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Genocide in Our TimeAn Annotated Bibliographywith Analytical IntroductionsMichael N. Dobkowski and Isidor WallimannElectronic version©2010 NewFoundationswith the kind permission ofPierian PressP.O. Box 1808Ann Arbor, MI 48106

DEDICATIONTo Raphael Lemkin(1901-1959)International lawyer, scholar, activist, and principal drafter of the 1958U. N. Convention for the Prevention and Punishment of Genocide.To Monik Dobkowski, Bronia and David Kalt,Susan Castle.who survived the Holocaust and to their daughter,Their enduringexample of courage, dignity, and generosity of spiritis an inspiration.And to all survivors,In gratitude for the lessons you continue to teach us all.ISBN 0-87650-280-XCopyright 1992, The Pierian PressAll Rights ReservedNo part of this publication may be reproduced or transmittedin any form or by any means electronic or mechanical,including photocopying, recording or by any informationstorage and retrieval system, without permission in writingfrom Pierian PressPrinted and bound in the United St'ates of America.Cover art by: Brian RooneyThe Pierian PressBox 1808Ann Arbor, Michigan 481061-800-678-2435

Chapter 3:The Issue of the Holocaust as a Unique Event 47If the Holocaust was a truly unique event,then it lies beyond our comprehension. Ifit was not truly unique, then there is nounique lesson to be learned from it.Viewed solely from the perspective of itsuniqueness, the Holocaust must beconsidered either incomprehensible ortrivial. A contexualist analysis, on theother hand, finds that it was neither "extrahistorical" nor just another atrocity. It ispossible to view the Holocaust asunprecedented in many respects and as anevent of critical and transformationalimportance in the history of our world.Using this method, we can determine theways in which the uniqueness questionboth helps and hinders our quest forunderstanding of the Holocaust.by Alan Rosenberg and Evelyn SilvermanComparability or Uniqueness. . . . . .Three Principal OptionsExplicating the Uniqueness QuestionWhat Constitutes Uniqueness?Contextualists. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .The HistorikerstreitIntention Versus MethodologyInterpretive GridsConclusion. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Annotated Bibliography48484950515152525355Chapter 4: The Victims Who Survived67by Sidney M. BolkoskyStudies of survivors' testimonies thatconcentrate on the ability of the afflicted tofind meaning in suffering are at bestproblematic in the face of theoverwhelming force of Holocausttestimonies. To many of those whosurvived, survival was not a triumph butan unbearable burden. "Nothing can everbe good again" and "All my happiness isgone for ever" are recurring motifs in theirtestimonies. The lives of survivors areforever haunted by images, sounds, andsmells that contain ominous questionsabout survival and about guilt for havingsurvived. "Why me?" and "Why was Isaved?" appear in the testimonies over andover again. As Elie Wiesel phrased it, thequestion is not "to be or not to be" butrather "to be and not to be." One woman,a survivor of Auschwitz, compared herselfto a hollow tree: "still alive but emptyinside. " The appended diary by Agi Rubinembodies these themes of despair, guilt,and inner emptiness.Annotated BibliographyMajor TitlesBriefly Annotated Titles . . . . . . . . . . . . .Appendix: The Diary, by Agi Rubin,with commentary by Sidney Bolkosky72727476vlGENOCIDE

Chapter 5:The Armenian Genocide: Revisionism and Denial 85by Rouben AdalianThe Turkish government has adopted threelines of argument to convince the worldthat nothing out of the ordinary happenedto the Armenians during the years 1915-1923. Three theses have been advanced:the denial thesis; the revisionist thesis; andthe justification thesis. The three thesescan in turn be divided among sixcategories of authors as follows:participants, apologists, rational izers,revisionists, disinformers, and distorters.In the years since 1923 several factorshave contributed to the world' sacquiescence in the Turkish program ofdenial and revisionism. First, Turkeybecame respectable as the TurkishRepublic under Kemal Attaturk; second,Turkey joined the United Nations as acharter member in 1945; and third, Turkeyjoined the North Atlantic TreatyOrganization in 1952.Post-War Unsettlement. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Sidebar: The Armenian Genocide: 1915-1923:An IntroductionAnnotated Bibliography for SidebarEastern Armenia Under CommunismAbdications and Retributions. . . . . . . . . . . .Turkey ReformedArmenians in Diaspora. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Turning PointsDefining the Armenian ExperienceThe Arguments. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .The Authors. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Conclusion. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Annotated Bibliography for Main Article. . . .The Participants. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .The ApologistsThe Rational izersThe Revisionists. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .The Disinformers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .The Distorters. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .85. . 86. . 88. . 88. . 8989. . 90. . 90. . 91. . 92. . 92. . 93. . 95. . 95. . 96. . 97. ; 99101103Chapter 6: The Ukrainianby Lyman H. LegtersFamine107In the mind of Stalin, the problem of theUkrainian peasants who resistedcollectivizationwas linked with theproblem of Ukrainian nationalism.Collectivization was imposed on theUkraine much faster than it was on otherparts of the Soviet Union. The resultinghardship in the Ukraine was deliberatelyintensified by a policy of unrelenting grainprocurement. It was this procurementpolicy that transformed hardship intocatastrophe. Famine by itself is notgenocide, but the consequences of thepolicy were known and remedies wereavailable. The evidence is quite'powerfulthat the famine could have been avoided,hence the argumentturns on Stalin'sintentions.Lenin's New Economic Policy"Primitive Accumulation"CollectivizationPeasantry and Nationality. . . .Unrelenting Grain ProcurementTerror-FamineThe UN Definition of GenocideAnnotated BibliographyBriefly Annotated Works108108109109109110110111115Table of Coraentsvii

Chapter 7: Genocide and Modern War117It is the governments of the world thateither carry out or condone genocide,modern war, and other forms of masskilling. Although genocide and warfare areoften regarded as distinctly differentphenomena, there are in fact a number ofimportant connections and commonalitiesbetween them, among which are severalpsychosocial facilitating factors. Markusengives special attention to three of these:dehumanization of the victims, thesystematic use of euphemistic language indescribing the violence that is inflicted onvictims, and bureaucratic organization ofthe overall effort. These three factors areof approximately equal importance in thewaging of both wars and genocides. "Thescale of man-madedeath is the centralmoral as well as material fact of our time. "In the light of this fact, it is particularlyunfortunate that the energy and resourcesdevoted to understanding and preventingmass killing have been negligible.by Eric MarkusenIntroduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .The Violence of the Twentieth CenturyStructural ViolenceThe Preparations for Nuclear Omnicide. . . . . . .Genocide and Modern War as Forms ofGovernmental Mass Killing. . . . . . . . . . . .GenocideModern (Total) WarConnections and Commonalities BetweenGenocide and Modern War. . . . . . . . . . . .Modern War Expedites GenocideBlurring of the Line Between War and GenocidePsychosocial Facilitating Factors Common toBoth Genocide and Modern WarConclusionsAnnotated BibliographyThe MurderousnessGenocideModern Warof the Twentieth CenturyNuclear Omnicide. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Commonalitiesand Connections betweenGenocide and Modern War. . . . . . . . . .117117119120121121122124124124125126131131133136139143Chapter 8:Early Warning, Intervention, and Prevention of Genocide 149The record of governments on theprevention of, or intervention in, genocidehas always been very poor. Even thosestates that can be called the bastions ofdemocracy, such as the United States andIsrael, have deeply tarnished records. Inpart to counterbalance the performance ofgovernments, it is urgently necessary tomake individuals far more aware than theyhave been of their responsibility to guardagainst the intrusion of attitudes thatpromote genocide. Charny analyzesvarious key indicators that new genocidalthreats may be taking shape. Governmentsshould immediately give their support toseveral international initiatives for theprevention of genocide, such as thecreation of an International GenocideBureau or a World Genocide Tribunal.by Israel W. CharnyThe Foreseeability of Genocide. . . . . . . . . . .No Cooperation with Mass KillersThe Record of Governments Is Very PoorUgly Behaviors in the Bastions of DemocracyThe U. S. and Pol Pot. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .The U. S. , Israel, and ChinaIsrael, the U. S. , and the ArmenianThe Responsibility of IndividualsGenocideThe Courage to Withstand One's Own Nation .Proposal for a World Genocide EarlyWarning System FoundationEarly Warning ProcessesOther Proposals for Preventing Genocide. . . .International Alert. . . . . . . . . . . . . . ;. . . .ConclusionsAnnotatedBibliography149150150150151151151151152152154156156156158viiiGENOCIDE

Appendix 167Appendix: Chronology of Genocideby Michael Dobkowski167Indexes 169Author IndexTitle Index169175Table of Contentsix

PREFACE:In the course of preparing this volume, we haveincurred many debts, some of which we are able toacknowledge publicly. We are particularly grateful tothe contributors for the prompt submission of theirchapters and the high quality of their work. To thosewho offered editorial advice, we give special thanks.The editors, of course, assume final responsibility forthe text.The staff members of the libraries we used wereunfailingly helpful in making materials available. Wewould like to offer special thanks to the reference staffof the Hobart and William Smith Colleges Library whotook an interest in this project and helped in ways thatwere far beyond the library walls.To colleagues and students in our respectiveinstitutions who have provided an intellectual environmentthat was conducive to productive work, manythanks. We are grateful for their interest and support,particularly our students. It made this book possibleand necessary. A special acknowledgment to RichardA. Gray, Senior Editor at Pierian Press, who contributedmany useful suggestions and criticisms. The volumeis better for his efforts.Credit for typing goes to Sharon Elder and PatiMattice.We would like to thank Karen Gabe Dobkowskifor all of her assistance, encouragement, and goodhumor. She has been instrumental in helping us thinkand feel about genocide. Her valuable comments andat times her direct and heartfelt way of putting thingshave influenced our thinking here. And to Batsheva,Jonathan, Tamar, and all children for being never-XGENOCIDE

ending sources of joy and hope. In the end, it is forthem that we do this work.Finally, we provide, in alphabetical order, a briefbiographical sketch of each of the contributors to thisvolume.Rouben Adalian, Ph. D. , is Director of AcademicAffairs at the Armenian Assembly of America inWashington, DC.Sidney M. Bolkosky is Professor of History at theUniversity of Michigan-Dearborn. He is the author ofHarmonyand Dissonance: Voices of Jewish Identityin Detroit, 1914-1967 (1991) and co-author with BettyAllias and David Harris of Life Unworthy of Life: AHolocaust Curriculum (1987).Israel W. Charny is the Executive Director of theInstitute on the Holocaust and Genocide in Jerusalemand Associate Professor of Psychology at the BobSchapell School of Social Work at Tel Aviv Universityin Tel Aviv, Israel. He is the author of How Can WeCommit the Unthinkable? Genocide: The HumanCancer (1982) and the editor of Genocide: A CriticalBibliographic Review (Vol 1, 1988) and (Vol 2, 1991).Michael N. Dobkowski is Professor of ReligiousStudies at Hobart and William Smith Colleges inGeneva, New York. He is the co-author, with IsidorWallimann, of Towards the Holocaust: The Social andEconomic Collapse of the Weimar Republic (1983),Genocide and the Modern Age. Etiology and CaseStudies of Mass Death (1987), and Radical Perspectiveson the Rise of Fascism iri Germany, 1919-1945 (1989).Lyman H. Legters, Professor Emeritus of Russian andEast European Studies at the University of Washington,is a senior fellow of the William O. Douglas Instituteand director of its project, States and Societies in East-Central Europe. He edited the institute's volume,Western Society after the Holocaust (1983). His latestbook is Eastern Europe — Transformation and Revolution,1945-1991 (1992).Eric Markusen is Associate Professor of Sociologyand Social Work at Southwest State University,Marshall, Minnesota. He is the co-author, with RobertJay Lifton, of The Genocidal Mentality: Nazi Holocaustand Nuclear Threat (1990).Alison Palmer is a doctoral candidate at the LondonSchool of Economics and Political Science, London,England.Alan Rosenberg teaches philosophy at Queens Collegeof the City University of New York. He is the authorand co-author of a number of articles on the Holocaustand co-editor of Echoes from the Holocaust: PhilosophicalReflections on a Dark Time (1988).Agi Rubin is a survivor of the Holocaust from Munkacsin Carpetho-Ruthenia who now lives in Southfield,Michigan.Evelyn Silverman is a reference librarian and subjectbibliographer at the Benjamin S. Rosenthal Library ofQueens College of the City University of New York.Isidor Wallimann is a Lecturer in Sociology at theSchool of Social Work in Basel, and at the Institute ofSociology, University of Bern, Switzerland. He is theco-editor, with Michael Dobkowski, of Towards theHolocaust, Genocide and the Modern Age and RadicalPerspectives on the Rise of Fascism in Germany, 1919-1945. He is the author of Estrangement: Marx'sConception of Human Nature and the Di vision of Labor(1981).Prefacexi

GENERAL INTRODUCTIONTO THE TOPICby Michael Dobkowski and Isidor WallimannThe "progress" of the twentieth century has beenfrom the massa-constant along its journey of horrors —cre of the Armenians, to the planned famine in theUkraine, to the Holocaust, to the killing fields ofCambodia. The enormity of the genocidal horrors ofour century is indicated by our almost schizophrenicattitude toward it. We move between attitudes ofdespair on one hand and denial or avoidancy on theother. These attitudes are actually mirror images ofeach other. They both seek to deny reality by avoidingany responsibility for the need to understand thephenomenon so that we can avoid repeating it againand again. Our first obligation, therefore, is to faceit squarely.If genocide is the destruction of a national, ethnic,racial, or religious group, the study of genocide is theattempt to understand this phenomenon, both in itsgenesis and, prevention. Far too great and too gravehas the suffering caused by genocide been for it to beignored. Far too many resources — scientific andother — are spent to destroy rather than to enhance life.The study of genocide can only have one goal — andits very object of investigation demands that it be topreserve and to promote human life. All else wouldbe perverse. Therefore, any scientific effort to studygenocide is bound to combine both theory and action— is bound to be praxis; praxis designed to changethe conditions that have led to genocide in the past, orcould do so in the future. It is, and must be, changeorientedinterpretation and theorizing, action-orientedscholarship.X I iGENOCIDE

Massive human suffering caused by people is notunique to genocide. In fact, much more suffering anddeath are and have been inflicted worldwide'in waysthat technically are not called genocide. Millions mayhave died from genocide in recent history. But hundredsof millions succumbed as a result of humaninduced starvation or war. What, then, makes the studyof genocide so important, so compelling? What shouldmake genocidal killing a more important object of studyeconomicthan the killing through war or anonymousmechanisms — particularly if more lives could potentiallybe preserved by studying the latter? Clearly, there isno reason why the study and prevention of genocideshould have precedence over the study and preventionof other processes that are equally or even moredestructive of human lives. Rather, what has emergedmay be seen as a division of labor among like-mindedscholars holding similar values, nurturing similar hopes,and working with similar intentions: to prevent thedestruction of life, to create life-enhancing socialconditions.Scholars have been more concerned with the studyof war, poverty, and disease than with the study ofgenocide. However, since the genocidal destruction oflife cannot be clearly dissociated from other but equallydestructive processes, any study of genocide must alsobe informed by and connected to all other efforts tounderstand and to prevent the mass destruction ofhuman lives. Therefore, a scientific praxis to understandand prevent poverty, disease and war will alsodirectly enhance the understanding and prevention ofgenocide.The term "genocide" was coined against theaftermath of World War II, indicating that the studyof genocide, as we know it today, is about fifty yearsold. The motivation to focus specifically on genocide— as opposed to other life-destroying processes— may greatly vary from one individual to another.However, the twentieth century experience withgenocide is still too deeply engraved in societal consciousness;the pain of survivors and relatives ofvictims is still too vivid; the remaining injusticesuffered by members of various ethnic groups is stilltoo deep for it not to have had an effect on the scholar-ly community and some of its practitioners.To say that the term "genocide" and the effort tostudy and prevent it is new implies that the phenomenonitself may be recent to human history. In otherwords, processes that destroy groups on the basis oftheir religion, race, ethnicity, or nationality may becorrelates of modernity and the tremendous socialdifferentiation, that is, the hierarchically and horizontallyhighly segmented society that characterizes it. Byimplication, then, genocide would not be expected tooccur in societies with little social differentiation.Indeed, when consulting the historical wisdom on thispoint, it appears that the first mass killings wheregenocide might have been involved occurred in societieswith sufficient differentiationto be classified as agriculturalsocieties. All previous human history — agriculturalsocieties emerged only about 6, 000 years ago — did notseem to know genocide although lives were destroyedin warfare.Mass WarfareIn essence, the phenomenon of mass warfare isconnected with civilization. It is possible only withinconflict situations peculiar to civilized societies.Although human beings have possessed the technicalskills to create weapons such as axes, clubs, and spearsfor about 25, 000 years, it appears that the species didnot deliberately make weapons in order to wage waruntil the emergence of Neolithic man. In fact, noweapons specifically designed to be used against otherhuman beings have been found that can be dated beforethe emergence of Neolithic man — founder of agriculture— in approximately 10, 000 B. C. E. This is not tosuggest that earlier humans did not sporadically killother humans with hunting tools, rocks, and other suchitems. Early humans were aggressive and often violent.Yet organized mass violence was not yet part of humanbehavior.Ritualistic Practices in WarfareThe institution of mass warfare occurred duringthe crucial stages of the transition to civilization.Archaeological and anthropological evidence suggeststhat it can be found in the later neolithic period. Thefirst identifiable weapons are found in communal sitesused by societies with a mixed economy of hunting andagriculture. It is in this period that we also find the firstevidence of fortified settlement, perhaps the most tellingevidence of warlike activity. The conflicts of Neolithicman were definitely rule-governed group activities: theyinvolved genuine weapons for warfare and were thefocus of time and resources. Yet they were not "modern"because they had very limited objectives beyondthe fighting itself. The warfare was often accompaniedby ritualistic practices, with attention given to the ritesof death and there was no interest in conquest of theopponent's territory. Neolithic warfare therefore didnot function as a coercive of political imposition. It Isonly with the emergence of the city-state as a socialentity that we see the ingredientsof mass warfare ofgenocidal proportions. With the rise of the city-statesand significant social differentiation, there emergedforces and institutions that made mass warfare anessential feature of intercity policies. In Mesapotamia1ntroductionxiii

and Egypt around 4, 000 to 3, 000 B. C. E. , we find thefirst real evidence of potentially genocidal war. In the"cradle"of civilization, cities were walled in andfortified from the very beginning and a regular armyemerged as a new social organization.Ritually UncontrolledKillingTo the extent that history can only be appropriatedthrough records in one form or another, the aforementionedconclusion may be unwarranted. Nevertheless,since archeology or oral history have produced noevidence to the contrary, for all practical purposes wecan accept it as a valid inference. Furthermore, modernanthropological records of hunting and gathering orhorticultural societies seem to indicate that in minimallydifferentiated societies even warfare is ritually controlledto minimize human loss. Genocide, on the otherhand, is an event that potentially knows no limit shortof the total annihilation of the group and is, if anything,a ritually uncontrolled killing process. Lastly, theavailable records on agricultural societies lead us tosuspect that genocide may for the first time haveoccurred in this social formation. Written languageitself is to be found only in relatively differentiatedsocieties where it primarily serves as a device toadminister society and to integrate it politically andeconomically. Social formation with less differentiation,such as hunting and gathering and horticultural societies,had no need for such means. Therefore, the verysources that inform us of mass killing are the productof increased social differentiation, a condition alsoassociated with events of genocide.Genocide and Social DifferentiationTo define genocide as the destruction of religious,ethnic, racial, or national groups is to presuppose asocial organism sufficiently differentiated to includeone or more of the above groups. While the historyof social differentiation spans thousands of years, thenotion that social life is subject to ever more pro-nounced differentiation primarily arose in the nineteenthcentury. To the extent that agricultural societies didperceive themselves to be differentiated, differentiationwas seen as rather static. However, once the agriculturalmode of production — based on local self-sufficiency— was penetrated by exchange and market relationstransforming local into ever wider universal socialinteractions and dependencies, the stage was set forsocial differentiation to accelerate at a hitherto unknownspeed and to reach an unforeseeable complexity.Vertical and Horizontal SegmentationThe phenomenally increased — and still increasing— vertical and horizontal segmentation of societywas particularly noticeable in the ninteenth century andnumerous scholars of the period articulated it irrespectiveof their political persuasion. Vertical segmentationis characterized by hierarchies of status, class, power,and authority, whereas horizontal segmentation consistsof the social and industrial division of labor. Suddenly,nation states appeared as major political power centerswith administrative units that increasingly subsumeddiverse ethnic, religious, and racial groups and incorporatedpreviously independent administrative units underits rule. Bureaucracy and market systems were greatlyexpanded and elaborated to serve as primary meansof co-ordination. As they operated to hold togetherwhat differentiation threatened to break apart, theythemselves accelerated social differentiation.Rei ficationThe division of labor in a general societal and anarrower economic sense — linking the most variedhuman groups, social classes, political units, andcontinents often in antagonistic fashion — grew into anever more elaborate, impenetrable web, one increasinglydifficult to comprehend. Social organization, socialinteraction, production, and distribution have taken onlives of their own, have become reified. Human beingscould no longer regulate, control, shape, and reshapethese forces but rather were dominated by them. Whileindividuals increasingly lost control and comprehensionof the mechanisms and the world they created, the everincreasing division of labor — coerced by marketforces — brought forth ever more powerful and efficientmeans of production and destruction, ever moreanonymous, distant, and powerful centers of administration,decision making, and conflict management; forevery increase in social differentiation in the divisionof labor is social change implying a conflict laden realignmentof interest and power relations.We need not be concerned here with the unproductivestrophicc academic dispute whether social life is at allpossible without reification or whether there could bea world in which human agency never producesunintended consequences. What demands our fullattention, however, is the observation — and the insight— that reification has assumed intolerable, cataproportions.Many developments, but particularlythe life-destroying processes of which genocideis just one of the more important examples, make thisevident.Those who coined the terms "alienation" and"estrangement" were not inspired by the quest for axivGENOCIDE

