globalization and <strong>the</strong>se are internationalization,liberalization, universalization, westernization andmodernization.While we may not be familiar with <strong>the</strong>seterms in <strong>the</strong> abstract, we certainly know <strong>the</strong>m when wemeet <strong>the</strong>m. No one doubts that Coca-Cola is aninternational brand. No one doubts that trade laws havebeen liberalised in such a way that accommodates <strong>the</strong>free movement of Coca-Cola across all borders. No onedisbelieves that Coca-Cola has succeeded in marketingitself as a universal brand. No one challenges <strong>the</strong> notionthat Coca-Cola has come to represent dominantwestern cultural values. And more than likely no onecontests <strong>the</strong> assumption that Coca-Cola likes to portrayitself as <strong>the</strong> epitome of <strong>the</strong> modern.Sugar harvesting PhilippinesSo far, so much agreement. And while <strong>the</strong>re is, if notbroad agreement, at least <strong>the</strong>re is some agreementwhen it comes to describing globalization but <strong>the</strong>re isabsolutely no agreement when it comes to defining <strong>the</strong>impact of globalisation.There are <strong>the</strong> two polar oppositeviews. Simply put: one that says that globalisation is allbad and <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r that says that globalisation is all good.In <strong>the</strong> DVD Partners not Masters 2 which your Geographyteacher might have, I have attempted to very brieflysummarise <strong>the</strong> two opposing views.There are o<strong>the</strong>rs ofcourse who straddle both camps but for <strong>the</strong> most part<strong>the</strong> debate is highly polarised. Former President MaryRobinson is one of those who argue that <strong>the</strong>re is amid-way point. In a lecture in Yale University in <strong>the</strong>United States, (funded by <strong>the</strong> Coca-Cola World FundLecture, no less) Mary Robinson held out <strong>the</strong> tantalizingpossibility of a more ethical globalization: “Essentially, <strong>the</strong>argument is that <strong>the</strong> binding human rights framework ispart of <strong>the</strong> rules of <strong>the</strong> road of globalization, a way ofensuring a more value-led, ethical globalization”. 3 I remaindeeply skeptical. Multinationals have very cleverlyincorporated <strong>the</strong> language of human rights into <strong>the</strong>ircorporate–speak rhetoric but have done nothing tomake that a reality. Corporate social responsibility hasbecome nothing more than a transparent fig-leafintended to conceal <strong>the</strong> rampant greed of itsshareholders.What is interesting of course from a global perspectiveis that <strong>the</strong>re appears to be a strong co-relation betweenone’s wealth, one’s liquid assets and one favourable viewof globalisation and while it might be uncomfortable tomention it, that includes Mrs Robinson. And that tooapplies to all <strong>the</strong> leaders in <strong>the</strong> Western world includingBrian Cowen (<strong>the</strong> fourth highest paid political leader in<strong>the</strong> world), Gordon Brown, Nicolas Sarkozy and AngelaMerkel. And while Barack Obama may be makingisolationist soundings, he too is an apologist forglobalisation. However, where <strong>the</strong>re are few liquid assetsbut where <strong>the</strong>re are much more hard assets in terms ofunderground mineral deposits, good fishing grounds orhighly productive agricultural land, <strong>the</strong> people in <strong>the</strong>seplaces are much less likely to look favourably onglobalisation.This is particularly true for people living in<strong>the</strong> Global South. For people like Bolivian President EvoMorales, and Paraguay President Ferdinand Lugo, <strong>the</strong>ymight be stuck with globalisation but <strong>the</strong>y don’tnecessarily like it.What relevance or dare we ask interest has all of thisfor students of Religious Education in Ireland? Relevanceit certainly has, interest we cannot guarantee. ButReligious Education is about making sense of this world.While some people might regard this as too secularist aview of religion it does at least provide a lens wherebypeople can reflect on <strong>the</strong> world around <strong>the</strong>m. (And yesreligion does have an eschatological dimension too butthat is not necessarily my sphere of interest) Of coursesome lenses can provide greater clarity than o<strong>the</strong>rs andsome even more distortion. Somewhat to my surprise,<strong>the</strong> very first sentence (p.3) of <strong>the</strong> Leaving CertificateReligious Education Syllabus 4 would seem to bear thisout.Human development is <strong>the</strong> development of awareness ofself as separate and unique, with <strong>the</strong> capacity for reflection,imagination and creativity: open to ideas of truth, goodnessand beauty.Girl Miner BoliviaNow that’s clarity. If this is what <strong>the</strong> RE syllabus wants<strong>the</strong>n who can not want it? What did strike me thoughwas <strong>the</strong> absence of God in <strong>the</strong> opening sentence. In a24 TEACHING RELIGIOUS EDUCATION ISSUE FOUR SEPTEMBER 2009
