well as prompt reactions<br />

against the moves of the Executive Committee of the Brotherhoods <strong>and</strong> the<br />

organization of Aleks<strong>and</strong>rov <strong>and</strong> Protogerov, <strong>and</strong> also against the actions of the<br />

Bulgarian government <strong>and</strong> policies. From the fourth number onwards the motto<br />

‘Long live a free <strong>and</strong> independent Macedonia — the pillar of Balkan peace<br />

<strong>and</strong> the Balkan federation!’ was printed beside the newspaper’s title.<br />

The Provisional Representative Office raised the concept of <strong>Macedonian</strong><br />

statehood <strong>and</strong> relations with neighbouring states <strong>and</strong> peoples to the highest point.<br />

It aimed to define the relations between the <strong>Macedonian</strong>s <strong>and</strong> other nationalities<br />

living inside Macedonia on a fully equal basis. Yet once again, whether because<br />

of the circumstances in which it worked or owing to the makeup of its leadership,<br />

the Provisional Representative Office could not find enough force to ab<strong>and</strong>on the<br />

thesis of the ‘<strong>Macedonian</strong> Bulgarians’ <strong>and</strong> affirm the <strong>Macedonian</strong> language as the<br />

essential instrument in their struggle. Even when their authorized representative<br />

in Paris, Paul Christoff, pointed out to the Provisional Representative Office that<br />

the Greek <strong>and</strong> Serbian delegations reacted strongly against the ‘<strong>Macedonian</strong><br />

Bulgarians’ thesis, <strong>and</strong> that they proposed their own thesis that “the national feeling<br />

of the <strong>Macedonian</strong>s is a flexible concept, indifferent to foreign propag<strong>and</strong>a”, the<br />

Representative Office sent him detailed answers on all the questions he had asked,<br />

but completely ignored the essential question of <strong>Macedonian</strong> nationality. On<br />

the contrary, defending themselves from attacks that they stood “on international<br />

ground <strong>and</strong> did not recognize that the majority of the <strong>Macedonian</strong> population was<br />

Bulgarian” <strong>and</strong> that “they did not want the incorporation of Macedonia within<br />

Bulgaria in any way”, they gave a very definite answer (in order “to make it clear”)<br />

that they remained “<strong>Macedonian</strong> Bulgarians”, even though they always aimed<br />

to distance themselves from the Bulgarians (in Bulgaria) <strong>and</strong> in particular<br />

from Bulgarian national policy.<br />

In the first issue of Bjuletin they stated: “Everyone, together with us, desires<br />

<strong>and</strong> declares one thing only, everywhere <strong>and</strong> before everyone: we do not want the<br />

dismemberment of Macedonia in any way, as we want to preserve our language,<br />

our faith <strong>and</strong> our nationality,” but a little below they added: “If, however, the<br />

officials of the Foreign Ministry do not share this principle, then we are ready to<br />

confess that the <strong>Macedonian</strong> Bulgarians would never wish <strong>and</strong> would never agree<br />

to pay for Bulgaria’s expansion at the cost of their fatherl<strong>and</strong> or parts thereof.”<br />

284

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