world without any reification and unexpected consequencesto human action. Rather, they had the visionof a world in which — although human action mayproduce unexpected consequences — humanity could freeitself from the fateful position of the sorcerer's apprentice,and would be capable of intervening, of correctingmistakes and of avoiding socially induced suffering andcatastrophes. They rejected a world in which humanityis the plaything of processes run amuck, the victim offorces and power relations that annihilate. They knewthat human history is for the most part characterizedby the very absence of massive life destruction and theknowledge that humanity is capable of consciouslyshaping its history, of controlling the means andrelations of production and destruction.ModernityGenocide is only one of many manifestations toshow that a social formation and the associated socialrelations have gone berserk. So has modernity, worldsociety with a differentiation so excessive as to prohibita sufficient understanding of its web and processes,highly coercive to both individuals and groups and,thus, all too often defying intervention. If genocide ischaracterized by uncontrolled state power, so ismodernity; if it is made possible because of segmentedindividuals who do their jobs as part of a coercivedivision of labor and who no longer see where and howthey are connected to the social whole, so is modernity;if it requires technical and administrative thoroughnessand efficiency, so does modernity; if it is massivelydestructive to life, so is modernity; if it is directedagainst certain national, religious, ethnic, or racialgroups, modernity has brought them forth, has forciblytaken them into its confinement — and often pitted oneagainst the other in the course of social differentiation.Seen against the background of modernity, ofmodern processes and forces of production and destruction,events of genocide may no longer be construedas unique occurrences only. Because they also manifesta pattern deeply embedded in modernity, we mustconceptualize them as integral parts of modernity.Granted, we are horrified by them and are still unableto comprehend the genocidal events in the twentiethcentury, particularly the Holocaust. Why are we notequally dazzled by the even larger potential of destructionalready in place? Why not by the military machineryready to administer the looming nuclear omnicide?Why not at the millions who anonymously perish ofhunger right before our eyes due to our universallyanonymous market forces and power relations? Canall this be comprehended at all? Can modernity becomprehended? Should we not be dazzled by modernity,instead of by some selective phenomena producedby it? Should we not go to the root cause both in ourcognition and action, in praxis? By seeing genocideembedded in modernity, we do not mean to take apurely determinisitic point of view. Even with modernityas a given, genocide only occurs under specificcircumstances. History, place, ideology remain important.The historicity of particular genocides remainsimportant. However, modernity is still a necessary, ifnot a sufficient, condition for genocide to occur.Furthermore, by placing the emphasis on anonymouslife destruction processes in modernity, we also implyan expansion of the United Nations convention ofgenocide — that no explicit human agency may berequired. For instance, the structural violence exercisedby market forces determining production and distributionalone is generally known to kill millions and couldalso assume genocidal qualities.Clearly, from our perspective, genocide is a part,and must be studied in the context, of modernity. Asa phenomenon, it is but one element among, or a subsetof, other life annihilation processes. Processes killingmillions by starvation may also be genocidally directedat specific national, ethnic, racial, or religious groups.In imperialism's thrust for ever greater market penetrationand brutal conquest of other at least minimallyexchange-oriented and differentiated societies, it causesmany groups to suffer ethnocide while it exposes othersto genocide. In war's massive destruction of lives, somenational, ethnic, racial, or religious groups may suffertotal or near total extinction. Omnicide alone wouldblur all differentiation in modernity's human-induceddestruction of life.The Study of GenocideWhat is it, then, that specifically characterizes thestudy of genocide? First, it is the acquisition of knowledgenot for its own sake but to prevent modernity'stremendous destruction of life. Second, it is the effortto improve our understanding of all life-annihilationprocesses inherent in modernity. Third, it is the effortto learn more about the circumstances under whichmodernity's life destruction processes tend to focus onspecific groups in events known to us as genocide. Forinstance, what are the circumstances under which warsor life-annhilating economic or political conflictsgenocidally turn against ethnic, racial, religious, ornational groups, or when do conflicts involving suchgroups tend to escalate into genocides? Fourth, it isthe effort to develop means to prevent genocide. Suchmeans must simultaneously be developed on two levels.On the structural level, means and strategies must befound for the increased social control over spheres thathave become reified and taken on lives of their own.On another level, intervention techniques must beIntroductionxv

developedgenocide.The Present Volumefor situations that threaten to escalate intoWhile they touch on many of the issues discussedabove, the contributors to this volume elaborate onthem and cover additional terrain. The typology andhistory of mass killing and genocide in themselves areunable to convey the emotional hurt and suffering thatvictims must have endured. The perspective of survivorsalone can convey to us, aside from other insightsthey can give based on their direct observations, whatthis horrible experience has meant for them and howthey were psychologically and physiologically affectedduring and after the event. Bolkosky confronts us withone Holocaust survivor's account and supplements itwith the relevant historical background. The immediacyof the survivor's account gives us some entry into theemotional and psychological realm of survivorship andhelps us to experience it in ways that objective historicalscholarship cannot.The work of Markusen, Legters, and Palmerfocuses on phenomena that are not classically definedas genocide but, since they show many points ofintersection, are highly important to the study ofgenocide. Thus Palmer explores numerous policiestowards ethnic minorities worldwide and shows theirovert and covert ethnocidal dimensions, while, in theUkrainian case chosen by Legters, the issue is one ofdemarkation. Should the Ukrainian famine be viewedas a case involving an economic catastrophe, as apolitical conflict, as ethnocide, as mass killing, or asgenocide? How were these dimensions connected orcould they have been? Linkages are also the theme ofMarkusen's investigation, which looks at the possibleconnections between modern war and genocide,particularly as it concerns the nature of modern warand its social, psychological, and organizational foundationsin modernity. Aspects of the latter are also usedby Dobkowski and by Rosenberg and Silverman in theiranalyses of the Holocaust. Dobkowski views theHolocaust as the paradigmatic genocide. It introducedan unprecedented technological mass killing. It representsa kind of ultimate confrontation with death,faceless and unmediated. Rosenberg and Silvermanfurther demonstrate the criteria under which theHolocaust can be viewed as a unique event.Adalian describes in detail the methods by whichthe Turkish genocide against the Armenians has beencovered up, excused, and denied. Simultaneously, weobtain a good account of the event itself, includingsome of its causes and consequences. Finally, themanner and dynamic in which the Armenian genocidehas been articulated, relativized, and denied can servein the development of intervention strategies and earlywarning systems such as those that Charny proposesin his essay.XViGENOCIDE

CIIAPTER IETHNOCIDEby Alison PalmerThe distinction between ethnocide and genocide,which is clear in principle, is often unclear andimprecise in practice. A successful ethnocide canleave a broken-spirited people who haverelinquished the will to live. An imperial culturecan use a variety of means to destroy atechnologically inferior one. It can destroy asubject culture's ecology, its traditional economy,its forms of political and social organization, andits religion. Techniques of destruction rangefrom a seemingly mild belittlement of the subjectculture's values to overt oppression. Perhaps themost brutal methods used are transmigration ofdominant peoples into the subject culture'sgeographic domain and the abduction of thesubject culture's infants and children from thatdomain.Ethnocide occurs when the culture of a people isdestroyed, and the continued existence of the groupas a distinct ethnic identity is thereby threatened. Thephysical destruction of the people is not necessary, butit often occurs simultaneously. Ethnocide has beenparticularly virulent against indigenous minorities underprocesses of colonial expansion, state developmentprograms, and nation-state building. Despite being aworldwide phenomenon, it has only recently beenacknowledged by academics and international agencies.Ethnocide is rarely successful, however, and culturalresurgence of the oppressed group is a commonconsequence.Ethnocide and Genocide ContrastedIn its most simple form, the term ethnocide refersto the destruction of a culture. It is conceptually distinctfrom genocide, which is the intention to physicallydestroy a people, and while both are often pursuedsimultaneously, ethnocide, unlike genocide, can beachieved without the death of the people concerned.In a great many cases, however, the distinction betweenthe two is less clear, and successful ethnocide can leavea broken-spirited people who have relinquished the willto live.Although the practice of ethnocide is historicallyand geographically widespread, the term itself is notwidely used. There are a number of reasons for this.One reason has been the tradition among anthropologistsand ethnographers of academic objectivity whilethey study the changes that traditional cultures haveEthnocideI

undergone due to contact with state policies or withmodern and different cultures. The subject of theirstudy has often been ethnocide, yet, because they haveassumed the stance of impartial observer, they havebeen unwilling to speak out and condemn the destructionthey have witnessed. A number of less emotiveconcepts have been used in place of ethnocide, suchas acculturation — the modification of a culture as itcomes into contact with a dominant culture; deculturationand detribalization — thebreakdown of tribal socialcohesion, and increasing participation of the individualswithin a wider society; and assimilation — the absorptionof a people into a dominant culture while requiring thattheir specific cultural distinctivenessbe left behind. Theconcepts themselves deny the negative and destructiveprocesses involved in such change.Academics have also had recourse to theorieswhich stress the natural progression of all societies asthey develop, modernize, and industrialize. Thesetheories assume that outmoded cultures are "primitive, ""backward" "and "underdeveloped, in which the peopleare denied admirable human qualities and are oftenlikened to animal-like states. The solution for theseanachronistic cultures is understood to be the inclusionof the people into the modernizing culture of the stateand its forms of organization: the destruction of premoderncultures has been considered inevitable. 'Ethnocide and DevelopmentA second reason why the concept is not widelyused is that ethnocide is usually pursued, or is covertlycondoned, by a state under wider policies of development,modernization, or nation building. It is not inthe interests of the developers or of the state for theiractions to be labelled as ethnocidal. Measures takento prevent this include outright denial of the consequencesof their actions, preventing knowledge of theiractivities from leaking out to a critical public byprohibiting entry to the region, making special provisionsfor the people in question which look good onpaper but not in practice, and cloaking their activitiesunder more acceptable terms such as assimilation intothe national culture.Organizations to Protect Indigenous PeoplesAnother reason for the new emphasis on ethnocidalsituations has been the growth of international organizationssuch as Survival International, Cultural Survival,and the International Work Group on IndigenousAffairs, which campaign to raise public awareness ofthe plight faced by many indigenous peoples, and tosupport their struggles for cultural and physical survival.A number of recently published internationalsymposiums and declarations by concerned academicsand specialists have added voice to the internationalcondemnation of ethnocidal projects. Examples of theseare the Declaration of Barbados, 1971, and theUNESCO Conference on Ethnic Development andEthnocide, San Jose, 1981.Although there is growing public awareness ofethnocides being carried out against indigenous people,it is important to remember that it also occurs inmodern states against minority cultures, such as againstthe Ukrainians in the USSR, the Hungarians in Rumania,and the Kurds in Turkey and Iraq.Forms of EthnocideThe destruction of cultural identity can refer tothe destruction of artistic artifacts, intellectuals, artists,religious icons, and others; and in a wider sociologicalsense, it can mean the destruction of a group's socialorganization. This can take many forms. The followingare some of the most recurrent ones:a) The eco-system which forms the basis of apeople's social and economic system is destroyed. Forexample, the construction of the Kautokeino dam inthe Norwegian tundra destroyed the fragile reindeerpastoralism upon which Saami culture is based andresulted in a considerable loss of 'Saami identity.Another form, deforestation, has occurred in Sarawak,and has changed the indigenous peoples' swiddenfarming, causing the disintegration of their societies. 'b) People are forced into new forms of economicorganization which, though they commonly fail, dividesocieties, establish different bases of prestige andauthority, and incur starvation, debt, and exploitation.One of the two most common reasons for economicreorganization is to permanently settle a populationwhose traditional economy rotates seasonally over alarge area. Permanent settlements increase the abilityto control a population, to minimize resistance organizations,and to enable large areas of land to be takenfor development projects. The second reason is toincludepreviouslyexcluded people within the dominanteconomy, so that they may be used as a cheap formof labor. For example, in the late nineteenth and earlytwentieth centuries, Australian Aborigines wereincluded in white society as cattle-station hands andas domestic servants.c) Traditional forms of authority and politicalorganization are purposefully destroyed or undermined.This is often linked to economic reorganization, suchas in the Amazon region of Peru where the cohesionof Indian communities has been fragmented as individu-2 GENOCIDE

als are tempted away by the promise of a piece of landwhich they can own themselves. 4 Also, individuals withknowledge or wealth connected to the "new" economycan assume greater prestige and power than the traditionalpolitical figures, as happened in the traditionalpolitico-religious hierarchies of the Aguacatan Indiansof Guatemala. ' The authority of religious leaders iscommonly targeted, as in Guatemala where 'shamansare being annihilated by hired killers.d) Projects are established to include a people withinthe state's homogenizing cultural identity while theirculture is excluded. Two means of achieving this arecommonly pursued. In states where a minority cultureis more or less integrated, their culture is deniedexpression as state education instructs students in thestate's official language and the suppressed culture iswritten out of history. Mother-tongue publications andeven traditional naming of children may also beforbidden. An example is the "Rumanianization"policies against the Hungarian minority in Rumaniafrom 1948. ' The other form is the "civilization" ofindigenous peoples deemed by the state to be "primitive"and "backwards. " This includes forsaking oraltraditions and often their own language in favor oflearning to read and write; donning western-styleclothes; adopting western-style codes of morality;adopting a different work ethic; and replacing traditionalreligious and belief systems for the state religion.e) The most active religious ethnocidal programs inrecent history have been policies of Christianization.These were forcefully pursued in European colonizationfrom the fifteenth century when the Spanish Conquistadorslanded at Santo Domingo in 1492; they continuetoday, particularly in South America. The relationshipbetween the religious missions and the state is notfixed; it is variable, subject to the extent to which theirobjectives are compatible. For example, the Councilof the Catholic missions in the Brazilian Amazonacondemned a state policy launched in the 1970s toremove the protected status of certain Indian groupsand organized successful protest against the government.' The Protestant Summer Institute of Linguistics,on the other hand, receives state support as it operatesas mediator between the indigenous people and statedevelopment projects in a large number of ' states. Innineteenth century Australia, state funding for missionaryprojects was gradually decreased due to the missions'failure to produce sufficient numbers of transformedAborigines.f) Working closely with the methods outlined in theabove two forms is the denial of a culture's distinctidentity or reality by the dominant culture. In Venezue-la, for example, the "Indian problem" has been"solved" by the official declaration that there are noIndians, but all are Venezuelans. Similarly in Ecuador,the separate identity of the Quicha Indians is negatedas they are officially categorized in the general mestizoethnic group." A different form of denial is themanufacture of cultural stereotypes that become thedominant language by which a people is known. Forexample, degrading and simplistic stereotypes of NorthAmerican Native Peoples form the basis of whiteknowledge of these separate cultures, denying theirreality and history and exerting considerable influenceon policy making in Indian affairs."g) Transmigration is another means by whichethnocide might be achieved. This refers to statepolicies which transfer large numbers of people fromthe dominant culture into a region where the minorityculture that already inhabits the area is demographicallyoverwhelmed. The minority culture then becomes aminority in its own land. This has occurred in Tibetwhere hundreds of thousands of Chinese have beenrelocated throughout the Tibetan provinces, on shorttermbut financially rewarding employment contracts."It is also the policy of Indonesia, where Javanesepeasants have been transferred to Irian Jaya andBalinese farmers to East Timor. " Transmigration isusually accompanied by some of the other measuresalready discussed to forcibly repress the minorityculture.h) In some situations children of the minority culturehave been systematically abducted to be brought upwithin the dominant culture. The premise of abductionis that the younger the children are, the less they willhave been exposed to the culture of their parents andthe easier it will be for them to forget it and to learna new culture. Consequently, even babies are taken.In this way, it is hoped that the removal of futuregenerations will prevent the continued survival of theminority culture as a distinct group. This was awidespread state policy in Australia during the first halfof this century when children, particularly those withsome degree of white ancestry, were kidnapped andplaced in Christian missions or in white homes to beraised as servants. Such was the fear of forcibleseparation from their children that many parents deniedto themselves their own and their children's Aboriginal-ity." In Tibet, thousands of children have been forciblysent to China for secondary education, which is taughtin Chinese. For the children, this means seven yearsof forced exile and isolation from their own culture."Ethnocide 3

i) A final form of cultural destruction that might beincluded is ideological colonialism in which any culturalexpressions — using culture in both senses — whichpredate or oppose the particular state ideology arepurged. The most obvious of these have occurred incommunist regimes, such as in Tibet, where theBuddhist religion, its buildings, books, statues, monks,and nuns were systematically victimized and destroyedby the Chinese communists as expressions of anti-Chinese Tibetan nationalism, and where the traditionaleconomic organization was forcibly reorganized andredistributed. Within China itself, in Peking, precommunistbuildings, statues, and other "symbols ofOld China" were destroyed so that a new "symbol ofsocialist China" might be constructed." In Cambodiaalso, the era of the communist Khmer Rouge, 1975-1979, systematically destroyed all elements of modern,pre-communist 1 ifestyles, such as middle classes, healthpersonnel, urban dwellers, techniques and implementsof modern technology, and forms of social organizationbased upon the family group." In some of these casesit might be plausible to apply the term "autoethnocide"(ie. , ethnocide against one's own people in a similarsense to how) "autogenocide" is used by the UnitedNations in reference to Cambodia.The "other side" of these ethnocidal measures isoften the establishment of special reserves or campsfor the displaced people. This is a widely practicedpolicy and may, under certain conditions, act as aprelude to genocide (see below). The transference ofpeople to reserves can be both voluntary, as with thehill tribes of Thailand, where the state administrationencourages Hmong settlement in the lowland campsbut does not force it"; or forcible, such as in Paraguay,where the Ache Indians are hunted and often killed andthe remnant rounded up and forced into camps, whichare usually isolated and guarded. For the Ache thereis no hope of escape. Conditions are unsanitary andthere is very little medical aid or food; violerice, sexualabuse, starvation, and death are common place and theliving are reduced to states of abject despondency withlittle will or strength to survive."The Question of IntentThe crime of ethnocide has not been establishedin international law in the same way that genocide wasestablished by the 1946 United Nations Convention.The question of the intentions of those causing ethnocideremains a crucial issue however, since Article II(e)of the United Nations Convention —"Forcibly transferringchildren of the group to another group" — includesa specific form of ethnocide within its area of jurisdiction.In at least this form, then, establishing theintentions behind the transfer of children can determinewhether or not the action can be punished by internationallaw. This may set a precedent for other formsof ethnocide to become embodied in international lawas criminal activities. The establishment of ethnocideas an international crime is the second reason why"intent" is important: the consolidation of a solid bodyof documentation which clearly demonstrates theintentional destruction of distinct cultural groups willadd weight to this demand. At present ethnocidalactivities are roughly included in a range of internationalcovenants such as the International Covenant onEconomic, Social and Cultural Rights (1976) but thesecan lack specificity and are not necessarily legallybinding. ~While many cases of ethnocide have clearly beenintended to destroy the distinct cultural identity of aspecific group of people, others are less clear. Therapid expansion of state development projects might,at times, not intend to bring cultural destruction sinceplanning commonly alludes to vast tracts of emptywilderness. The use of this myth is not satisfactory,however; sufficient data clearly document the necessarysmall population-to-area ratio that is necessary for manyindigenous cultures to survive in a fragile ecosystem.By resorting to the "empty wilderness" myth, policydecisionmakers consciously override the existence ofthose inhabiting the land, and ignore the destructiveeffects of their policies; they also impose a particularset of laws on land ownership that are clearly notrecognized by the indigenous people, whose owntraditional laws are negated.Another example is the intentions of many missionarieswhich in some cases have been not so muchdestructive as salvational, hoping to raise "Satanworshipers"to a higher spiritual and civilized level ofhumanity. The establishment of reserves, supposedlyto protect the physical and cultural survival of a people,is another difficult area in which to gauge intentions.The reality of the reserves can serve to expose theirdestructive consequences, as Richard Arens forcefullydemonstrated in his tour of four reservations at therequest of the Paraguayan state." Despite all of this,policymakers might continue to declare that theirintentions were honorable.A further reason why the intentions behind anypolicy are considered is that change is endemic to allsocieties. It is important to establish where change hasbeen generic, coming from within the society itself;where it has been forcibly imposed from outside of thecommunity; and where people have welcomed changebrought about by contact with outside cultures as ameans to rid themselves of outmoded or unwantedinternal forms of organization — a form of chosenadaptation. Only the second type of change can beconsidered ethnocidal.4 GENOCIDE