peculiar way it reminds me of a report from one of <strong>the</strong>first conferences of (<strong>the</strong> now defunct) ProgressiveDemocrats held in Cork city in <strong>the</strong> party’s heydaysduring <strong>the</strong> 1980s.The reporter began by saying “as <strong>the</strong>bells of Shandon peeled across <strong>the</strong> city of Cork, <strong>the</strong> PDsvoted to take God out of <strong>the</strong> constitution”. The reactionwas such that <strong>the</strong>y ran for political cover and quicklyre-instated God. But I digress.But back to <strong>the</strong> RE syllabus. As you would expect, itwould be a distortion to judge a whole (104-page) texton one sentence but interesting none<strong>the</strong>less. Religion isabout meaning or <strong>the</strong> search for meaning and while thatis not solely <strong>the</strong> function or indeed <strong>the</strong> preserve ofreligion it is certainly a feature of religion.The search formeaning is fundamentally a function of society andculture whe<strong>the</strong>r or not that society or culture is imbuedwith formalised religion. And if that search for meaningis to be in any way real, it must extend beyond <strong>the</strong>personal, beyond a narrow fixation with salvation andencompass more political issues like current economic(dis)order, society and <strong>the</strong> nature of power relations.Andmuch to <strong>the</strong> credit of <strong>the</strong> RE syllabus it does allow fordiscussion of <strong>the</strong>se complex difficult issues. While youare no doubt more familiar with <strong>the</strong> document than Iam, <strong>the</strong> syllabus challenges <strong>the</strong> accumulation of wealthand <strong>the</strong> dominance of elites (e.g. Section BTopic 2.3 page25). It provides a space for students to question <strong>the</strong>meaning of authority (e.g. Section C Topic 2.3 page 37):<strong>the</strong> common good (e.g. Section D Topic 1.3 page 43):structural injustice (e.g. Section FTopic 2.3 page 45) andprovides students with <strong>the</strong> tools for social analysis (e.g.Section F, page 61) to mention just some.I have always however had deep reservations about <strong>the</strong>extent and capacity of state-sponsored political andsocial awareness to effect change as ultimately <strong>the</strong> statealways sets limits on what it regards as acceptablepolitical action.The most successful campaigns have beenorganic in origin and have never been staged-managedby agents of <strong>the</strong> state. The current Shell-to seacontroversy, <strong>the</strong> summing of all <strong>the</strong> forces of <strong>the</strong> state toprotect US President George W. Bush on his 2004 visitto Ireland and <strong>the</strong> use of state forces against <strong>the</strong> Re-claim<strong>the</strong> Street demonstrations in 2002 are just three cases inpoint.That said, anything that gets young people to think,to search for meaning has to be good and in thatcontext <strong>the</strong> syllabus is a welcome addition to <strong>the</strong> schoolcurriculum. But again I digress.However, <strong>the</strong> search for meaning that is so much a partof <strong>the</strong> RE syllabus cannot be confined to neat intellectualcategorisation. Inevitably that search draws onphilosophical, <strong>the</strong>ological, sociological and politicalthought to name but four. While in Paraguay this yearcovering a story about <strong>the</strong> adverse effects of intensivecommercial soya production, we asked former CatholicBishop and now President of <strong>the</strong> country FerninandLugo if politics and religion had any points ofconvergence and what, if anything, religion has to offer interms of understanding or critically analysing issues likeglobalisation. This is what Lugo had to say:Miner BoliviaI always considered <strong>the</strong>m (religion and politics) as two sidesof <strong>the</strong> same coin. The political and <strong>the</strong> religious are notmutually exclusive; during <strong>the</strong> campaign we have alwaysused that great expression, <strong>the</strong> wise expression of Pius XI,wasn’t it, that politics is <strong>the</strong> most sublime expression of love.Politics is <strong>the</strong> sublime expression of charity and that is agreat conviction of mine: <strong>the</strong>re is also political charity.Thatis why I think that our attempt to conserve <strong>the</strong> faith within<strong>the</strong> Catholic Church that we love so much, that we haveserved for thirty years as priests, as missionaries.We can’tsay that overnight I lost my faith and I became a politician.I think that I have to be a leader who is inspired and alsosustained by <strong>the</strong> faith that I proclaim, profess and live.(Religion) is <strong>the</strong> great spiritual and mystical sustenance ofour political tasks and decisions. Although, as I said at <strong>the</strong>beginning, <strong>the</strong>re are no ‘chemically pure’ processes, but <strong>the</strong>reare processes that are intermingled; faith and politics arenot mutually exclusive—in fact <strong>the</strong>y complement eacho<strong>the</strong>r.That is why I believe that this process, even though insome aspects it has been traumatic, we have sought <strong>the</strong>most harmonious and peaceful way to go from being areligious leader to a political leader and as president ofParaguay. 5Lugo comes from a long line of politicised clergy <strong>the</strong>most prominent of whom have very well-definedleft-wing political views.These were and are arch criticsof <strong>the</strong> current model of globalisation framed as it is in aneo-liberal agenda that has emanated from <strong>the</strong> ChicagoSchool of Economics under <strong>the</strong> tutelage of <strong>the</strong> lateMilton Friedman 6 intellectual mentor to amongst o<strong>the</strong>rs<strong>the</strong> aforementioned Gipper and former British PrimeMinister Margaret Thatcher.Francis Fukuyama, <strong>the</strong> darling of <strong>the</strong> neo-conservatives in<strong>the</strong> United States and elsewhere and ano<strong>the</strong>r acolyte ofFriedman, stunned <strong>the</strong> world in <strong>the</strong> early 1990s with hisTEACHING RELIGIOUS EDUCATION ISSUE FOUR SEPTEMBER 200925