Interactionsof Ethnocide and GenocideWhile the definitions of genocide and ethnocidemay be relatively distinct, in practice they oftenconfusingly interact. It is helpful to distinguish the mainforms that this interaction might take.a) Ethnocide might be a more viable alternative togenocide. If the objective of policy is to remove apeople whose continued traditional lifestyle is consideredto be an obstacle to some larger aim, such as adevelopment project, a number of solutions are possible(e. g. , ethnocide, genocide, or expulsion). Due toinsufficient analyses of cases, it is not yet possible toclearly establish which conditions are necessary for thepursuit of these different options. One factor whichmight be influential in the choice of ethnocide ratherthan genocide is the extent to which internationalspotlights are focused upon the situation. Internationalpressure does not necessarily result in a change ofpolicy, yet it may be sufficient in some cases toencourage a change from overt genocidal policies tomore covert ethnocidal ones under the protective guiseof "assimilation" or "reservations. "A second possible factor is that, once the "obstacle"has been removed through physical destruction,ethnocidal policies might be continued against thesurvivors for whom no "use" can be found to ensuretheir continued powerlessness and dissolution. This mayhave been the case in Queensland, Australia, duringthe late nineteenth century where isolated reserves wereestablished for the dispirited and abused Aborigineswho had survived the violent onslaught of frontierexpansion. From these survivors, whose traditionallifestyles and communities had been destroyed, thosewho were not integrated into the dominant whiteeconomy were randomly and forcibly transferred tothe reserves where it was assumed they would naturallydie out as a race. ~ The example highlights a thirdpossible factor — the extent to which the population ofan unwanted culture can be incorporated, albeit oftenforcibly, into the dominant economy.b) Ethnocide might act as a prelude to genocide.Certainly genocidal Nazi policies were augmented atthe Wannsee Conference in 1942. Prior to this, Jews,Gypsies, and other targeted groups were subjected toethnocidal practices. During Kristallnacht, synagogueswere set ablaze the length of Germany. Families andcommunities were tom apart and deprived of theirmeans of livelihood as they were redistributed throughoutEurope or confined in isolated ghettoes. ~ In earlycolonial Australia, assimilationist policies towards theAborigines were initially encouraged, yet their continuedfailure fueled impatience and encouraged frontiers-men to use violence as a means to end the Aborigineobstacle.c) Ethnocide and genocide might be pursued simultaneously.This is perhaps the most common form ofinteraction for several reasons. First, little discriminationmay be made in the means of removing the"obstacle" culture and both are seen as effective andcomplementary measures. In some cases, certainsegments of a population might be spared from genocideif they are thought to be useful and are subject toethnocidal policies. For example, far greater numbersof women and young girls found on the Ache reservationsin Paraguay have been attributed to their use assexual chattels for camp guards. ~ Second, ethnocidalpolicies commonly result in genocide — they are a meansof achieving the physical destruction of a people. Thedestruction of the ecosystem on which a society dependsoften leads to starvation, as do failed attempts to forceeconomic reorganization upon a people with insufficientresources. People removed to reservations face deathfrom starvation, lack of sanitation or medical support,and violence; having survived total disruption of theirlives and grief from physical separation from lovedones, they also commonly lose the will to live and seedeath as a welcome release. ~EthnogenesisIn spite of the widespread enactment of ethnocidethroughout the globe, a number of peoples facingcultural destruction have reasserted their distinctidentities and successfully struggled against thepolicieswhich oppress them. This counter resurgence is awidespread phenomenon which has gained momentumfrom international voluntary and statutory agencies,such as the International Work Group on IndigenousAffairs and Cultural Survival; from the church in anumber of cases such as the Jesuit church in Paraguay~";and from the establishment of pan-identitiesto fight a common struggle, such as the Pan-AndeanIndians." Significantly, younger people who havedirectly experienced assimilationist policies are rejectingthe values and lifestyles of the dominant cultures, andare fighting for a future in the traditional culture oftheir people." ~Given the extent to which ethnogenesis occurs,it seems sensible to conclude that, while ethnocidalpolicies are relatively easy to pursue, it is less easy forthem to succeed. The apparent optimism that thissuggests has a considerable negative side; ethnocideis a less successful means than genocide to achieve theobjective of removing a distinct cultural identity.Ethnocide 5

NOTES 14. Sally Morgan, My Place (London: Verago, 1987).1. Elias Seville-Casas, ed. , Western Expansion andIndigenous Peoples (The Hague: Mouton, 1977), 33-36.2. Robert Paine, Dam a River, Damn a People?(Copenhagen: International Work Group on IndigenousAffairs, 1982), 94.3. Evelyne Hong, Natives of Sarawak: Survival inBorneo 's Vanishing Forests (Malaysia: Institute Masyar-tionnakat, 1987).4. Richard Chase Smith, The Dialectics of DominainPeru (Cambridge, MA: Cultural Survival, Inc. ,1982), 83.5. Douglas E. Brintall, Revolt Against the Dead (NewYork and London: Gordon and Breach, 1979).6. Norman Lewis, ?heMissionaries (London: ArrowBooks, 1988), 59.7. Witness to Cultural Genocide. First-HandReponson Rumania's Minority Policies Today (New York:American Transylvania Federation, Inc. and theCommittee for Human Rights in Rumania, n. d. ).8. Sue Branford and Oriel Glock, The Last Frontier;Fighting Over Land in the Amazon (London: ZedBooks, 1985).9. Soren Hvalkof and Peter Aaby, eds. , Is God anAmerican? (Copenhagen: International Work Groupon Indigenous Affairs and Survival International, 1981).10. Norman E. Whitten, Jr. , Sacha Runa: Ethnicityand Adaptation of Ecuadori an Jungle Qui cha (Urbana,Chicago, and London: University of Illinois Press,1978).11. Raymond William Stedman, Shadows of the Indian(Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1982).12. Vanja Kewley, ?lbet, Behind the Ice Curtain(London: Grafton Books, 1990).13. Carmel Budiardjo and Liem Soei Liong, The WarAgainst East Timor (London: Zed Books, 1984). AlsoCarmel Budiardjo and Liem Soei Liong, West Papua:The Obliteration of a People (Thornton Heath, England:Tapol, n. d).15. Tibet Support Group, UK Fact Sheet (February1989).16. Tiziano Terzani, Behind the Forbidden Door(London and Sydney: Unwin, 1987), 25, 57.17. David Albin and Marlowe Hood, The CambodianAgony, (Armonk, New York, and London: M. E.Sharpe, 1987).18. Nicholas Tapp, The Hmong of Thailand (London:Anti-Slavery Society, 1986).19. Mark Munzel, The Ache Indians: Genocide inParaguay (Copenhagen: International Work Group onIndigenous Affairs, 1973).20. Julian Burger, Report porn the Frontier (Londonand Cambridge, MA: Zed Books and Cultural Survival,1987), 262-283.21. Richard Arens, The Forestlndiansin Stroessner'sParaguay: Survival or Extinction (London: SurvivalInternational, 1978).22. Jan Roberts, Massacres to Mining (Victoria,Australia: Dove Communications, 1981).23. Martin Gilbert, The Macmillan Atlas of theHolocaust (New York: Macmillan, 1982).24. Munzel.25. Richard Arens, ed. , Genocide in Paraguay(Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1976).26. Munzel.27. Branford and Glock.28. Whitten.29. Robert Davis and Mark Zannis, The GenocideMachine in Canada (Montreal: Black Rose Books,1973).30. Susana B. C. Devalle, Multi-Ethnicity in India: ?heAdi vasi Peasants of Chota Nagpur and Santal Parganas(Copenhagen: International Work Groupon IndigenousAffairs, 1980).6 GENOCIDE

Chapter 1: AnnotatedBibliographyReaders are advised to consult the many publicationsof international agencies such as the InternationalWork Group on Indigenous Affairs, Survival International,Cultural Survival, the Minority Rights Group,and the Anti-Slavery Society. The following representa small selection from a vast wealth of literature oncultural destruction.~ 1. 1 ~Ablin, David, and Marlowe Hood, eds. 7he CambodianAgony. Armonk, NY, and London: M. E. Sharpe, Inc. ,1987. ISBN 0-87332-421-8.The Ablin and Hood collection of papers emanatingfrom the Conference on "Kampuchea in the1980's, " held at Princeton University in 1982, considersthe legacy Cambodia inherited from almost a decadeof war and violence. Of particular interest are thechapters by May Ebihara, which includes analysis ofthe destruction of key basic social institutions —'thefamily, village, and wat' (p. 23) —by the Khmer Rouge,their replacement by rural communities, and the resultthis had upon individual status; and David R. Hawk,which considers the violations of international humanrights in Democratic Kampuchea, 1975-1979, and thephysical and cultural destruction waged against minorityethnic groups and religious practices, particularlyBuddhism.*1. 2 ~Ahmad, Eqbal. "The Public Relations of Ethnocide. "Journal of Palestine Studies 12:3 (1983): 31-40.Israel established the Kahan Commission ofInquiry to investigate the massacres of Shatila andSabra camps for Palestinian refugees in West Beirutin 1982. Ahmad assesses the commission's recommendations.He emphasizes two elements: 1) the commissionrepresents a historical pattern in which key figuresare absolved of direct responsibility by a judicial systemthat is ideologically bound to its political counterpart;and 2) this pattern is enthusiastically endorsed byrepresentatives of Western public opinion. Ahmadargues that "this pattern does not merely hold; rather,it is now extended to cover up a policy of ethnocide";he outlines connections between mass violence andextermination, dispersal and expulsion, and ethnocidein Israeli policies as attempts to "solve" the "Palestinianproblem" in the occupied territories.4134"Ocean Mining and Cultural Genocide in Guam. "Journal of Contemporary Asia 9:1 (1979) 107-116.Institutionalized racism in United States-controlledGuam has led to the cultural oppression of the indigenousChamorro people. The article specifically refersto the Pacific Daily News (PDN), Guam's singlenewspaper, and its links via corporate finance to UnitedStates proposals to exploit the mineral wealth in theoceans of Micronesia. Reference is also made toethnocide and genocide in Guam since the onset ofcolonialism in 1521. The conclusion is optimistic:Chamorro nationalists successfully forced the PDN toreverse its English-only language policy in the 1970s.0144Arens, Richard. 7he Forest Indians in Stroessner'sParaguay: Survival or Extinction? SI Document Seriesno. 4. London: Survival International, 1978.A short supplement to Arens' 1976 publication,this document tells of the author's own visit to Indianreservations at the invitation of the Paraguayan state.The Minister of Defence is cited as stating officialpolicy to be the integration of the Indians, understoodby the author to mean instant "sedentar ization, " causingsuffering and death. Four camps are visited, three ofwhich compound the processes of deculturation outlinedin Genocide in Paraguay, and which reveal the consequencesof ethnocide —"abject depression" and "psychicdeath" (p. 3). The fourth reserve, which did not pursuea policy of enforced sedentarization, was found to bedevoid of these symptoms. A short section is includedon a subsequent conference at the Ministry of Defencewhich shows the official response to be denunciationof allegation of genocide and slavery. The reportconcludes that ethnocide and genocide against theIndians is the "final solution" to those obstacles to thestate's plan of deforestation.5Arens, Richard, ed. Genocide in Paraguay. Philadelphia:Temple University Press, 1976. LC 76-5726.ISBN 0-87722-088-3.Arens has assembled and edited a disturbing andimportant collection of papers by leading experts onthe genocidal and ethnocidal oppression of the AcheIndians by the Paraguayan state. Aches held captiveon the government reservation were denied theirtraditional music and religion, adequate food, andmedical services; their language was discouraged; andmany were forced into slavery, particularly young girlswho were used for sex.Arens' introduction discusses the role of theinternational press and the American media; the federalgovernment in particular is condemned for failing topublicize either the Ache's plight or American involve-Ethnoci de 7

ment. Paraguayan officials have persistently deniedallegations of atrocities.The paper by Norman Lewis draws attention tothe destructive missionary endeavors which receivedstate endorsement. Chaim F. Shatan discusses thedestruction of the Ache from a psychological perspec-tive and refers to his previous analysis of Vietnamveterans. He also suggests the "rehumanization" of theAche. Monroe C. Beardsley includes ethnocide withinthe United Nations' definitions of genocide while alsorecognizing it a crime in itself, often as a prelude togenocide. The obverse of ethnocide — the right toparticipate in one's own culture — is considered as abasic human right.Barabas, Alicia, and Miguel Bartolomd. HydraulicDevelopment and Ethnocide: The Mazatec and ChinantecPeople of Oaxaca, Mexico. IWGIA Documentno. 15. Copenhagen: International Work Group onIndigenous Affairs, 1973.The authors have written a coherent examinationof the policies by the Mexican federal government andregional development agencies to incorporate twoindigenous ethnic groups into "the national ist capital ist"system of production and consumption. They arguethat this is achieved through "the elimination of theireconomic semi-independence and cultural identity. "(p. 2). The construction of hydraulic dams in 1949 andin the 1970s demanded the resettlement of Indians intozones of ethnic heterogeneity and changed economies.Discrimination and intentional social disorganizationensued. Nationalist policy denied the Indiantraditional heritage of cultural pluralism so that "thepol icy of theindigenistas as carried out by the NationalIndigenistaInstitute(was). .. explicitlydirectedtowardsthe destruction of indigenous cultures and the integrationof ethnic minorities into the lowest and mostexploited stratum of the national structure. " (p. 18) Briefmention is made of an emergent messianic movementwhich has united the Chinantec and strengthened theirtraditional cultural affinity in the face of oppression.~ 1. 7+Berglund, Staffan. The National Integration ofMapuche. Stockholm: Almqvist and Wiksell International,1977. ISBN 91-22-00130-1.Berglund questions the implementation of nationalintegrationistpolicies in Chile and the subsequent abuseof human rights between 1970 and 1973. His study isbased on comparative field work among MapucheIndians and rural laborers and smallholders, and largercollective agricultural units which have undergonerelatively successful organizational and economicreform. It is not confined to cultural considerations andincludes economic and socio-political spheres. Part Iexamines these spheres within contemporary Mapuchesociety and includes quantitative data. Chapters 9 and10 trace the history of Chilean integrationist policiesfrom 1813 and land reform legislation from the 1960s.Part II concentrates upon national integration, definedas "a process in which reallocation of resources andpower in favor of the majority is the main issue. "(p. 39) Given this, the question of maintaining Mapucheanidentity is inextricably linked to the question ofland use and their relation with other land users.Berglund concludes that only class solidarity with otherexploited, non-Mapuchean sectors can achieve theircontinued cultural existence and socio-political rights.~ 1. 8 ~Bodley, John H. , ed. Tribal People and DevelopmentIssues. Mountain View, CA: Mayfield PublishingCompany, 1988. ISBN 0-87484-786-9.Bodley includes in this edited collection casestudies and policy documents and assessments from themid-nineteenth century onwards. The purpose of thevolume is to understand the assumptions policy decisionmakers have made towards tribal groups. The centralquestion it addresses is why development policyaffecting indigenous peoples has such scant regard fortheir basic human rights and survival. The collectionis intended to extend the main themes outlined inBodley's 1972 publication, Victims of Progress. Casestudies are taken mainly from Amazona, the Arctic,Australia, Melanesia, South East Asia, and Africa. The39 papers in the book are necessarily short and serveas appetizers for subsequent study, yet their selectionand arrangement provide a comprehensive and variedportrayal of central elements in the global history oftribal destruction and exploitation. This is a usefulintroductory book, particularly for students of developmentand human rights issues.4 194Bodley, John H. Victims of Progress. 3d ed. MountainView, CA: Mayfield Publishing Company, 1990. ISBN0-87484-945-4.In an important and useful publication, Bodleydirectly addresses the issues of ethnocide and genocideagainst indigenous peoples of the world under theethnocentric dogma of industrialized civilization. Thesuccess of his book lies in his systematic coverage ofall the major topics and angles of destruction, usinga full range of historical and more contemporary casesto clearly illustrate each point. Chapter 10, which hasbeen completely rewritten for this edition, argues thatethnocide is the result of a dominant realist philosophyamong politicians and religious and scientific leadersover a 150-year period. Realist philosophy assumed8 GENOCIDE

the inevitable extinction of tribal groups, or theirintegration into "civilized" society. The approachrecognizes that indigenous people could not surviverapidly encroaching industrialization — yet their demiseand disappearance warns us that global technological,social, and political advance needs to be balanced withhumane considerations if cultures, societies, and worldecosystems are to have a future. It is a crucial politicalquestion since ethnocide has been the outcome ofpolitical decisions devoid of human rights. The appendixesinclude a number of international declarationsand human rights programs.~ 1. 10 ~Branford Sue, and Oriel Glock. 1he Last Frontier;Fighting over Landin the Amazon. London: Zed BooksLtd. , 1985. ISBN 0-86232-395-9; 0-86232-396-7 pa.In a personalized account that is colored withnumerous detailed examples, the authors investigatedevelopment problems in the Brazilian Amazon region.They deal mainly with the struggle by peasant farmersagainst powerful landowners, but also consider thepurposes behind the state's transmigration policy, andits effect upon the indigenous landowners. Anti-Indiansentiment is found to be more overt among locallandowners and politicians. Anger is focused uponIndian land occupation and is founded upon irrationalhatred and ignorance of Indian culture. It is articulatedin demands for the seizure of Indian lands and for theirconformity to non-Indian work ethics.An attempted state project of the 1970s to emancipateIndians with sufficient contact with national societywas condemned by CIMI — the missionary council ofthe Catholic Church — as a deliberate policy of culturalextermination. It aimed to remove the protected statusof Indian land ownership and was to be followed bythe enforced division of land into family plots. Theproject was dropped in 1979 due to successful opposition.Space is also given to the activities of the strongIndian movement which operates at local and nationallevels.~ 1. 11 ~Brintnall, Douglas E. Revolt Against the Dead. NewYork, London, and Paris: Gordon and Breach, 1979.LC 79-. 1528. ISBN 0-677-05170-0.Brintnall examines the transformation of theAguacatan Indians of Guatemala, based on field workdone in the 1970s. The study reveals a complex pictureof interrelations in which deliberate exogenous destructionof traditional religious hierarchies occurs withina wider matrix of modernization, largely determinedby the Aguacatan themselves. While these religioushierarchies suffered demolition under the Christianizationpolicies of missionaries, particularly the SummerInstitute of Linguistics, their destruction also instigatedchanges within the Indian groups, such as the abolitionof traditional political structures and intergroup antagonisms,which increased the possibility for the Indiansto pursue their new, liberationist, economic directives.This was a case of cultural destruction and integrationrather than assimilation.~ 1. 12 ~Budiardjo, Carmel, and Liem Soei Liong. 1he WarAgainst East Timor. London: Zed Books Ltd. , 1984.ISBN 0-86232-228-6.The authors analyze the war that has raged in EastTimor since late 1975 against the expanding Indonesianstate. The rationale for the study was the emergenceof new information following a lull in the late 1970s,which challenged the assumption that the Timoreseresistance had been successfully squashed. The authorspurpose was to provide a "basis for renewed solidaritywith the victims of Indonesian aggression. " (p. xvii) Itutilizes a range of documentary sources from theresistance movement, overseas aid organizations, theIndonesian press, and leaked 1982 instructions toIndonesian troops on "counter-insurgency operations. "Many of these are presented in the second section ofthe book. Allegations of genocide and violence aremade and Chapter 5 is specifically concerned with theprogram of Indonesianization pursued since 17 July1976 after the adoption by the Indonesian Parliamentof the Bill of Integration. The imposition of Indonesianpolitical and social structures under military controlrendered East Timorese second class citizens, constantlysuspected of disloyalty to the Indonesian state. Similarly,the systematic, forced transition from traditionalagriculture to plantations, and the transmigration ofBalinese farmers to the region, had caused landlessness,forcible confinement in camps, famine, and increasingreliance upon relief agencies. Special attention has beenpaid to the massive construction of a standardizedIndonesian educational system devoid of Timoreseculture and history.+ 1. 13 +Budiardjo, Carmel, and Liem Soei Liong. West Papua:1he Obliteration of a People. Thornton Heath, England:Tapol, n. d. ISBN 0-9506751-1-3.A publication of Tapol, the British organizationconcerned with the dissemination of information anddefense of human rights in Indonesia, this book focuseson the military occupation of Irian Jaya, on the transmigrationpolicy to settle one million Javanese in tribalareas, and on the Papuan resistance of the OPM, theFree Papua Movement. A consequence of Javanesesettlement has been the dispossession of Papuanhomelands with the subsequent disruption of existingEthnocide 9

social structures and cultural destruction as displacedPapuans become urban fringe-dwellers, and are exposedto attempts to modernize them. The "Koteka operation"in the early 1970s against the Dani is singled out asthe "most systematic of these attempts. " A major factorin the violence of administering transmigration andmodernizing programs is that it lies in the hands of themilitary. Papuans are portrayed as both primitive anda potential threat to Indonesian territorial defenseagainst Papua New Guinea, warranting militaryintervention. Indonesian education omits all referenceto Papuans and their culture. A further consequenceof transmigration has been the upheaval of the ecologicalbalance necessary for Papuan shifting horticulture,resulting in famine.~ 1. 14 ~Burger, Julian. ReportPom the Frontier. London andCambridge, MA: Zed Books, Ltd. and CulturalSurvival Inc. , 1987. ISBN 0-86232-391-6 (Zed).In this readily accessible book, Burger exploresthe present-day situation of indigenous people underthreat from development projects, and their strugglesfor physical and cultural survival. The rapid rate ofdevelopment is based upon two myths — that the landis wild and empty, and that it promises under-usedresources that will solve state economic and politicalproblems. The author includes a large number of casesspread throughout the world. Ethnocide is identifiedas the "one overwhelming and universal menace to"indigenouspeoples, while "assimilation into industrialsociety has brought few benefits and many hardships"as they become "part of the growing mass of landlessand underemployed poor. " (p. 31) One chapter isdedicated to a discussion of governmental and internationalaction and concludes that since governments areusually involved in the violation ofhuman rights, "theypay little heed to the international instruments to whichthey are signatories. There is no guarantee, therefore,that the declaration of principles or any subsequentconvention concerning the rights of indigenous peopleswill have any meaningful impact. .. " (p. 269).~ 1. 15 ~The Chittagong Hill Tracts. Indigenous Peoples andDevelopment Series, no. 2. London: The Anti-SlaverySociety, 1984. ISBN 0-900918-19-5.In the Chittagong Hill Tracts in eastern Bangladesh,a war is being waged between the Shanti BahiniPeace Force of the indigenous hill people and Bangladeshitroops sent to the area by Dhaka to enforce statedevelopment plans. These plans to economicallyreorganize the Tracts into permanent, settled, andindividually owned farms, and to construct the KaptaiDam using large sums of foreign aid have attracted tensof thousands of Bengalis into the area. The consequencehas been the destruction of tribal traditional shiftingcultivation, dispossession of tribal lands and villages,economic exploitation, starvation, debt, violence, andthe upheaval of traditional socio-political communityorganization. The tribal view of the onslaught is "atbest, 'exploitation' but more commonly. .. ethnocideverging on genocide" (p. 7), as recurrent massacres,arrests, and tortures coincide with Muslim troopviolence aimed specifically at the tribal Buddhistreligion.+ 1. 16 +Colchester, Marcus, ed. An End to Laughter. London:Survival International, 1985. ISSN 0308-2857.The 1985 annual report from Survival Internationalpresents articles concerning the destruction wroughtupon tribal peoples by projects for economic developmentunder the ambit of nation-state building in India,Namibia, Nicaragua, and Latin America. The valueof this collection lies in its demonstration that the formof destruction is specific to each case and is determinedby a greater number of factors than are immediatelyapparent. The removal of people from their traditionallands appears as a common cause of cultural destruction— a threat faced by over two million people incentral India due to the construction of hydroelectricdams in Maharashtra and Madhya Pradesh. Alsoincluded is a brief report on the ethnocidal policies ofthe Pinochet regime in Chile as experienced by theMapuche Indians, and a collection of correspondencebetween Survival International and the World Bankwhich successfully halted a project that threatened thecultural survival of 6, 700 Indians in West CentralAmazona in Brazil.+ 1. 17 +Colletta, Nat J. "Folk Culture and Development:Cultural Genocide or Cultural Revitalization?" Conver-gence 10:2 (1977): 12-19.the orthodox perspective onColletta challengesdevelopment which views traditional cultures asantipathetic to economic advancement. A wide varietyof examples are used to demonstrate that, contrary toconventional approaches, indigenous cultural forms canbe adapted to achieve change. Development and modernstate formation, it is argued, do not necessitate thedestruction of existing cultures.~ 1. 18 ~Conquest, Robert. The Great Terror, A Reassessment.London, Sydney, Auckland, and Johannesburg:Hutchinson, 1990. ISBN 0-09-174293-5.In Chapter 10 of this work, a new edition of his1968 publication, Conquest concentrates specifically10 GENOCIDE

upon the purge of cultural and scientific representativesand institutions of previous or "counter" ideologies.The intelligentsia, universities, and publishers were alltargeted and widespread arrests, interrogations, andtorture ensued. Conquest refers to this era as "aholocaust of the things of the spirit. " (p. 307) He alsoexamines the horror of labor camps as ideological reeducationcenters for ideologically unsound peasantsand intellectuals. The author's 1968 book was widelyacknowledged to be the only authoritative historicalwork on the the Ukraine during the Stalinist era of the1930s. See also 6. 2.~ 1. 19 ~Conquest, Robert. The Harvest of Sorrow: SovietCollectivization and the Terror-Famine. London,Melbourne, Auckland, and Johannesburg: Hutchinson,1986. ISBN 0-09-163750-3. Another edition: New Yorkand Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1986. LC 86-2437. ISBN 0-19-504054-6.Conquest analyzes Stalinistpolicies in the Ukrainebetween 1929 and 1933. He identifies two distinct processes— dekulakization and collectivization policies from1929-1932; and imposed famine and ethnocide during1932-1933, which attacked Ukrainian culture, intelli-gentsia, and religion. Ukrainian nationalism was singledout as the problem demanding. resolution. Conquestmakes use of a wide range of evidence to substantiateclaims, including testimonies from survivors. This isa scholarly work from a highlySee also 6. 3.*1. 20 ~respected authority.Dargyay, Eva K. Tibetan Village Communities:Structure and Change. Warminster, England: Aris andPhillips Ltd. , 1982. ISBN 0-85668-151-2.Dargyay's socio-anthropological study of smallrural communities in Gyantse district is based uponinterviews with Tibetan refugees in India and Switzerlandin the 1970s. The Chinese occupation has broughtabout "the destruction of the traditional Tibetanculture, " "alienation, " and "flight. " (p. 4) Dargyay'sreconstruction of traditional village life serves as ameasure for change in the post-invasion period, whichis examined in the final chapter.~ 1. 21 +Davis, Robert, and Mark Zannis. The GenocideMachine in Canada. Montreal: Black Rose Books,1973. LC 75-306912. ISBN 0-919618-04-9.Two journalists point the finger at those involvedin perpetrating the cultural destruction of Indian andInuit peoples in Arctic Canada under the general claimof development. Theirs is a lively book which locatesthe impact of Canadian and foreign state and privateenterprises upon the native peoples, within a widerdiscussion of the United Nations Convention onGenocide. The limitation of the latter is identified andsuggestions made for a more applicable, preventativeapproach to the issue. Ethnocidal policies aimedspecifically at children forcibly transplant them to analien educational system which denies their ownculture. Recent ethnogenesis among the youth is noted.~ 1. 22 *Davis, Shelton H. Victims of the Miracle. Cambridge,London, New York, and Melbourne: CambridgeUniversity Press, 1977. LC 77-5132. ISBN 0-521-21738-5.In one of the first studies to do so, Davis drawsattention to the fate of the Amazonian Indians underBrazilian economic development. He provides studentsof development and human rights with a thoroughgrounding in Brazilian Indian policy. The impositionof national and multi-national economic programs hasdisregarded these aspects of Brazilian law, and has hadfar-reaching consequences for indigenous and nonindigenouspeoples everywhere. Davis' book is anextension to the arguments of Darcy Ribeiro on thecentral role of economic and political policy in theincreasing physical and cultural extinction on Amazoniantribes, published in 1957, 1962, and 1970.~ 1. 23 ~Devalle, Susana B. C. Multi-Ethnicity in India: TheAdivasi Peasants of Chota Nagpur and Santal Parganas.IWGIA Document no. 41. Copenhagen: InternationalWork Group on Indigenous Affairs, 1980.In a clearly presented argument, Devalle examinesthe contemporary economic and cultural oppression ofthe Adivasis population of India, particularly those inBihar state. As the original inhabitants, the tribalidentity of the Adivasis presents a problem to thecreation of an integrated Indian identity by means ofSanskritization and Westernization policies. Twocultural and one economic solutions are identified: 1)the gradual replacement of traditional culture, particularlylanguage and religion, through education — thatis, detribalization; 2) a Rousseauian "noble savage"idealism purporting to isolate and preserve tribalgroupings assumed to be stagnant; and 3), specifictribal development programs to integrate "inherentlybackwards" Adivasis into a larger, capitalist oriented,economic plan. All three seek to eliminate Adivasisculture. and identity by denying Adivasis reality andany political or economic autonomy. Consequently, thecenturies-long struggle of the Adivasis against theirexploitation has recently been strengthened as theyarticulate for their own autonomous state and seekpantribal unity in agrarian resistance to imposedErhnocide 11

capitalist development, and to defend their own culturesand identities.*1. 24 ~Dorstal, W. , ed. The Situation of the Indian in SouthAmerica. Geneva: World Council of Churches, 1972.The Symposium on Inter-Ethnic Conflict in SouthAmerica acted as a critical consultation to the WorldCouncil of Churches. All contributors to this volumeare anthropologists or ethnographers with directexperience working with South American Indians. Theyaddress not only the role of church missions in theregion but also political, industrial, and educationalspheres. Their papers are confined to Indian groupswhich are less well documented.A general introduction looks at the history ofcolonization in South America and argues that currentcultural pluralism is a structural consequence of thishistory. Within this, Indian populations are subjectedto economic exploitation under internal colonialismwhich is denied by the state's dominant sectors. Policiesof Indian acculturation towards national integrationcenter around "native problems (such as 'laziness', orbeing 'depraved' or 'inferior', which). .. are (assumedto be). . . essentially rooted in cultural differences, in thebackwardness or inadequacy of the cultural norms ofthe natives in comparison with the dominant cultureof the nation as a whole. " (pp. 25-26) This falseperception of Indian reality perpetuates the disruptionof meaningful integration. The collection ends with aninteresting assortment of information, demographicdata, critical bibliographies and the Declaration ofBarbados for the Liberation of Indians resulting fromthe symposium.This is a highly useful book which condensesmany of the main threats specific to each SouthAmerican state within a single volume. It is a collectionof paper's first presented at the Symposium on Inter-ethnic Conflict in South America in January 1971 inBarbados at the behest of the World Council of Churchesprogram to Combat Racism.~ 1. 25 ~Elder, James F. On the Road to Tribal Extinction:Depopulation, Deculturation, and Maladaptation amongthe Bartak of the Phillippines. Berkeley, Los Angeles,and London: University of California Press, 1987. LC87-1861. ISBN 0-520-06046-6.Elder's careful study of the demise of Batakidentity is based upon extensive fieldwork between 1966and 1981 on Palawan Island in the Philippine archipelago.The author's knowledge of the entire populationand his detailed collection of data, which includes twoextensive censuses set eight years apart, are invaluableto his focus upon internal changes in culture and socialorganization due to contact with migrating lowlandFilipino farmers. A useful introduction discussestheoretical models for analyzing change in indigenouscultures and ethnocide, and challenges the widely used"victims of progress" model which is overly simplisticand resorts to stereotypes. The final chapter comparesthe case study with a number of tribal societies thatsuccessfully adapted to modernization forces. It leadsto the conclusion that the Bataks' failed adaptation isdue to the loss of their specific ethnic identity throughthe erosion of their culture and their language. Thestudy focuses upon internal change rather than statepolicy.*1. 26 &Edwards, Coral, and Peter Read, eds. The Lost Children.Sydney, Auckland, New York, Toronto, andLondon: Doubleday, 1989. ISBN 0-86824-384-1.This unusual and important book has developedfrom the work of Link-Up (NSW), an organizationformed to confront problems arising from a particularlyinsidious form of ethnocide, or indeed genocide. Fromthe early twentieth century until the 1960s, Australianstate policies systematically abducted Aboriginalchildren assumed to have mixed-race heritage andplaced them in missionary and educational institutions,with foster families or as cheap or unpaid labor forwhites. The objective was to force their adoption ofwhite culture, thereby significantly eradicating Aboriginalculture. It was assumed that full-blooded Aborigineswould naturally and quickly die out. It was hoped thatthis combination would solve the "Aborigine problem. "The book contains testimonies from thirteen peopleborn after 1950 who fought for reunification with theirfamilies and to reclaim their Aboriginal identity. Theyrepresent only a fragment of the picture, since theeditors estimate that in contemporary Australia "theremay be one hundred thousand people of Aboriginaldescent who do not know their families or communities.. . . some do not even know they are of Aboriginaldescent. " (p. ix)+ 1. 27 +Ervin, Alexander M. "A Review of the AcculturationApproach in Anthropology with Special Reference toRecent Change in Native Alaska. " Journal of AnthropologicalResearch 36 (1980): 49-70.In this interesting paper, Ervin concentrates uponthe methods adopted by a threatened population topreserve its own identity. A process of transculturationhas occurred among Alaskan Native leaders who madeuse of new access to positions of power and influencemade possible by processes of assimilation and acculturationinto the dominant American society, but did soin order to successfully maintain and strengthen their12 GENOCIDE

traditional ethnic and socio-cultural identity. The casestudy is contextualized within a theoretical discussionof acculturation approaches to ethnology.~ 1. 28 ~Fisher, Robin, and Kenneth Coates, eds. Out of theBackyard; Readings on Canadian Native History.Ontario: Copp Clark Pitman Ltd. , 1988. ISBN 0-7730-4-767-0.Fisher and Coates have assembled a stimulatingcollection of articles on the history of contact ofEuropeans with Indian and Inuit peoples. The rangeof arguments and the diversity of both historical periodsand peoples considered make this an important work.While one paper specifically looks at the physicaldestruction of the island Beothuck people, a numberof others consider the cultural ramifications of contact.What emerges is a multidimensional picture of destructionand cultural adaptation in which native power isseen to be a persistent and compelling force in thedeterminationof contact history. The value of thiscollection is its revelation of the complexity of contactwhich challenges a unilinear process of the wholesaledestruction of native cultures. It implies that ethnocidecan be a subtle process.~ 1. 29 ~Gailey, Christine Ward. "Categories without Culture:Structuralism, Ethnohistory and Ethnocide. " DialecticalAnthropology 8:3 (1983): 241-250.Gailey's paper is an academic warning of theshortcomings of a structuralist approach to understandingthe perpetuation of ethnic cultures over time. Sheargues that a structuralist perspective can result in aform of academic blindness which excludes otherpossible interpretations of cultural change wrought bycontact with early European colonialism, such asethnocide.~ 1. 30 ~Gilbert, Martin. ?he Macmillan Atlas of the Holocaust.New York: Macmillan, 1984. ISBN 0-306-80218.Gilbert's useful and interesting book providesdetailed information on the Nazi deportations ofEuropean Jews throughout the occupied territories. Itbrings to the fore the chaos of Nazi policy. Much ofthe book is given to maps of the journeys and isaccompanied by a useful and upsetting text.*1. 31 ~Goodman, Michael Harris. ?he Last Dalai Lama.London: Sidgwick and Jackson, 1986. ISBN 0-283-99367-7.Goodman's work is a biography of His Holinessthe Fourteenth Dalai Lama. Although much of the bookcovers the pre-1950 period, a substantial section isdedicated to the sustained efforts to preserve Tibetanidentity and culture despite the force of Chineseoppression. The difficulties of success are vividlyexplained and the changing forms of Chinese destructionare explored in detail. The contradictions betweenTibetan rights under the Chinese constitution and theirbrutal fate under Chinese rule, are highlighted inChapter 16, where barbarous examples are cited todemonstrate how Articles 11, 88, 89, and 96 have beenbroken. It is a highly readable account, chronologicallyordered with much detail.~ 1. 32 *Hauptman, Laurence M. ?he Iroquois Struggle forSurvival. Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1986.ISBN 0-8156-2349-6.Hauptman's book is a rare study of Iroquoisnationalism from World War II to 1973 and thetakeover at Wounded Knee. From the 1940s, retrogressivepolicy in the Bureau of Indian Affairs severelythreatened the continuation of Iroquois culture in favorof programs for their total assimilation into whiteculture. A large part of the book reconstructs thecontinuing struggles between Iroquois representativesand United States policies.~ 1. 33 ~Hernandez, Deborah Pacini. Resource Developmentand Indigenous People. Occasional Paper no. 15.Cambridge, MA: Cultural Survival, Inc. , 1986. LC85-143558.Hernandez evaluates the impact of the El Cerejoncoal strip mining project in northern Colombia uponthe indigenous Guajoros which "may indeed result intheir extinction as a culture. " (p. 3) The report assessesthe early phase of development, its planning, andGuajiro response. A number of recommendations aremade to mitigate some of the detrimental effects of theproject, including redistributing portions of landroyalties to Guaj iro communities, initiating ecologicalimprovement schemes, and the development of healthand educational centers which would include culturalprograms to reassert Guajiro culture.* 1. 34 ~Hong, Evelyne. Natives of Sarawak: Survival inBorneo's Vanishing Forests. Malaysia: Institut Masyarakat,1987. ISBN 967-9966-03-8.Hong analyzes the impact of land development,logging schemes, and the construction of hydroelectricdams upon the indigenous people of Sarawak and upontheir subsequent resistance. The erosion of indigenousland rights, changes in forest laws and logging havedestroyed traditional farming and ancestral sites.Ethnoci de 13

Economic and ecological damage and malnutritionthreaten the survival of the people. Cultural alienationand urbanization have occurred, specifically among theyoung, through the introduction of Western education,values and lifestyles. There is fear that traditionalsociety will "fail to reproduce itself. " (p. 211) The bookcalls for state protection of the cultural identity of thesepeople.~ 1. 35 ~Hvalkof, Soren, and Peter Aaby, eds. Is God anAmerican? An Anthropological Perspective of theMissionary Workofthe SummerInstituteofLinguistics.IWGIA Document no. 43. Copenhagen and London:International Work Group on Indigenous Affairs andSurvival International, 1981. ISBN 87-980717-2-6.The Hvalkof and Aaby collection of anthropologicalpapers critically examines the role of the AmericanSummer Institute of Linguistics (SIL)—the largestorganization of Protestant missionaries — among tribalgroups throughout the world and particularly in LatinAmerica. The first chapter introduces the reader to thedevelopment of SIL and stresses the equivocal positionof missionaries working as mediators between Indiansand expanding state development and military projects.The main thrust of SIL is to save indigenous andpeasant people from Satan by translating the Bible intotheir respective languages, a policy recognized by thecontributors as a form of cultural imperialism causingethnocide. The remaining chapters amplify these themeswith specific reference to local communities.+ 1. 36 ~Independent Commission on International HumanitarianIssues. Indigenous Peoples. London: Zed Books Ltd. ,1987. ISBN 0-86232-759-8.This work is a concise introduction to the mainissues which threaten the survival of indigenous peoplestoday. The last section on international and nationalaction considers the roles of governments, large financecorporations and industries, the United Nations, andother agencies.* 1. 37 +Kewley, Vanja. Tibet: BehindtheIce Curtain. London:Grafton Books, 1990. ISBN 0-246-13594-8.Kewley's book is a compelling eye witness accountof a Western journalist's clandestine investigation ofChinese genocide and ethnocide in Tibet. Personalimpressions are supported by historical data to producea well-rounded and informed perspective on thecontinuing Chinese policies of oppression. The cruxof the book is the extensive interviews held withTibetans who directly suffered under Chinese brutality,which Kewley compares to Nazi policies of the Holo-caust. Ethnocidal policies, which continue to date, havebeen pursued coterminously with policies of genocide.The persistent policy of demographic relocation ofChinese into Tibet is another grave threat to theculture's survival. The dearth of data from the region,which is under extreme Chinese control, adds to thesignificance of the book.+ 1. 38 ~Kliot, N. "Accommodation and Adjustment to EthnicDemands: The Mediterranean Framework. " 7heJournal of Ethnic Studies 17:2 (1989): 45-70.The author discusses trends of cultural andpolitical oppression of ethnic groups within Mediterraneanstates in a general paper that covers vast ground.Consequently it precludes the sophisticated analysis thatwould result from more detailed examination of cases.~139 ~Legters, Lyman H. "'The American Genocide. 'Pathologies of Indian-White Relations. " Policy StudiesJournal 16:4 (1988): 768-777.In his short, provocative discussion of the conceptof genocide, Legters seeks to extend its definition toinclude debilitating forms of mass destruction other than"the deliberate extermination of human life" alone.(p. 770) He suggests that ethnocide — cultural genocide— be included under the term, referring to thehistories of the Native American peoples.0 I 40 4Lewis, Norman. The Missionaries. London: ArrowBooks Ltd. , 1989. ISBN 0-09-959960-0.Lewis' book consists of personal reminiscencesof his encounters with missionary work among indigenouspeoples, mainly in Latin America. He reveals thesavage and relentless destruction caused by the NorthAmerican fundamentalists.~ 1. 41 ~Lizot, Jaques. The Yanomami in the Face of Ethnocide.IWGIA Document no. 22. Copenhagen: InternationalWork Group on Indigenous Affairs, 1976.The author lived among the Yanomami of theUpper Orinoco in Venezuela during the period of 1968-1975. In this work, he takes a short and direct lookat the detrimental effects of missionary work on thesepeople. Lizot argues that the missionaries are almosttotally ignorant both of the complexity of the Yanomamitraditional lifestyle and of the disastrous effectsof their intervention. The economy, the social organization,enforced schooling at an isolated missionaryinstitution, and health are singled out as areas wherethis is most evident. He attributes a decreasing populationto malnutrition and disease, both inculcated by14 GENOCIDE

whites. Lizot proposes that integrationof the Yanomamiinto the national life is possible if the richness of theirtraditions is respected and included under the ambit ofcultural pluralism.~ 1. 42 ~Markus, Andrew. Governing Savages. Sydney, Wellington,London, and Boston: Allen and Unwin, 1990.Governing Savages is a highly readable accountof official policies towards Australian Aborigines inthe Northern Territory in the first half of this century.Three chapters introduce the main perspectives withwhich white settlers viewed Aborigines, while Chapters4-11 each concentrate on a wide range of differentinstitutions. Perhaps the most illuminating aspect ofthe book is the complexity of attitudes held by bothindividuals and institutions towards Aborigines, echoedin respective policies aimed at "solving" "the problems"that Aborigines represented to white invaders. Of theseproblems, the question of where people of mixed racewere to fit into society was the most vexed. Ethnocidalpolicies were here resolutely pursued by a number ofmissionaries, more tentatively by various governmentrepresentatives.~ 1. 43 «Mattingley, Christobel, ed. Survival in Our Own Land.Adelaide: Wakefield Press, 1988. ISBN 0-85904-048-8.Aborigines from the Nunga, Pitjantjatjara, andArynyamathanha communities speak of their historyand experiences under white rule from 1836. Much ofthe volume is given to the question of cultural identity,as traditional customs were prohibited through Europeanreligious and educational institutions, and laborexploitation. The ways in which different peopleresisted and successfully reasserted their own identityare celebrated. This is an unusual and interesting bookwhich tells Australian history from the perspective ofsome of its original inhabitants.~ 1. 44 ~McLoughlin, William G. Cherokees and Missionaries,1789-1839. New Haven, and London: Yale UniversityPress, 1984. LC 83-11759. ISBN 0-300-03075-4.McLoughlin examines the complexity of relationsbetween the Cherokee nation, missionaries, and theUnited States state and federal governments during theperiod of the first United States Indian policy. Thepolicy intended to acculturate all 125, 000 Indians eastof the Mississippi within fifty years with the aim oftheir becoming "full and equal citizens" of America.Missionaries were integral to this policy, yet theybecame increasingly estranged from support for statepolicies over the issue of forced removals. From 1828they developed gradual respect for Cherokee qualities.McLoughlin takes issue with previous attempts toexplain Native American cultural destruction byrecourse to a single economic cause; he also arguesthat, despite attempts, the Cherokee culture was notdestroyed but transformed.~ 1. 45*McNeely, Jeffrey A. , and David Pitt, eds. Culture andConservation. London, Sydney, and Dover: CroomHelm, 1985. ISBN 0-7099-1321-4.The editors have assembled a collection of paperson a topic often overlooked in development projects.Their book covers a diversityof projects situatedthroughout the world and deals with questions of vitalimportance such as the contribution indigenous peoplescan make to development and conservation in termsof knowledge, practice, and participation in decisionmaking and planning. Although this volume does notaddress the question of ethnocide, its importance liesin its clear demonstration that there is a viable alternativeto those who argue that ethnocide is an unavoidableconsequence of development.~ 1. 46 ~Milner, Clyde A. With Good Intentions: Quaker Workamong the Pawnees, Otos, and Omahas in the 1870s.Lincoln, and London: University of Nebraska Press,1982. LC 81-16238. ISBN 0-8032-3066-4.Milner offers a comparative study of the interactionsbetween state assimilation policies administeredby the Hicksite Quaker group, and the Pawnee, Oto,and Omaha Native American societies during the 1870s.Its usefulness lies in its comparative approach, whichhighlights the complexity of relations between andwithin these groups, and between different Indiansocieties of the Great Plains. Milner explores how theseinteractions affected Quaker endeavors which, despite"good "intentions, failed in their civilizing mission,largely because of the inadequacy of their powers ofenforcement. Unfortunately, the failure did not leaveIndian cultures intact but formed the thin-edge-of-thewedge,preparing the ground for increasing governmentprograms which undermined their traditional economic,social, and cultural 1ifestyles.~ 1. 47 *Moody, Roger, ed. The Indigenous Voice. Vols. 1 and2. London and Copenhagen: Zed Books Ltd. andInternational Work Group on Indigenous Affairs, 1988.ISBN 0-86232-305-3 (Zed); 0-86232-518-8 (Zed pa. ).Moody has compiled a two-volume anthology ofextracts from indigenous people, speaking of their ownplight and fight against genocide and ethnocide resultingfrom development and colonialism. The material isarranged thematically, and each chapter gives voiceEthnoci de 15

to a wide range of struggles throughout the world. Thisallows the reader to draw out similarities in protest andin processes of destruction. Volume 1 concentratesupon forms of oppression while Volume 2 focuses uponethnic cultural and political revivals. Although noconclusions are drawn to tie the material together, thesevolumes provide students ofhuman rights and developmentwith an invaluable and extensive range of primarydata. It is a challenging, unique collection which speaksstraight from the heart.* 1. 48 ~Morgan, Sally. My Place. London: Virago, 1987. ISBN0-85210-199-7.In her autobiographical account of her realizationof Aborigine identity, Morgan personalizes the consequencesof Australian state policies of child abductionand forced assimilation. My Place is a valuable contribution.~ 1. 49 ~Munzel, Mark. The Ache Indians: Genocide in Paraguay.IWGIA Document no. 11. Copenhagen: InternationalWork Group on Indigenous Affairs, 1973.Munzel's detailed report outlines the plight of theAche Indians of Paraguay. Their situation in the early1970s, as witnessed by the author, is set in a historicalcontext of war against the Ache since colonization. Theauthorities condone manhunts and massacres. Theforced removal of Ache to reserves has been thesolution to the problem of violence from the early1960s. Ache held captive on the reserves are subjectto white administrative abuse, such as sexual exploitation,theft of food relief, violence, and the continuedsale of young children to Paraguayans as a source ofcheap labor. Disease and death are commonplace andthere are no sanitary facilities or preventative medicalsupplies. Ache culture is demonstrably suppressed,resulting in demoralization, loss of identity, and aperception of self as neither Ache nor human, but as"half-dead. " Munzel makes clear that this is not apolicy of modernization but the work of specificindividuals who receive indirect state support. Hisreport names names while he notes the sympathetic roleof the Jesuits.~ 1. 50 ~Neterowicz, Eva M. 7he Tragedy of Tibet. Washington,DC: The Council for Social and Economic Studies,1989. ISBN 0-930690-22-2.In a slim volume, the author introduces the readerto the current abuses in Tibet by Chinese imperialists.Since their invasion in 1950, the Chinese "haveconducted a systematic persecution against the Tibetanpeople and their culture and religion" (p. 7) in orderto prevent uprisings of Tibetan nationalism. Theauthor's briefly traced history of invasion and oppressionculminates in an outline of the situation since1987. The three main methods used to destroy Tibetanidentity are the division of Tibet into separatelyadministered and renamed provinces; "brutal suppression"by the military of expressions of Tibetan culture;and the transmigration of huge numbers of Chinese intoTibet. International, particularly United States, concernis noted.~ 1. 51 ~Newson, Linda A. Indian Survival in Colonial Ni caragua.Norman, OK, and London: University of OklahomaPress, 1987. LC 86-40078. ISBN 0-8061-2008-8.Indian Survival is a detailed study of culturalsurvival, deculturation and cultural integration, andtransformation among Nicaraguan indigenes underSpanish colonization. Two Indian cultural types arechiefdoms and tribes — which were separatedidentified —geographically. The main forces of civilization andChristianization were missionaries, although Spanishadministration exerted some influence on the "Westernfringe" of colonization. A substantial part of the bookis given to processes of deculturation, particularlyChapter 3 and Section 4, covering the period 1522-1720. Population decline due to famine, disease, andinfanticide had negative repercussions upon the structureof Indian society, as did the Spanish destructionof existing foims of political organization and theexploitativegrant system and the missions. Comparisonis made to other South American states.*1. 52 *Ohland, Klaudine, and Robin Schneider, eds. NationalRevolutionandIndigenousIdentity. IWGIA Documentno. 47. Copenhagen: International Work Group onIndigenous Affairs, 1983.Ohland and Schneider have edited a collection ofpapers on the conflict between the Nicaraguan Sandin-istas and the Miskitos, an indigenous people of theAtlantic Coast who demonstrated their resistance topolicies of national integration by supporting the anti-Sandinista insurgency mounted from Honduras in 1982.The high fatalities inflicted on both sides promptedlarge scale flight into Honduras and resulted in forcibleresettlement of the remaining seven to eight thousand.As a result of this drastic change in socio-economicorganization, the Miskito traditional way of life hasbeen severely threatened. The collection seeks toillustrate the complexity of relations between theMiskitos and Sandinistas which led to this situation.16 GENOCIDE

¹ 1. 53 ¹Olson, James S. , and Raymond Wilson. Native Americansin the Twentieth Century. Provo, UT: BrighamYoung University Press, 1984. LC 83-21009. ISBN0-8425-2141-0.Olson and Wilson analyze Native American cultureand government policies since the 1880s with particularemphasis on the twentieth century. Native Americansare referred to as survivors of "centuries of culturalgenocide inflicted upon them by non-Native Americans." (p. x) A distinction is made between European"Indian haters" who "denied even the humanity ofNative Americans, " and who pursued vigorous neargenocidalpolicies, and "liberal assimilationists" benton destroying their culture. It is the policies andlegislation that arose out of the latter which forms thefocus of the book. The land issue is identified as oneroot cause of assimilationist policies.¹ 1. 54 ¹Ortiz, Roxanne Dunbar. Indians of the Americas.London: Zed Books, n. d. ISBN 0-86232-201-4.The theme of this book is the question of nationstatebuilding, self-discrimination, and human rightsin relation to the Indians of the American continent.It is divided into four parts, dealing with Indianmovements and supportive international agencies fromthe 1970s; theoretical analysis of Indians and the"national question, " referring to state policies, Indianand pan-Indian nationalists, particularly Guatemala; anexaminationof the Navajo and Sioux Indian move-ments; and a case study of the Miskutu in Nicaragua.Ortiz' scholarly bookaddresses theoretical and methodologicalissues in the study of a complex subject.¹ 1. 55 ¹Paine, Robert. Dam a River, Damn a People? IWGIADocument no. 45. Copenhagen: International WorkGroup on Indigenous People, 1982.In a a well organized pamphlet, Paine deals witha difficult issue — the effect that the construction of ahydroelectric dam in Kautokeino county in the Norwegiantundra will have for the settlers and pastoral Saamiculture. Since its inception in the 1970s, the projecthas consistently failed to acknowledge the full consequencesof the dam for the Saami. Paine argues thatthe oversimplisticofficial approach is based upon theunavailability of information and upon the neglect ofthat data which were readily accessible. Part II seeksto counter the official 1980 Court of Appraisal denialof detrimental consequences. The author concludes thatthe project will incur the loss of Saami identity, as theybecome "more Norwegian" and so, "less Saami. " (p. 94)The work is relevant to the study of ethnocide sinceit raises the question of intent. Despite declared Stateintentions to protect Saami culture, denial and ignorancehave produced the converse effect.¹ 1. 56 ¹Permanent Peoples' Tribunal Session of the Philippines.Philippines, RepressionandResistance. Pilipino: KSP,1981.This is an unusual collection of testimoniesextracted from the cases brought before the PermanentPeoples' Tribunal, 30 October-3 November 1980,against the Marcos and the United States governmentsof "economic, political, military and cultural repression"of the Filippino and Bangsa Moro people. (p. 6)The verdict of the Tribunal includes condemnation "inthe most rigorous terms (of)... the program of displacementand physical extinction that is now being wagedby the Marcos regime against the Bangsa Moro people... " (p. 227) The greater part of the book providestestimonies for the Filipino case: of particular note arethose on cultural repression which look at the threatto the cultural survival of minority groups from statedevelopment projects such as damming and logging.A shorter section is dedicated to the Bangsa Moro case.¹ 1. 57 *Price, David. Before the Bulldozer. Cabin John, MD:Seven Locks Press, 1989. LC 88-675683. ISBN 0-932020-67-4.In 1980, Price was invited by the World Bank towork as a consultant to an imminent project to constructa gravel road through Nambiquara lands in Brazil. Thisis the story of his involvement with the Nambiquara,from graduate anthropologist, through FUNAI (theNational Indian Foundation), to World Bank representativeon behalf of the Nambiquara. He chronicles thevarious inroads of imposing cultures upon the Nambiquara,and includes the ignorance and racism of the localpeasantry, the sometimes well-intended projects ofFUNAI to "pacify" the "wild" Indians (pp. 11-12), andthe World Bank projects. Price stresses the powerlessnessof the Nambiquara.*1. 58 *Ramos, Alicida R. , and Kenneth Taylor. 7he Yanomamiin Brazil. IWGIA Document no. 37. Copenhagen:International Work Group on Indigenous Affairs, 1979.Ramos and Taylor highlight the threatened culturaland physical destruction of the Yanomami Iridians inthe 1970s. Their book is divided into three sectionswhich critically examine development projects ofhighway construction, mining and agriculture, andconsider the proposal for a Yanomami Indian Park. Thepark is urged as an humanitarian step suitable forecological preservation, for sustained protection of theEthnocide 17

Yanomani, and as preparation for "successful contactwith the national society. " (p. 136)~ 1. 59 ~Read, Peter. A Hundred Years War. Canberra: AustralianNational University, 1988. ISBN 0-08-034405-4.In a highly accessible account, Read examines thecontact between the Wiradjuri Aborigines of New SouthWales and European missionaries and governmentofficials from 1883. Read makes excellent use ofconventionalhistorical material and a large amount ofinformation gained from Wiradjuri Koori to understandhow the policies of the Aboriginal Protection Boardaffected a small Aboriginal population of about onedozen major family groups. The thrust of the policieswas to destroy Aboriginal culture and to "change theblacks into whites. " (p. xvi) The text, divided into fourtemporal "cycles, " demonstrates that the consequencesof the policies were at times unintended, yet Readdraws attention to the problematic question of officialintent, its common concealment, and the differencesbetween written and applied policies. Read charts thegradual awakening of Aboriginal identity, dating it tohave taken root in the 1930s.~ 1. 60 ~Retboll, Torben, ed. East Timor, Indonesia and theWestern Democracies. IWGIA Document no. 40.Copenhagen: International Work Group on IndigenousAffairs, 1980.Retboll's collection of transcribed documentsdemonstrates "Indonesian atrocities in East Timor, ""the responsibility of the Western democracies, " and"the cover-up in the Western mass media. " (preface)They are introduced by a letter from Professor NoamChomsky to the United Nations General Assembly in1978.*1. 61 ~Reynolds, Henry. Dispossession. Sydney, Wellington,London, and Boston: Allen and Unwin, 1989. ISBN0-04-370182-5.This revised edition of Aborigines and Settlers,published in 1972, presents a collection of documentaryexcerpts from nineteenth and early twentieth centuryEuropean sources to explore the complexities ofAboriginal-white relations during the period of colonization.The material is well organized: each chapteraddresses a different aspect of contact which is clearlyintroduced and explores the variety of issues involved.The book is edited by a leading authority and is aninvaluable compilation of primary data which are usefulto specialists and to the general reader.~ 1. 62 ~Roberts, Jan. Massacres to Mining. Victoria, Australia:Dove Communications, 1981. ISBN 0-85924-171-8.Massacres to Mining is an impassioned but briefstudy of white assimilation policies and violence againstAborigines of Australia from 1788 to the present. Itserves as a good introduction to understanding colonialismin Australia and clearly demonstrates that attemptsto destroy Aboriginal culture have not ended. Despitethe fact that it covers all of Australia, Roberts avoidsexcessive generality by the constant use of specificexamples which ground the themes in concrete reality.The author includes recent attempts by differentAboriginal communities to reclaim their identity andtheir land.* 1. 63 *Sahaydak, Maksym. Ethnocide of Ukrainians in theU. S. S. R. An Underground Journal from the SovietUkraine, Spring 1974. Baltimore, Paris, and Toronto:Smoloskyo Publishers, 1976. ISBN 0-914834-00-3.The uncensored Issue 7-8 of the nationalist journal,1he Ukrainian Herald, contains two articles, the secondspecifically concerned with ethnocide. An impassioned,partisan, and informative analysis of Russificationpolicies within Ukraine uses demographic data todemonstrate that the genocidal and ethnocidal Kremlinpolicies were systematic solutions to expressions ofUkrainian nationalism from 1917. Forced migrationand discrimination in economic, educational, cultural,and political spheres are emphasized as the main areasof ethnocidal policies. Language, rather than blood,is identified to be the psychological and cultural criteriafor national identity: the replacement of Ukrainian byRussian as the medium of instruction in education,science, and the media is stressed. Contradictionsbetween Kremlin internationalist policy statements andpractices are drawn out, and it is concluded that "Theheart of the matter is that Ukraine is a colony. " (p. 94)~ 1. 64 ~Sevilla-Casas, Elias, ed. Western Expansion andIndigenous Peoples. The Hague, Paris: MoutonPublishers, 1977. ISBN 90-279-7510-8.This collection of papers was first presented inSession 643 at the IXth International Congress ofAnthropological and Ethnological Sciences on culturaland physical destruction of indigenes. Geographicallyfocused upon Central and Latin America, the volumeis divided into three sections which cover theoreticalissues, the period of colonization, and the present day.A theoretical paper by John H. Bodley, "Alternativesto Ethnocide, " discusses anthropological definitions ofthe term and the problematic role of anthropologistsin exposing or disguising ethnocidal processes. Integra-18 GENOCIDE

tion of indigenes into state political systems and culturalautonomy are discussed as possible alternatives toethnocide. It also includes a wide number of casestudies.*1. 65 ~Smith, Richard Chase. 7he Dialectics of Dominationin Peru. Occasional Paper no. 8. Cambridge, MA:Cultural Survival, Inc. , 1982.Smith's paper is a clearly presented, criticalassessment of the Pichis-Palcazu Special Project, a vastone-billion dollar state development and colonizationproject in central Peru. The project, which includedan objective to resettle 150, 000 people into the areafrom overcrowded Lima, overlooked the 8, 000 indigenousAmuesha and Campa people in officially recognizedNative Communities, and between 5, 000 to 8, 000other settlers living in the region. Much of the publicationvocalizes the struggle for Indian rights and discuss-es the viability of alternatives to specific parts of theproject, such as road building, and of the integrationof Indians into the national economy. The report endswith an optimistic discussion of autonomous developmentas a possible alternative for both the survival ofIndian societies and for nation-building.~ 1. 66 ~Stedman, RaymondWilliam. Shadows of the Indian.Norman, OK: University of Oklahoma Press, 1982.LC 82-40330. ISBN 0-8061-1822-9.Stedman examines the portrayal of Indians inAmerican popular culture. The foreword states that "Itis an interesting and important book, interesting becauseof the vividness of the images. .. , important becausethose images still dominate national Indianpolicy. "(p. ix) Added to this, Shadows of the Indian isimportant since it takes the reader through one clearform of cultural destruction that denies Indian cultures,histories, and realities, and continues with a form thatreplaces it, the limited number of stereotypes whichhave been constructed by whites. Finally Stedman'sbook is interesting since it considers a much neglectedarea of destruction whose pervasive insidiousness ismasked by the deceptions of media paraphernalia.*1. 67 ~Tapp, Nicholas. 77te Hmong of 7hailand. IndigenousPeoples and Development Series, no. 3. London: TheAnti-Slavery Society, 1986. ISBN 0-900918-17-9.The Hmong are a tribal people of northernThailand whose culture "now stands at the crossroads"between violent change and total destruction. (p. 9)In a short document, Tapp briefly outlines traditionalHmong social organization and their history of persecutionunder the Han Chinese until the late 1880s. Hethen discusses contemporary problems of opiumeconomy; government welfare and developmentprograms; the establishment of assimilationist refugeecamps in the lowlands; deforestation; tourism, which"is contributingto the erosion of Hmong culture andcultural values. " (p. 52); and the lack of rights accordedto the Hmong, the majority of whom are deniedcitizenship.*1. 68 ~Terzani, Tiziano. Behind the Forbidden Door. Londonand Sydney: Unwin Paperback, 1987. ISBN 0-04-951026-6.Terzani examines the destruction of Chinesecultures since the Cultural Revolution, whose purposewas "to eliminate the vestiges of the past and to destroythe old culture in order to create a new one. " (p. 181)The author was expelled from China in 1984 for hisoutspoken criticism of Chinese policies and for pushinghis journalistic enquiries into areas forbidden tooutsiders. The author's examination is colourful andinsightful.* 1. 69 ~Thornton, Russell. "History, Structure and Survival:A Comparison of the Yuki (Ukmno'm) and Tolowa(Hush) Indians of Northern California. " Ethnology 25:2(1986): 119-130.Thornton concisely summarizes the decimationand survival of two populations of American Indiansfrom 1850 to the present day. Differences in the contacthistory of the Yuki and the Tolowa people with whitesare illustrated. Factors suggested to explain why thelarger Yuki population suffered a continual decreasewhich eventuated in their complete dissolution as adistinct tribal unit, while the smaller Tolowa communitywitnessed a resurgence from approximately midtwentiethcentury, are 1) the impact of the differentrates of decimation upon tribal social organization; 2)different experiences on reservations; and 3) differentforms of social organization, particularly marriage,kinship systems, and patterns of residence. The mainconclusion is the suggestion "that the maintenance ofthe "group boundaries" of an American Indian tribeultimately determines its survival. " (p. 129)*1. 70 ~Treece, David. Bound in Misery and Iron: 7he Impactof the Grande Carajsas Program on the Indians ofBrazil. SI Document n. s. 4. London: Survival International,1987. ISBN 0-946592-01-3.Treece's book is an angry report on the massiveGreater Caraj as program which is wreaking ecological,cultural, and social destruction upon an area of Brazilthe size of France and Britain combined, and whichEthnocide 19

presents urgent humanitarian and ecological problemsfor the world. The rapid pace of the project hasdisplaced thousands of the eight million people whotraditionally live in the region. Treece focuses uponthe imminent threat to the 13, 000 tribal people of thearea who, despite having legal protection, suffereconomic, social, cultural, and physical destructionfrom contact with non-Indian society as officials waivetheir legislative responsibilities. The role of the majorinvestors — the World Bank and the EEC — is criticizedfor lack of serious consultation with Indians andirresponsibility over human rights. Treece argues thatrecognition of tribal land rights is the only way toensure their physical and cultural survival.¹ I. 7I ¹Turnbull, Colin. The Mountain People. London:Jonathan Cape, 1973. ISBN 0-224-00865.In a personalized account of an anthropologist'sfield study among the small Ik community in themountainous regions bordering Uganda, Sudan, andKenya, Trumbull describes the distressing psychologicaldamage experienced by an entire community whosuffered rapid and drastic change of socio-economicorganization, which created unstable social relations,famine, total despondency, neglect of sanitation, anddeath. The concluding recommendations reek of despairand offer no real hope for either survival or salvation.Trumbull has written a chilling, detailed study of widesignificance for those concerned with the experienceof collective social and psychological death rather thanwith official policies.~ I. 72 ~UNESCO. Informe Final: Reunion de Expertos sobreEtnodesarrollo y Etnocidio en America Latina, 7-11deDiciembrede1981; FLACSO, San Jose, CostaRica.N. SS-82 / WS i 32. Paris: UNESCO, 12 July 1982.This is the final report of the UNESCO Conferenceof San Jose on Ethnic Development and Ethnocidein Latin America, held in December 1981.+173+Valkeapaa, Nils-Aslak. Greetings from Lappland.London: Zed Press, 1983. ISBN 0-86232-155-7.Valkeapaa describes the current plight of theindigenous Saami in Nordic countries which arenormally so progressive on human rights issues. TheSaami author identifies four main threats: developmentprojects; the military, as the region is used as a basefor tens of thousands of NATO forces; tourism, whichridicules and denigrates Saami culture; and stateeducation, which imposes Western values and languages.The book includes struggles of the Saami to retaintheir land and culture. The direct and magical styleinvites the reader into the lived culture; it also includesfactual and more academic information and discussion.¹ 1. 74 ¹Walter, Lynn. Ethnicity, Economy and the State inEcuador. Aalborg, Denmark: Aalborg University Press,1981. LC 82-209680. ISBN 8773071390.Walter's short paper on the integration of Indiansinto mainstream Ecuadorian life was presented at theAalborg University Center. Attempts to forge ahomogenous Ecuadorian identity concomitantly withstate development projects deny the existence of distinctIndian cultures and identities and seek their assimilation.In the words of Guillermo Rodriquez Lara, aformer president, "'There is no more Indian problem... we all become white men when we accept thegoals of the national culture'. " (p. 23)¹ I. 75 ¹Whitten, Norman E. , Jr. Sacha Runa: Ethnicity andAdaptation of Ecuadorian Jungle Quicha. Urbana,Chicago, and London: University of Illinois Press,1976. LC 75-28350. ISBN 0-252-00553-8.Whitten has written an indepth ethnographicanalysis of the Canels Quicha, the native peoples ofPastza and Tena provinces of Ecuador. The focus liesin the effect upon the Indians of state nationalism asagrarian reform and cultural homogenization. Thesedeny Quicha identity and officially subsume them underthe general national category of mestizo. Paradoxically,processes of homogenization have re-emphasized ethnicboundaries: ethnogenesis and pan-Andean identitieshave been promoted. The government denies ethnocidalconsequences of state nationalism and considers it anoutcome of international petroleum company exploitationduring the 1960s. Whitten warns of a possiblefuture genocide of the Quicha, whose situation isprecarious.01760Witness to Cultural Genocide. First-Hand Reports onRumania's Minority Policies Today. New York:American Transylvanian Federation, Inc. and theCommittee for Human Rights in Rumania, n. d.The articles, letters, and memoranda of personalizedaccounts in this collection describe Rumanianpolicies towards the Hungarian minority in Transylvania.They speak of the oppression and torture of Hungarianintellectuals who were conceived of as a threat toRumanian dominance of Transylvania before the 1989revolution and of the widespread discrimination againstHungarian language, education, health, employment,and housing. The crux of the problem lies in Transyl-vania's troublesome history of annexation to Hungaryand Rumania. The Hungarian minority were identified20 GENOCIDE

as a potential irredentist nationalist threat. Paper Idiscusses post-1968 policies within the context ofinternational legal codes and suggests a gradual programof "psychological torture. .. and genocide. " (p. 20)Paper II focuses on educational, artistic, and religiousinstitutions.~ 1. 77 ~World Bank. Economic Development and TribalPeoples. Washington, DC: World Bank, Office ofEnvironmental Affairs, 1981. LC 82-11192. ISBN 0-8213-0010-5.The World Bank's Office of Environmental Affairsexamines the need to re-think its policy on fundingdevelopment projects which often have devastatingeffects upon tribal peoples. The proposals argue thatthere should be a gradual inclusion of isolated tribalgroups into the national society and that tribal peoplesshould benefit economically from World Bank assistedprojects. Section 3 considers the "Prerequisites forEthnic Identity and Survival" in terms of land, health,and cultural autonomy.Ethnocide 21

CHAPTER 2THE HOLOCAUSTby Michael DobkowskiThe Holocaust, the paradigmatic genocide, was aproduct of the convergence of a technicallyefficient, well-educated and cultured bureaucracy,and barbaric intentionality. The Holocaustwas a paper-shuffling genocide in that those whoplanned the operations of extermination for themost part never saw the "final solution" as anaccomplished fact. The bureaucratization ofgenocide profoundly desensitized the bureaucratswho carried it out. A necessary prelude togenocide was the Nazis' barbaric program todehumanize the Jew, to transform him into theOther, into a parasite, into an object of derision.Then the outbreak of war in 1939 foreclosedopportunities for expulsion of the Jews fromEurope and set the stage for the Holocaust whichwas carried out primarily on the conqueredlands of Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union.The attempt by the Nazis and their collaboratorsto systematically exterminate the Jewish people andmost of the Romanies, or Gypsies, during World WarII, commonly termed the Holocaust or Shoah inHebrew, has come to be viewed as the paradigmaticgenocide. Adolf Hitler's Third Reich exploited all theadvantages of modern technology and bureaucraticorganization to transport Jews from the far reaches ofEurope to various concentration and killing sites,including ghettos in Eastern Europe and speciallyconstructed extermination camps in occupied Polandwhere the Jews were starved, subjected to inhumaneliving conditions, ravaged by disease, shot in massnumbers, and executed in gas chambers as quickly andefficiently as possible. By the time the war was overin 1945, almost six million Jews and several hundredthousand Gypsies had been annihilated. Although notevery victim was Jewish, the principal goal of the Naziplan was to rid Europe, if not the world, of Jews. Massmurder is nothing new, of course. We have seen manytragic examples in history. But genocide is a crimeagainst humanity because it negates human value assuch. When the administration of death becomes abureaucratic procedure, when killing and efficiency arethe only values left, then clearly we are faced withsomething more than the age-old disregard for life.Bureaucracy and BarbarismThis combination of technological and bureaucraticmass murder and barbaric intentionality has raisedThe Holocaust 23

serious questions about the notion of progress; thecapacity of human beings to engage in evil and goodness;and the nature of individual and group responsibility.' The fact that many of the planners and perpetratorsof the Nazi Holocaust were well-educated andcultured only adds to the centrality of the phenomenon.Three of the four Einsatzgruppen that were responsiblefor killing approximately one million Jews in the Eastby shooting were commanded by Ph. D. s. Twenty-. threedoctors at Auschwitz selected well over a million Jewsto the gas chambers. The engineers, architects, jurists,bureaucrats, teachers, chemists, and others who wereinvolved in designing the camps, furthering racistpropaganda and segregation, expropriating Jewishproperty, subverting the rule of law, transporting thevictims to the death camps, manufacturing the ZyklonB gas, and directing and profiting from slave laborwere central, not incidental, parts of the killing process.And this all occurred in the twentieth century, in themiddle of Europe, the font of modernism and culture.The Holocaust is, therefore, of utmost importance sinceit occurred in this century and was perpetrated bypeople who, at least ostensibly, were nurtured inWestern civilization and values.IntentionalismVersus FunctionalismIn the last several years, debate has emergedamong historians about how and why the Nazis cameto pursue the Final Solution. Was it a premeditatedpolicy or did the general circumstances of the war orother social and economic forces serve as a catalystto propel it? The "intentionalists" see Hitler as thedriving force of Nazi policy and find a high degree ofconsistency and order in Nazi anti-Semitic policy. "TheWar Against the Jews, " as Lucy Dawidowicz calledit, was from a very early point the goal of the Nazis. 'They discern a rather direct road from the anti-Semiticpolicies of the 1930's to genocide in the 1940s. The"functionalists," in contrast, view the Third Reich asa maze of competing groups, personalities, and rivalbureaucracies. Hitler is portrayed as a leader whocertainly despised the Jews, but who preferred todelegate authority and who intervened on the Jewishquestion only occasionally. Annihilation policies wereimprovised and emerged out of the chaotic systemitself. The road to Auschwitz was "twisted. "'Was the Holocaust Unique?The debate between the "intentionalists" and the"functionalists" revolves essentially around anothercontroversial question of whether the Holocaust shouldbe viewed as a unique event or as merely the latest,possibly the most heinous, example of inhumanity inhistory. If the Holocaust should prove to be unique,the factors that make it so can be drawn upon for abetter understanding of not only the Holocaust but alsoother examples of mass death. It has been argued thatthe Holocaust is unique because of its scope; theunprecedented involvement of the legal and administrativeapparatus; the horrible treatment meted out to theindividuals to be annihilated; the ideological passionof the killers; the concerted ideological and religiouscampaign directed against the victims; the degree ofintentionality of the killers and the planners of the FinalSolution; the varied physical and psychological techniquesused to reify the intended victims; and thebureaucratic and technological aspects of the massdeath.The Paper-ShufflingGenocideIn order to understand how thousands of intellectuals,students, scientists, jurists, religionists, andbureaucrats were able to cross the moral barrier thatmade massacre in the millions possible, it is necessaryto consider the dehumanizing capacities of bureaucracyin modern political and social organizations. In the Nazistate, or more specifically in the S. S. offices in Berlin,the Reich Security Main Office, an inconspicuous seriesof offices in an even more inconspicuous building, onthe Prinz Albrechtstrasse, and the S. D. headquartersaround the corner on the Wilhemstrasse, bureaucratslike Adolph Eichmann manipulated numbers on paperand shuffled those papers to other officials, and a fewhundred miles away countless tens of thousands werecondemned to a brutal death. They never had to, andoften never did, see the results of their paper-shufflinggenocide. 4Bureaucratic murder was seen in clearest reliefon 20 January 1942 at the Wannsee Conference whichwas called by Hermann Goring and presided over byReinhard Heydrich, head of the S. D. , to coordinatethe process of annihilation within the S. S. , to enlist thehelp of other state agencies, and most importantly toextend the process of annihilation throughout GermanoccupiedEurope. The fifteen men who gathered aroundthe table of the elegant villa in a posh Berlin suburboverlooking the Grosser Wannsee lake for their eightyfiveminute meeting, interrupted occasionallly for lightrefreshment and drink, included high level functionariesfrom the S. S. , the S. D. , and the Gestapo who wereold hands at the process of extermination. The otherparticipants came from the Ministry of the Interior, theMinistry of Justice, the Foreign Office, the PartyChancellery, the Reich Ministry for the OccupiedEastern Territories, the Office of the Four-Year Plan,and the Office of the Governor General of Poland. Thegovernment officials were senior civil servants beneath24 GENOCIDE

the cabinet level, and eight of the fifteen held doctorates.Under the mask of geniality and old-boy friendshipsand a gemutlich atmosphere, the most chillingdiscussion took place sealing the fate of millions ofJews.Heydrich reviewed the history of the campaignagainst the Jews. He then listed the numbers of Jewsbelieved to be alive in each European country, fromseveral hundred in Albania to over five million in theSoviet Union, totalling more than eleven million. Allwere to be included in the Final Solution.The Banality of EvilEveryone in attendance had long since stoppedthinking of Jews as human beings. No one, therefore,raised objections to the fundamental policy of exterminatingthe Jewish people. The issues discussed werelogistical and public relational; occasionally interagencyrivalries surfaced. According to the officialrecord of the meeting, more time was spent on theproblem of the part-Jews — Mischlinge — than any otherissue. What occurred at that meeting was a demonstrationof the bureaucratization of the Nazi Holocaust, ofthe banality of evil at work, re-inforced by the collectivelegitimation of a group mentality. 'Raul Hilberg, Hannah Arendt, Richard Rubenstein,Robert Jay Lifton, Zygmunt Bauman, Berel Lang, andothers have noted that in order to make it possible tokill the Jews, mechanisms and institutions were createdthat blocked traditional concepts of individual moralityand responsibility.' Psychologically, people must notbe allowed to feel guilt when they destroy others. Hereis where the concerted ideological anti-Semitism comesinto play; here is the importance of the campaign thatturned the Jew into the Other, into a parasite, an objectof derision, that caused the Jew to be reduced to shavenheads and tatooed arms and then to refuse to beconsumed by gas and fire.The Milieu of Anti-SemitismThe campaign against the Jews came out of amilieu that nurtured anti-Semitism. Anti-Semitism hadbeen one of the cardinal elements of Hitler's worldview from the very outset. It also informed much ofthe political rhetoric of National Socialism during itsformative stage. Nazi ideology saw in the Jews auniversal devilish element threatening the integrity andmission of the German nation or Volk. In Hitler's mind,the threat the Jews posed formed the matrix of hisideology. As "Semites" they were a foreign racemongrelizing the Germanic stock of the nation; asdemocrats, they weakened the ability of the nation toexpress itself through a "national" leader and "idea";as Marxists and Socialists, they were dedicated to thedefeat of Germany; as Jews, they were interested indomination; and so on. ' The point is, by placing Jewsat the center of what threatened Germany and Europe,Nazism was able to harness people's energy and directit in a particular direction. They dehumanized the Jewsand stripped them of any human qualities. This wasthe necessary ideological prelude to a genocidal policythat turned idea into genocidal reality.The transformation came soon after Hitler, shapedby the pseudo-messianic concept of saving humanityfrom the Jews, was invested with power. Anti-Semitismnow became official state policy. German Jews werepublicly reviled, beaten, boycotted, delegitimized,expelled from the professions, and expropriated. AsHannah Arendt, Richard Rubenstein and others havepointed out, when Jews lost their citizenship rights,when they became surplus populations with no rightsand protected by no one, they became susceptible togenocide. Kristallnacht, on 9-10 November 1938,capped this first orgy of violence and discriminationwith the destruction of nearly four hundred synogogues,thousands of Jewish businesses and institutions, andcountless physical assaults and large-scale arrests. Atleast ninety-one Jews were killed and thirty thousandJewish males were incarcerated in Dachau, Buchenwald,and Sachsenhausen concentration camps. Thiswas the prelude to the Final Solution in Europe. Themurder program went largely unopposed because ofthe pervasive, moderate anti-Semitism that was a partof European culture and that prepared the way and thenprevented effective resistance.War Made Genocide PossibleThe outbreak of war in September 1939 foreclosedopportunities for expulsion of Jews at the same timethat it brought millions of additional Jews in EasternEurope and the Soviet Union under German authority.It also provided the conditions that made genocidepossible. The conquest of Poland was followed by thebrutal ghettoization and relocation of Polish Jewry aspart of the policy of extermination. As mobile deathsquads, Einsatzgruppen, fanned out along the easternfront, spreading havoc and death, attention behind thelines was given to ghettoization which would ultimatelysend hundreds of thousands of Jews to the slave laborand death camps in occupied Poland and the GreaterReich. Those who were capable of working were putto work in the ghettos, albeit under intolerable conditionscalculated to kill as many as possible throughstarvation, cold, and disease. The Nazis set up Judenrate,or Jewish councils, responsible for overseeingthe daily activities in the ghetto and providing someinfrastructure of services. These councils were desper-The Holocaust 25

ate and beleaguered institutions that generally attemptedto ameliorate the suffering of the victims but were theinevitable, if unwilling, pawns of the oppressors. Inthe end, the vast majority of Europe's Jews perished,though not without resistance. The story of Jewishresistance is one of hope and unbelievable courageagainst overwhelming odds. The Jews were no matchfor the state power and well-oiled military machine ofthe Nazis. Resistance, in a pure military sense, wasdoomed to failure.Many Jews died in the ghettos, but not quicklyenough. The Nazis felt more radical solutions wereneeded. Before 1941, a network of concentration campswas established in areas occupied by the Nazis. Thesecamps, like Dachau, Buchenwald, Bergen-Belsen, andSachsenhausen, were horrific places that held opponentsof the regime and served as slave labor depots. Nevertheless,unlike the annihilation camps, the concentrationcamps were not necessarily part of the systematicprogram of annihilation. Many thousands died there,but many others managed to work and survive.In contrast, the annihilation camps were built inPoland near the largest concentrations of Jews inEurope and the ghettos, in close proximity to railroadsand near populations that might be considered indifferentto the fate of the Jews. The first to be put intooperation was Chelmno or Kulmhof in December 1941.It was followed by Belzec in March 1942, Sobibor inMay 1942, Treblinka in July 1942, and Maidanek inAugust 1942. Fewer than 100 Jews survived the campsat Chelmno, Belzec, Sobibor, and Treblinka. More than1. 5 million Jews and some 50, 000 Gypsies weremurdered in those places. 'The methods of annihilation varied. At first,mobile gas vans were used to asphyxiate the victims.Technical people at Reich Security Main Officeheadquarters designed a tightly closed truck with thecab sealed off from the freight section. They convertedSaurer truck chassis into vans with closed compartmentsthat could hold about eighty people. The carbonmonoxide exhaust was diverted into the compartment.Chelmno, about forty miles northeast of Lodz, experimentedwith them first on 8 December 1941. In thespring, the same method was used at Belzec, Sobibor,and Treblinka. Here, too, diesel engines were used butin fixed installations. The same was initially true ofthe largest killing center, Auschwitz in Eastern UpperSilesia, where between 1 1/2 and 2 1/2 million peopledied. At Auschwitz, as later in Maidanek near Lublin,a crystalline form of hydrogen cyanide that turnedgaseous when exposed to the air was used for thekilling. This chemical, marketed as a disinfectant andmanufactured by a Frankfurt firm called Degesch, wentby the trade name Zyklon B. The first experiments withZyklon B were conducted on 3 September 1941 atAuschwitz on some six hundred Russian POWs andanother 250 sick prisoners from the camp hospital.Systematic operations began in January 1942. Transportsfrom all over Europe brought Jews to Auschwitz.Soon, gas chambers disguised as shower rooms wereinstalled as were cremataria, with forty-six ovens inall. They had a capacity to burn from 12, 000 to 20, 000bodies a day. Tens of thousands of other victims wereburned in open air pits.It is impossible to know precisely how many Jewsdied during the Holocaust. Somewhere between 5. 1and 5. 9 million Jews perished — nearly two-thirds ofEuropean Jewry and one-third of the Jews in the worldlost their lives. In addition to this human tragedy thatgrips our sensibilities and shocks our sense of values,there is also the cultural, intellectual, and religioustragedy of the destruction of European Jewry, a world,a way of life, that can never be replaced. In the end,millions participated in and assented to this policy:those who knew it was happening but let it continue,as well as those who contributed to it more directly.Even the Allies did not make rescue of the Jews apriority. They all carry a share of the responsibilityfor this genocidal event.The Challenge We Face TodayWe are at a crucial turning point with respect tothe level of sensitivity and awareness of the importanceof the Holocaust. There may have been a time not verylong ago when one could assume a degree of commonunderstanding of the Holocaust and common feelingfor its victims, but no such consensus exists today. Theproblem is that the further events fade into the past,the more the construction of convenient truth growsand is perfected. Time is an enemy of the Holocaust.More and more shrill voices insist it never happened.Worse yet may be those who want to relativize theHolocaust or to universalize and trivialize it by theoriz-ing that Hitler had good reason to fear the Jews or thatNazi atrocities were not unusual and must be seen inthe light of Soviet atrocities and the political standardsof the period. This tendency to deny or to minimizethe veracity and uniqueness of the Holocaust is likelyto increase with German unification. With the passageof time, the past loses its truth unless its most pointedlessons are continually reiterated and underscored. Thatis the challenge we face today.NQTES1. See Zygmunt Bauman, Modernity and the Holocaust(Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1989); GeorgeKren and Leon Rappaport, The Holocaust and the26 GENOCIDE

Crisis of Human Behavior (New York: Holmes & Meir,1980); and Richard Rubenstein, The Cunning ofHistory: The Holocaust and the American Future (NewYork: Harper & Row, 1975).2. Lucy Dawidowicz, The War Against the Jews,1933-1945 (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston,1975).3. Karl Schleunes, The Twisted Road to Auschwitz(Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1971).4. See Rubenstein, 22-35.6. Raul Hilberg, The Destruction of the EuropeanJews, 3 vols. rev. ed. (New York: Holmes & Meier,1985); Rubenstein; Robert Jay Lifton, 7he Nazi Doctors(New York: Basic Books, 1986); Bauman; and BerelLang, Act and Idea in the Nazi Genocide (Chicago:University of Chicago Press, 1990).7. Gerald Fleming, Hitler and the Final Solution(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982).8. Yitzhak Arad, Belzec, Sobibor, Treblinka: TheOperation Reinhard Death Camps (Bloomington:Indiana University Press, 1987).5. Hannah Arendt, Eichmann in Jerusalem: A Reporton the Banality of Evil (New York: The Viking Press,1965).Chapter 2: AnnotatedBibliographyGENERAL WORKS+2. 1 +Braham, Randolph L. The Politics of Genocide. 2 vols.New York: Columbia University Press, 1980. LC 80-11096. ISBN 0-231-05208-1 (vol. 1); 0-231-04388-0(vol. 2).The Hungarian Jewish community remainedrelatively untouched until the Spring of 1944 when theNazis began deportations to Auschwitz; Adolf Eichmannplayed a pivotal role in the process. Brahamshows that many Hungarians assisted the Nazis. Thisis the definitive study of the Holocaust in Hungary.+ 2. 2 ~Dawidowicz, Lucy. The War Against the Jews, 1933-1945. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1975.LC 74-15470. ISBN 0-03-013661-0.In what is probably the most widely read workon the Holocaust, Dawidowicz argues that World WarII was a two-fold war. The Nazis had conventionalobjectives such as territory, power, and wealth. Theyalso unleashed a "war against the Jews" motivated byideology and anti-Semitism. Hitler intended the genocideand World War II provided an effective vehicleto accomplish it. A useful appendix indicates the fateof the Jews, country by country.3Fleming, Gerald. Hitler and the Final Solution.Berkeley: Universityof California Press, 1982. LC 83-24352. ISBN 0-520-05103-3.Fleming bases his position on material fromBritish, American, and Soviet archives. He makes astrong case for the thesis that Hitler was instrumentalin planning and implementing the "Final Solution. " Herefutes revisionists like David Irving who argues forHitler's limited knowledge of and participation in thegenocide.*2. 4*Gilbert, Martin. The Holocaust: A History of the Jewsof Europe during the Second World War. New York:Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1986. LC 85-5523. ISBN0-03-062416-9.A distinguishedBritishhistorian, usingdocumentsand survivor accounts, describes the Holocaust fromthe perspective of the victims. He provides detailedaccounts of the suffering as well as the valor of theJews.+25Heller, Celia Stopnicka. On the Edge of Destruction.New York: Schocken, 1980. LC 76-22646. ISBN 0-231-03819-4.In a scholarly sociological analysis of the social,political, and economic situation of Polish Jews betweenthe world wars, Heller develops the context to explainwhy Polish Jews fared so badly during the Holocaust.Her discussion of Polish anti-Semitism is particularlyinformative.Hilberg, Raul. The Destruction of the European Jews.3 vols. Rev. ed. New York: Holmes & Meier, 1985.LC 83-18369. ISBN 0-8419-0832-X (set). Originallypublished in 1961.The Holocaust 27

In one of the most important works written on theHolocaust, Hilberg provides a masterly analysis andsynthesis of the mechanism of genocide, including thebureaucratic process. He proposes the notion of the"machinery of destruction" that developed in stages,the result of decisions taken by countless decisionmakers. The bureaucrats were not operating on adifferent moral plane. Hilberg is also unsparing in hiscritique of Jewish passivity. He claims that the Jewsdisplayed an almost complete lack of resistance. Theycomplied easily to most decrees. At times they evenmoved ahead of the Germans in what he calls "anticipatorycompliance. " Critics point out that Hilberg reliedexcessively on German sources and was remarkablythin in his discussion of the inner world of diverseJewish communities.¹2. 7 ¹Koonz, Claudia. Mothers in the Fatherland: Women,the Family, and Nazi Politics. New York: St. Martins,1987. LC 86-13815. ISBN 0-312-54933-4.Koonz examines the role of women in NaziGermany and the effects that Nazism had on the familyand women generally. She argues that Nazism'sattitudes toward women and gender were second onlyto racism in structuring the new German society anddefining its enemies. She also focuses on the women' smovement in Germany, women resisters, and the fateof Jewish women.¹28Lanzmann, Claude. Shoah: An Oral History of theHolocaust. New York: Pantheon, 1985. LC 85-16760.ISBN 0-394-55142-7.This is the complete text of Lanzmann's 9 I/2hour film, which consists of interviews with victims,perpetrators and bystanders as well as selected documents.The film is particularly insightful on the roleand attitudes of the non-Jewish Poles, which he foundto be quite hostile to Jews.¹29¹Marrus, Michael R. , and Robert O. Paxton. VichyFrance and the Jews. New York: Basic Books, 1981.LC 80-70307. ISBN 0-465-090005-2.Marrus and Paxton argue that collaboration withthe Nazis went' particularly far in France. Vichyofficials not only persecuted Jews as ordered by theNazis, but initiated their own anti-Semitic policies andagendas. By 1942 Vichy had banned Jews fromengaging in certain professions and expropriated Jewishproperty. For many Vichy officials, the roundup anddeportation of about 75, 000 Jews that began in 1942were simply a continuation of a program deemed bymany to be in the French national interest.¹ 2. 10 ¹Mayer, Arno J. Why Did the Heavens Not Darken?New York: Pantheon Books, 1988. LC 8842621. ISBN0-394-57154-1.Mayer places what he terms "Judeocide" in thebroad context of anti-Semitism and the specific settingof the Nazis' war against Bolshevism. He argues thatthe latter was more important than the former in Naziplans to exterminate the Jews. Nazi Germany did notbegin its "systematic" mass murder of the Jews, Mayerbelieves, until its crusade against Bolshevism ranaground in 1942. Mayer's book is a massive synthesisof scholarship.¹ 2. II ¹Mendelsohn, Ezra. The Jews of East Central EuropeBetween the World Wars. Bloomington: IndianaUniversity Press, 1983. LC 81-48676. ISBN 0-253-33160-9.Mendelsohn offers an ambitious study of thedemographic, socioeconomic, and cultural conditionof East Central European Jewry before World War II.He concludes that the Jews in this region faced a crisisby 1939. The economic base was severely eroded anddemocracy was under challenge. While there was littleanti-Semitism in Yugoslavia, Bulgaria, and the Balticstates, the large Jewish populations of Poland, Rumania,and Hungary experienced great difficulty.¹ 2. jl2 ¹Reitlinger, Gerald Roberts. Final Solution. New York:Barnes, 1953. LC 53-13001.Reitlinger, a British historian, provides one of theearliest scholarly books on the Holocaust. He documentsthe evolution of the events and policies that ledto the Final Solution.*2. 13 ¹Schleunes, Karl. The Twisted Road to Auschwitz.Champaign: University of Illinois Press, 1971. LC 74-102024.Schleunes demonstrates how contradictory the Nazipolicies and aims concerning the Jews occasionallywere. He believes this confusing situation lasted until1938, when a more coherent anti-Jewish policy wasformulated. Until then, competing interests in the Nazihierarchy led to confusion and lack of coordination.It was only after the outbreak of war, when Hitler feltsecure in his power, that he helped formulate the "finalsolution. "¹ 2 ][4 ¹Yahil, Leni. The Holocaust. New York: OxfordUniversity Press, 1990. LC 89-27750. ISBN 0-19-504522-X. First published in Hebrew in 1987.28 GENOCIDE

Yahil provides a sweeping analysis of the Holocaust.Although she bases her work primarily onsecondary sources, the author skillfully synthesizes thismaterial to provide one of the most comprehensive andreadable one volume histories of the Holocaust.¹ 2. 15 *THEORETICAL AND HISTORICAL WORKSArendt, Hannah. Eichmann in Jerusalem: A Report onthe Banality of Evil. New York: The Viking Press,1965. LC 64-25532.Arendt originally wrote this assessment of theEichmann trial for the New Yorker. Her conclusionsprompted a debate on the nature of evil and on the roleof the Jews, particularly the Jewish councils, in thedestruction of the Jewish people. The book became acenter of much controversy, chiefly due to her notionof the banality of evil and her criticism of Jewishleadership. The Nazis could not have been as effectivewithout the cooperation of the victims. For Arendt therewas no special Jewish predilection for passivity. Rather,Jewish reactions were part of the moral collapse theNazis caused in European society. Her analysis isflawed by its lack of attention to the historicity of theevents described.¹ 2. 16 *Bauman, Zygmunt. Modernity and the Holocaust.Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1989. LC 89-7274.ISBN 0-8014-2397-X.Bauman provides an original set of reflections onracism, extermination, rationality, individual responsibilityin criminal societies, and the sources of obedienceand resistance. Bauman rejects the tendency to reducethe Holocaust to an episode in Jewish history or to seeit as unique. Rather, he argues that it is rooted in thevery nature of modern society. The Holocaust revealsthe negative side of instrumental rationality and showshow this principle can generate moral indifference ona massive scale.¹ 2. 17 *Bettelheim, Bruno. ?he Informed Heart: Autonomy ina Mass Age. Glencoe, IL: The Free Press, 1960. LC60-13776.Imprisoned in Dachau and Buchenwald in the late1930s, Bettelheim drew on that experience to developa theory of survival. He stresses the notion of individualautonomy and sense of self. The Nazis set out todehumanize their victims, to break down their autono-my. Bettelheim asserts that prisoners in the campexhibited child-like behavior, identified with the SS,and fell into an "anonymous mass" without socialorganization. Critics have contended that his psychologicalmodels derive from his own experiences of camplife and may not apply to the even more brutal andgenocidal regimes introduced a few years later.¹ 2. 18 *Breitman, Richard. ?heArchitect of Genocide: Himmlerand the Final Solution. New York: Alfred A. Knopf,1991. LC 90-52956. ISBN 0-394-56841-9.Breitman argues that Himmler,the head of theS. S. , was the true architect of the Holocaust. AlthoughHitler conceived the idea, set the tone of the regimeand issued the decisive orders, it was Himmler whoworked out the design and implementation. Breitmandescribes how military and diplomatic factors, economicrestraints, the opportunities provided by war, andthe pressures of "scientific" research affected the timingand scope of the Holocaust.* 2. 19 *Chalk, Frank, and Kurt Jonassohn. ?he History andSociology of Genocide: Analyses and Case Studies.New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990. LC 89-27381. ISBN 0-300-04446-1.The authors present over two dozen cases ofgenocide from antiquity to the present, expanding theU. N. definition to include political and social groups.They classify genocides according to the motives ofthe perpetrators; to eliminate a real or potential threat;to spread terror among real or potential enemies; toacquire wealth; and to implement an ideology. In thetwentieth century, the ideological genocides havebecome the most important type.¹ 2. 20 *Chorover, Stephen L. From Genesis to Genocide.Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1979. LC 78-21107.ISBN 0-262-03068-3.The author investigates the use of technology tocontrol human behavior. He explores the evolution ofthe Eugenics movement; the origins of Nazi racisttheories in late nineteenth century Europe and America;and the way these theories merged with social, political,and cultural conditions in Germany in the 1930s tomake genocide possible.* 2. 21 ¹Dwork, Deborah. Children with a Star. New Haven:Yale University Press, 1991. ISBN 0-300-05054-2.Dwork bases her study on hundreds of oralhistories conducted with survivors who were childrenin the Holocaust, as well as on a wide documentationincluding diaries, letters and photos. She expands thedefinition of resistance by examining the activities ofpeople — primarily women — who helped Jews. By7he Holocaust 29

focusing on children, the most vulnerable members ofthe community, she demonstrates how European societyfunctioned during the war years. This study clarifiesthe horror of the Nazi genocide and those who assistedit.+ 2. 22 +Fein, Helen. Accounting for Genocide: NationalResponses and Jewish Victimization during the Holocaust.New York: Free Press, 1979. LC 75-53085.ISBN 0-02-910220.Using social science techniques, Fein attemptedto determine why Jewish death rates were so high insome countries and relatively low in others. Sheexamined such variables as the extent of SS control;the character of the local government; the level of anti-Semitism; the location of the country; the amount ofwarning time; and the size and influence of the Jewishcommunity. She found that in those countries whereJews were viewed as inhabiting the same "universe ofmoral obligation, " resistance to Nazism was greatest.In nine of the twenty-two states or regions occupiedby or allied to Germany, fewer than fifty percent ofthe Jews were killed.+ 2. 23 +Frankl, Viktor E. Man's Search for Meaning: AnIntroduction to Logotherapy. New York: Simon &Schuster, 1963, 1984. LC 84-10520. ISBN 0-671-24422-1.A psychiatrist survivor attributes his survival tothe development of a philosophy which focuses on themeaning of life. That philosophy led Frankl to formulatean existential theory of psychiatric practice whichhe calls "logotherapy. " According to logotherapy, wecan discover the meaning of life in three different ways:by creating a work or doing a deed; by experiencingsomething or encountering someone; and by the attitudewe take toward unavoidable suffering. In the Naziconcentration camp, the third way remained an optioneven in the worst situations because Frankl believeswe retain control of our attitudes toward our ownsuffering. For this reason, he rejects the Bettelheimthesis that those who became more like their tormentorshad the best chance of living.*2. 24 ~Friedman, Philip. Roads to Extinction: Essays on theHolocaust. Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society,1980. LC 79-89818. ISBN 0-8276-0170-0.One of the pioneers of Holocaust history, Fried-man, a Polish-Jewish survivor and historian, devotedhimself, until his death in 1960, to the study of theHolocaust. In this collection of his major essays, heexamines the Holocaust from two points of view: thatof German policy and that of Jewish reaction. One longof Lvov's Jews, which heessay is on the annhilationwitnessed; another deals with Ukranian-Jewishunder the Nazis.~ 2. 25 *relationsHartman, Geoffrey, ed. Bitburg in Moral and PoliticalPerspective. Bloomington: Indiana University Press,1986. LC 85-45960. ISBN 0-253-34430-1.Hartman includes a comprehensive group of essayson the moral and political implications of the Bitburgaffair. President Reagan's visit to the cemetery whereWaffen SS lie buried and the general reaction to thecontroversy suggest that we may have reached a pointof saturation with regard to Holocaust issues. The bookincludes Theodore W. Adorno's previously unpublishedanalysis of moral dilemmas generated by the Holocaustand Saul Friedlander's essay on the "new "revisionism.+ 2. 26 *Jaspers, Karl. 7he Question of German Guilt. Trans.from the German by E. B. Ashton. New York: CapricornBooks, 1961. Originally published in Germanyin 1947 as Die Schuldfrage, ein Beitrag zur deutschenFrag e.One of modern Germany's most distinguishedphilosophers, tackles the issue of German guilt. Hedevelops four categories of guilt: criminal guilt,political guilt, moral guilt and metaphysical guilt.Criminal guilt is the result of crimes having beencommitted. Jurisdiction lies with the courts. Politicalguilt involves the actions of leaders and the citizenry.Jurisdiction lies with the victors. Moral guilt emergesfrom the responsibility of each person for all his or herdeeds. Jurisdiction rests with the individual's conscience.Metaphysical guilt derives from the co-responsibilityevery human being shares for evil in the world.Jaspers' definitions may be too restrictive, thus absolvingtoo many of the guilty.~ 2. 27 +Kren, George M. , and Leon Rappaport. 7he Holocaustandthe CrisisofHumanBehavior. New York: Holmes& Meier, 1980. LC 79-23781. ISBN 0-8419-0544-4.The authors argue for the singular nature of theHolocaust by focusing on the Holocaust universe ofthe death camps — the systematic dehumanization of thevictims; the technology of mass death; and the bureaucraticorganization on a wide scale. From the perspectiveof the "ash-darkened prisms" of post-Holocaustsensibility, they analyze how and why the three pillarsof Western civilization — law, religion, and science— failed to prevent the Holocaust.30 GENOCIDE

¹ 2. 28 ¹Lang, Berel. Act and Idea in the Nazi Genocide.Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1990. LC89-37320. ISBN 0-226-46868-2.In a series of philosophically sophisticated essays,Lang rigorously examines the relationship between actand idea. He argues that the events of the Nazi genocidecompel reconsiderationof such fundamental moralconcepts as individual and group responsibility, the roleof knowledge in ethical decisions, and the conditionsgoverning the relation between guilt and forgiveness.He also analyzes the questions of how we write aboutthe Nazi genocide; issues of memory and institutionalization;and the teaching of the Holocaust. Lang rejectsRobert J. Lifton's notion of doubling. The divided selfis not divided at all, he says. It is constructed by theNazis in order to avoid admitting what a unified selfwould have to admit — the knowledge of evil.*2. 29 ¹Lifton, Robert J. , and Erik Markusen. The GenocidalMentality: Nazi Holocaust and Nuclear Threat. NewYork: Basic Books, 1990. LC 79-23781. ISBN 0-8419-0544-4.The authors draw parallels between the NaziHolocaust and Lifton's concept of nuclearism, focusingon the "disassociativeprocess" which permits individualsto avoid knowing the meaning or consequences oftheir own actions.¹ 2. 30 ¹Lifton, Robert Jay. The Nazi Doctors: Medical Killingand the Psychology of Genocide. New York: BasicBooks, 1986. LC 85-73874. ISBN 0-465-04905-2 pa.Lifton argues that there was a special affinitybetween Nazism and a perverted medical outlook hecalls the "Nazi biomedical vision. " Drawing heavilyon eugenic ideas, the Nazi doctor viewed the Germannation as a biological organism which was threatenedby a kind of collective illness, the source of which wasthe Jews. How could physicians trained as healersbecome killers? They did so through "doubling, "forming a second, relatively autonomous self — a processenhanced by the Nazi vision of a racially pure Germanpeople. There is a dialectic between the two selves.The Nazi doctor needed the Auschwitz self in orderto function in an environment so opposed to hisprevious ethical principles. At the same time he neededhis prior self in order to continue to see himself as ahumane individual. Chapters on Drs. Joseph Mengeleand Eduard Wirths are quite revealing. See also 7. 27.* 2. 31 *Marrus, Michael R. The Holocaust in History. Hanover,NH: Brandeis University Press, 1987. LC 87-6291. ISBN 0-87451-425-8.Marrus skillfully integrates the historiography ofthe Holocaust into the general developments of historicalscholarship. He examines the issues of uniqueness;the debate between intentionalists and functionalists;the role of the allies, the victims, Jewish resistance,and bystanders; and the issue of rescue. His is acomprehensive, useful assessment of the vast historicalscholarship on the Holocaust.¹ 2. 32 ¹Miller, Judith. One by One, by One: Facing theHolocaust. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1990. ISBN0-671-64472-6.Miller attempts to analyze and interpret how theHolocaust affects the peoples and governments of WestGermany, Austria, France, the Netherlands, the USSR,and the United States. She argues that, although eachcountry experienced the Holocaust differently, all usethe same techniques to consciously and unconsciouslyshape their memories — denial, trivialization, rationalization,shifting of blame.¹ 2. 33 ¹Richard L. The Age of Triage: Fear andRubenstein,Hope in an Overcrowded World. Boston: Beacon Press,1983. LC 82-9407. ISBN 0-8070-4376-1.Rubenstein analyzes the socioeconomic andcultural forces of modernity that produce surpluspopulations and that lead to genocidal tendencies. Thesituation of Europe's Jews became progressively morehopeless as the economies of Western and EasternEurope were modernized. He believes that there is adirect relationship between the rationalization ofagriculture, the creation of surplus populations, andthe potential for genocide.¹ 2. 34 ¹Richard L. The Cunning of History: TheRubenstein,Holocaust and the American Future. New York: Harper& Row, 1975. LC 75-9334. ISBN 0-06-067013-4.In this brief but highly suggestive book, Rubensteinargues that the Holocaust was the result ofstructural and institutional factors prevalent in Westerncivilization. He places the Holocaust on a continuumthat begins in the Judeo-Christian tradition, continuesin slavery, and ends in the faceless, mindless bureacracyof the twentieth century. Genocide is mostlikely to occur when people refuse to extend thebenefits and protection of their societies to strangers.Genocide is the ultimate expression of absolute rightlessness.The Holocaust 31

~ 2. 35 ~Sereny, Gita. Into That Darkness: An Examination ofConscience. New York: Vintage, 1983. LC 82-40049.ISBN 0-394-71035-5.Sereny provides one of the most revealing andinsightfulportraits of a Nazi. The book is based oninterviews with Franz Stangl, the commandant ofTreblinka, held while he was in prison in 1971. Stanglis morally blind to the crimes he committed.~ 2. 36 ~THE GIIETTO EXPERIENCEAdelson, Alan, and Robert Lapides, eds. Lodz Ghetto:Inside a Community under Siege. New York: VikingPress, 1989; LC 89-40167. ISBN 0-670-82983-8.Based on Lucjan Dobroszycki's rich archive ofghetto materials, this book is an elaboration of hisChronicle of the Lodz Ghetto. It is made up of diaries,photographs and other documents, including speechesby Judenrat head Mordecai Chaim Rumkowski. Thesection on Rumkowski supports the view that heacquiesced in the Nazi liquidation of the Lodz Ghetto.+ 2. 37 +Arad, Yitzchak. Ghetto in Flames. New York: Ktav,1981. LC 80-50198. ISBN 0-87068-753-0.Arad, who was to become the chair of the boardof directors of Yad Vashem, chronicles the destructionof the ghetto of Vilna. His account covers Vilna from1941 to 1944.*2. 38 ~Baker, Leonard. Days of Sorrow and Pain. New York:Macmillan, 1978. LC 77-28872. ISBN 0-02-506340-5.Baker examines the career of Rabbi Leo Baeck,the leading liberal Jewish theologian and Rabbi inGermany, who decided to stay with his people and wassent with them to Theresienstadt, where he was aninspiration. Baker also examines the umbrella organizationfor German Jews from mid-1939 on that was thecounterpart of the East European Judenrate — theReichsvereinigung, or National Union of Jews inGermany. He suggests a complicated picture of complicityand resistance, of acquiescence and struggle.~ 2. 39 ~Bor, Josef. The Terezin Requiem. New York: Avon,1978. LC 79-396915.Raphael Schacter was a young orchestra conductor,imprisoned in the Terezin concentration camp.Schacter was determined to perform Verdi's Requiemat the camp, feeling that it captured the fate and hopeofhis people. Despiteoverwhelming odds, he succeed-ed. It is an inspiring story of human dignity anddetermination.* 2. 40 *Dobroszycki, Lucjan, ed. Chronicle of the Lodz Ghetto,1941-1944. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1984.LC 84-3614. ISBN 0-300-03208-0.Lodz was the second largest ghetto. It originallycontained 163, 000 people with deportees continuallybeing added from elsewhere. When the war ended, 877Jews were left. The Department of Archives in theghetto worked to record everything that went on.Dobroszycki, a survivor of the ghetto, provides theintroduction and analysis of these excerpts from thearchives.~ 2. 41*Gutman, Yisrael. The Jews of Warsaw, 1939-1943.Ghetto, Underground, Revolt. Bloomington: IndianaUniversity Press, 1982. LC 81-47570. ISBN 0-253-33174-9.In order to understand the Warsaw Ghetto uprising,Gutman looks beyond the ghetto itself to considerthe broader character of Jewish public life as it tookshape during the occupation and ghettoization periods.A survivor of the uprising, he argues that the Polescould have done more, particularly the Armia Krajowa,the Home Army. Once the uprising began in the springof 1943, the Jews were supported by the relativelyweak and poorly armed Communist resistance, theArmia Ludowa, but were brutally opposed by the PolishRight.* 2. 42 *Hilberg, Raul, Stanislaw Staron, and Josef Kermisz,eds. The Warsaw Diary of Adam Czerniakow. NewYork: Stein and Day, 1979. LC 78-9272. ISBN 0-8128-2523-3.The diary begins in 1939 when Czerniakowbecame the head of the Warsaw Judenrat and endsabruptly on 23 July 1942, the day of his death. Czerniakowgives historical information and records the dayto-dayproblems of a Jewish bureaucrat trying tofunction under intolerable circumstances. His diaryentries show him to have been a courageous mancrushed by the terrible burdens he faced. He took hislife in the summer of 1942 rather than give orders fordeportations.~ 2. 43 ~Jagendorff, Siegfried. Jagendorf's Foundry: Memoirof the Romanian Holocaust, 1941-1944. Ed. by AronHirt-Manheimer. New York: Harper Collins, 1991.LC 90-55540. ISBN 0-06-016106-X.32 GENOCIDE

In the fall of 1941, Romania exiled an estimated150, 000 Jews to Moghiliev-Podolski in the OccupiedSoviet Ukraine. The 56-year-old Siegfried Jagendorfwas among the deportees. He took control of the Jewishghetto and established a hospital, a soup kitchen, andorphanages. With a hand-picked team of Jewishprofessionals and craftsmen, Jagendorf restored afoundry that became the center of an effort that wouldsave over 10, 0001ives. In this memoir, skillfully editedand commented on by Hirt-Manheimer, Jagendorfchronicles the daily struggles of the deportees and howthey were saved.~ 2. 44 ~Kaplan, Chaim. Scroll of Agony. New York: Macmillan,1965. LC 64-12533.Kaplan, a Hebrew school principal who lived inWarsaw and died not long after deportations began in1942, chronicles daily activities in the Warsaw Ghettofrom September 1939 to August 1942. It is a recordof persecution, the Nazi conquest of Poland, therelationship of the Jews with their Polish neighbors,and the internal life of the ghetto.* 2. 45 *Korczak, Janusz. Ghetto Diary. New York: SchockenPress, 1978. LC 78-398298.In this diary, a courageous Warsaw pediatricianand head of a Jewish orphanage reveals his thoughtsand feelings. What emerges is a picture of a man ofcompassion and dignity who stayed in the ghetto withhis charges. He has become a symbol of selflessdevotion.~ 2. 46*Ringelblum, Emmanuel. Notes Pom the WarsawGhetto: The Journal of Emmanuel Ringelblum. NewYork: Schocken Press, 1975. LC 74-10147.Ringelbaum's Journal is an invaluable source onthe organization, religious life, and human side of theghetto. The notes, which go up to the uprising in 1943,reveal, in powerful and poignant detail the impact ofthe war on the daily life and fate of the ghetto Jews.It is one of the classic works on the Holocaust, writtenby a perceptive social historian.* 2. 47 *Tory, Avraham. Surviving the Holocaust: The KovnoGhettoDiary. Ed. by Martin Gilbert. Cambridge, MA:Harvard University Press, 1990. ISBN 0-674-85811-5.Tory's diary is an account of life and death in theghetto of Kovno, Lithuania, from June 1941 to January1944. It incorporates his collection of official documents,Jewish council reports and original photographsand drawings made in the ghetto. He shows thedetermination of the Jews to sustain their communityin the midst of terror.* 2. 48 *Trunk, Isaiah. Judenrat: The Jewish Councils inEastern Europe under Nazi Occupation. New York:Macmillan, 1972. LC 70-173692.Trunk attempts to deal with the perplexingproblem of the Jewish councils under Nazi occupation.He focuses on the conditions, external and internal,under which they performed and their motivations andresults. Unlike Arendt, who was quick to generalize,Trunk relies on detail and nuance. He emphasizes thatthe context was constant terror, death, and intimidation.Some Councils supported resistance and others opposedit. Some were run well and democratic; others werecorrupt and class-ridden.* 2. 49 ~Tushnet, Leonard. The Pavement of Hell. New York:St. Martin's Press, 1975. LC 73-87395.Tushnet studied the behavior of the leaders of theJudenrat of Warsaw, Lodz, and Vilna, using archivalmaterial and interviews with survivors. The conclusionsconcerning these men are still controversial. Tushnetbelieves Czerniakow, Rumkowski, and Gens were menwho had good intentions with very limited options.Criticism of them should be tempered by the context.*2. 50 ~CONCENTRATIONCAMPSAbzug, Robert H. Inside the Vicious Heart: Americansand the Liberation of Nazi Concentration Camps. NewYork: Oxford University Press, 1985. LC 84-27252.ISBN 0-19-503597-6.Allied soldiers liberated concentration camps atBuchenwald, Dachau, Bergen Belsen, Mauthausen,Ohrdruf, and Nordhausen, and other sites. Abzugattempts to assess their impact on the liberating soldiers.He captures their emotions — a combination ofshock, anger, shame, guilt, disgust, and fear. He'alsoattempts to understand the immediate and long-rangeconsequences of their discoveries on the public mind.* 2. 51 *Arad, Yitzchak. Belzec, Sobibor, Treblinka: TheOperation Reinhard Death Camps. Bloomington:Indiana University Press, 1987. LC 85-45883. ISBN0-253-34293-7.Between 1942 and 1943, under the code nameOperation Reinhard, more than 1 I/2 million Jews weregassed in the concentration camps of Belzec, Sobibor,and Treblinka, located in Nazi-occupied Poland. ThereThe Holocaust 33

were less than 200 Jewish survivors. Arad describesthese camps with meticulous detail — their physicallayouts, the process of extermination, the revolts andescapes, the day-to-day lives of those spared immediatedeaths.~ 2. 52 *Borkin, Joseph. The Crime and Punishment of 1. G.Farben. New York: Pocket Books, 1979. ISBN 0-671-82755-3.Founded in 1925, I. G. Farben was a hugechemical conglomerate in Germany. During the Naziera, Farben mobilized to support the war. Building andoperating the slave-labor camp at Auschwitz, it wasresponsible for the deaths of thousands of prisoners.About 35, 000 slaves were used at Auschwitz. Over25, 000 died. I. G. Farben derived huge profits fromits subsidiary, DEGESH, which manufactured ZyklonB, the gas used to annihilate hundreds of thousands ofpeople in Auschwitz's gas chambers. Borkin chroniclesthis tragic tale and the relatively light punishment metedout to its chief executives. As the cold war intensified,it apparently was in American interests to have a strongGermany as a buffer to the Soviets. Hence the leniencyof the courts.~ 2. 53 *Des Pres, Terrence. The Survivor: An Anthology ofLifein the Death Camps. New York: Oxford UniversityPress, 1976. LC 75-25468.In a landmark study and analysis of the phenomenonof the survivor, Des Pres interprets survivormemoirs, by such authors as Chaim Kaplan, AlexanderDonat, Primo Levi, Gerda Klein, Elie Wiesel, andothers. He chronicles both the inhuman suffering andthe inspiring dignity of the survivor. He argues thatthere is a "system" to survival, the existence of abiological-ethical imperative to survive. The memoirshe cites provide an immediacy to the experience andimmerse the reader in the emotional horror of thecamps.*2. 54 ~Feig, Konnilyn. Hitler's Death Camps: The Sanity ofMadness. New York: Holmes & Meier, 1979. LC 81-140. ISBN 0-8419-0675-0.Hitler 's Death Camps is a well-documented historyof the nineteen major collection and annihilation campsused by the Nazis against the Jews. Notwithstandingthe horror of these places, they operated efficiently andall too effectively. This was their "sanity. " Feig alsoexamines the indifference of the Allies and the Polishgovernment in exile.~ 2. 55 ~Ferencz, Benjamin B. Less Than Slaves: Jewish ForcedLabor and the Quest for Compensation. Cambridge,MA: Harvard University Press, 1979. LC 79-10690.ISBN 0-674-52525-6.Ferencz describes the complicity of major Germanfirms in the Holocaust, particularly on the issue of slavelabor and their refusal to accept either legal or moralresponsibility for their crimes. Ferencz also analyzesthe post-war trials of the major actors and why theyreceived such light sentences.~ 2. 56 *Pawelczynska, Anna. Values and Violence in Auschwitz:A Sociological Analysis. Berkeley: University ofCalifornia Press, 1979. LC 76-3886. ISBN 0-520-03210-1.The author, a Polish sociologist and survivor ofAuschwitz, brings social science insights and techniquesto an examination of the sociology of survival inAuschwitz. She discusses the effect of differences insocial background on survival. She challenges Bettelheim'stheory that those who identified with theiraggressors were best able to survive. She found,instead, that inmates who shared and who maintainedtheir humanity defied camp conditions. She corroboratesViktor Frankl's insight that individuals were notpowerless to affect their fate. Survival for some purposeand having a vision of life after the camps were usefulcoping mechanisms.SURVIVOR ACCOUNTS* 2. 57 *Delbo, Charlotte. None of Us Will Return. Boston:Beacon Press, 1968. LC 68-20635.Delbo, a non-Jewish survivor of Auschwitz andother concentration camps, provides a powerful, starkaccount of her experiences.*2. 58 ~Donat, Alexander.The Holocaust Kingdom: A Memoir.New York: Schocken, 1978. LC 77-89067.In one of the more powerful and insightfulHolocaust memoirs, Donat, a Polish Jew, tells how heand his wife and son survived the Warsaw Ghetto andMaidanek. His memoir, though notable for its restraint,provides extensive details of his experiences. There isthe anguish of self-doubt as Donat reflects on themeaning of life and death.34 GENOCIDE

~ 2. 59 ~Fenelon, Fania. Playing for Time. New York: Atheneum,1977. LC 77-5502. ISBN 0-689-10796-X.The author was a member of the Women' sOrchestra in Auschwitz for eleven months. Her bookprovides revealing descriptions of this aspect of camplife.~ 2. 60*Flinker, Moshe. Young Moshe's Diary. New York:Board of Jewish Education, 1971. LC 70-287609.Like Anne Frank, Flinker kept a diary of hisHolocaust experiences. The Flinkers were OrthodoxJews who lived in Holland. They fled to Belgium wherethey lived until they were betrayed by an informer. Thefamily was sent to Auschwitz where the parents andtheir eighteen-year old son, Moshe, were killed. In thisreflective diary, the gifted Moshe struggles withquestions of Jewish suffering and God's justice. Heengages in a theodicy which rivals some of the mostprobing examinations. While he questions divinejustice, he pleads for his people. He is also consumedby guilt because he is not sharing in their suffering.~ 2. 61 *Frank, Anne. The Diary ofct Young Girl. New York:Doubleday, 1952. LC 52-6355. First published in 1947in Holland under the title Het Achterhuis.A young Jewish girl, with her parents and sister,hid in an attic in Amsterdam for more than two yearsduring which time she kept a diary. The diary tells ofher fears, frustrations, hopes, her growing into youngwomanhood. It is very perceptive and poignant,providing her responses to the wonder of growing upand to the terror of being a Jew in Nazi Europe. Shehas become the symbol of the Jewish tragedy for thenon-Jewish world. This is perhaps the most widelyknown of all the Holocaust books.* 2. 62 ~Hillesum, Etty. An InterruptedLife: The DiariesofEttyHillesum. New York: Pantheon, 1983. LC 83-47750.ISBN 0-394-53217-1.Hillesum, a highly educated and assimilated DutchJew was a remarkable young women who kept herjournals from 1941-43. Her entries are intimate andfrank. The Holocaust enters obliquely. She notes theappearance of a German soldier, the suicide of aprofessor, the relentless proliferation of restrictions.We see her transformation from a pleasure-seekingyoung woman into a person capable of confronting deepmoral and religious questions. The diary ends inSeptember 1943 on her deportation to Auschwitz whereshe died.* 2. 63 *Klein, Gerda. All but My Life. New York: Hill &Wang, 1957. LC 57-12226.Gerda Klein was fifteen when the Nazis invadedher native Poland. In her powerful narrative, she speaksof friendship and cooperation among the victims, thestruggle to survive, and the horrors of the camps. Itends on the positive note of liberation and the journeyto rebuild a shattered life.* 2. 64 *Leitner, Isabella. Fragments of Isabella: A Memoir ofAuschwitz. New York: Crowell, 1978. LC 78-4766.ISBN 0-690-01779-0.This is a brief, sometimes angry memoir of aHungarian Jewish survivor who was in her teens whentransported to Auschwitz with her five siblings andmother. She is slow to forgive the Germans.* 2. 65 *Leitner, Isabella. Saving the Fragments: From Auschwitzto New York. New York: New American Library,1985. LC 85-8815. ISBN 0-453-00502-0.Leitner continues her story with the liberation.She tells of her journey, with her two surviving sisters,to the United States where they are reunited with theirfather.*2. 66 ~Levi, Primo. If This Is a Man. Trans. from the Italianby Stuart Woolf. New York: Orion, 1959. LC 59-13327. Reprinted as Survivalin Auschwitz. New York:Collier, 1961.In one of the best-known of the Holocaust memoirs,Levi describes the absurd routines of the camp,how the black market worked, the struggle of survival.He has insightful comments about memory and falsification,friendship and human weakness, and the powerof language. He is as interested in how human beingsreact to unspeakable torment as in what influences thetormentor. He argues forcefully against the simplificationof the experience.* 2. 67 *Muller, F il ip. Eyewitness Auschwitz. Briarcliff Manor,NY: Stein & Day, 1979. LC 78-66257. ISBN 0-8128-2601-9.In one of the most disturbing of Holocaustmemoirs, the author depicts the life of a Sonderkommandowho witnessed first-hand the horrors inside thecrematoria and gas chambers, He somehow managedto survive as a Sonderkommando for three years andtells about his experiences in unbelievable detail. Itmakes for horrifying reading.The Holocaust 35

~ 2. 68 ~Nomberg-Przytyk, Sara. Auschwitz: True Talesjoma Grotesque Land. Chapel Hill: University of NorthCarolina Press, 1985. LC 84-17386. ISBN 0-8078-1629-9.This is a painful and powerful memoir of theauthor's experiences in Auschwitz. In this book, whichshe wrote twenty years after her liberation, she not onlyrecords unimaginable atrocities but also richly describeshuman dignity and courage. With understatement, shedepicts a world where cruelty co-existed with nobility,indifference with compassion. As an attendant in Dr.Josef Mengele's hospital, Nomberg-Przytyk observedhim closely and gives a detailed description of hisactivities.~ 2. 69 «Wells, Leon. 7he Death Brigade. New York: SchockenPress, 1978. ISBN 0-89604-000-3. First published as7he Janowska Road.Wells was a youth in Lvov, Poland, when theGermans put him on the Death Brigade whose task wasto destroy any traces of mass executions at the Janowskaconcentration camp. Among the most movingaccounts is the narration of the death of his entirefamily. He also describes the collaboration of theUkranian peasants with the Germans. This is one ofthe most revealing Holocaust texts.RESCUE*2. 70 ~Bierman, John. Righteous Gentile. New York: Viking,1981. LC 80-52465. ISBN 0-670-74924-9.Raoul Wallenberg, the "righteous gentile, " wasthe Swedish diplomat who helped rescue from 30, 000to 100, 000 Hungarian Jews. The first part of the bookchronicles Wallenberg's life, particularly his activitiesin Budapest from July 1944 to his disappearance inJanuary 1945. The second half deals with what isbelieved to have happened to him in the Soviet Union.Bierman is critical of the Swedish, U. S. , Hungarian,and Israeli governments for not adequately pursuingthe search for him.+ 2. 71 +Flender, Harold. Rescue in Denmark. New York:McFadden-Bartell, 1964. NUC 72-18668.At great risk to themselves, the Danish peopleinitially hid the Jews and helped them flee to Sweden.Flender suggests that the traditions of Danish democracywere the key here.~ 2. 72 «Friedman, Philip. 7heirBrothers'Keepers. New York:Crown Publishers, 1957. LC 57-8773.Friedman examines Christians who helped Jews,such as Archbishop Stepanic in Croatia, Jesuit FatherPierre Chaillet, Raoul Wallenberg, and Anna Simaitein Lithuania.~ 2. 73 ~Geis, Miep, with Alison Leslie Gols. Anne FrankRemembered. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1987.LC 86-25991. ISBN 0-671-54721-2.Geis was one of the people who helped hide theFrank Family. Her story fills in the gaps left by Anne'sdiary, not only by providing information on eventsoutside the time frame of the diary, but on eventsoutside the world of the Annex, thus putting the diaryinto historical perspective.~ 2. 74*Hallie, Philip. Lest Innocent Blood Be Shed. NewYork: Harper & Row, 1979. LC 77-11825. ISBN 0-7181-1831-6.Hallie chronicles the remarkable story of how theentire village of Chambon-sur-Lignon, dominated bytwo charismatic Protestant pastors, saved severalthousand Jews from the Nazis and the Vichy police.Hall ie emphasizes the importance of moral action andleadership. People do have a choice.~ 2. 75 ~Michaelis, Meir. Mussolini and the Jews: German-Italian Relations and the Jewish Question in Italy.Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1978. LC 78-40260.ISBN 0-19-822542-3.Michaelis argues that anti-Semitism in Italy wasmuted because Jews were relatively well-integrated.The fascists and Mussolini were not really committedto the persecution of the Jews and that is primarily whyso few died.*2. 76 +Oliner, Samuel P. , and Pearl M. Oliner. 1he AltruisticPersonality. Rescuers of Jews in Nazi Europe. NewYork: The Free Press, 1988. LC 87-33223, ISBN 0-02-923830-7.The Oliners undertook the massive AltruisticPersonal ity Project to understand why thousands wouldrisk their lives to save Jews. Drawing on the data fromthis study and over 700 interviews with rescuers andnonrescuers, they found that those who intervenedshared several characteristics, including a deep-seatedempathy developed in childhood. They also discoveredthat many rescuers were influenced by the examplesset by others including friends, church, and community36 GENOCIDE

groups. Rescuers felt a sense of responsibility for theoppressed and believed their actions could make adifference. It is carefully researched and wonderfullywritten and contains an engrossing collection ofepisodes of altruism.¹ 2. 77 ¹Rosenfeld, Harvey. Raoul Wallenberg, Angel ofRescue. New York: Prometheus Press, 1982. LC 81-86333. ISBN 0-87975-177-0.Rosenfeld is ed itor of Martyrdom and Resistance,the longest running periodical devoted to the Holocaust.His is a balanced and scholarly treatment of Wallenberg'scareer and postwar disappearance.* 2. 78 *Tec, Nechama. Dry Tears: The Story of a Lost Childhood.New York: Oxford University Press, 1984. ISBN0-19-503500-3.In a compelling account, the young Tec describeshow she survived in Nazi-occupied Poland by livingwith Polish gentiles. She presents the ordeal from theperspective of an adult who is now a professor ofsociology at the University of Connecticut.¹ 2. 79 ¹Tec, Nechama. In the Lion 's Den: The Life of OswaldRufeisen. New York: Oxford University Press, 1990.ISBN 0-19-503505-X.Tec vividly recounts the story of Rufeisen, a Jewwho passed as a Christian in Nazi-occupied Poland,and risked his life to save hundreds of other Jews.Eventually discovered, Rufeisen escaped and foundshelter in a convent, where he converted to Catholicism.* 2. 80 *Tec, Nechama. When Light Pierced the Darkness:Christian Rescue of Jews in Nazi-Occupied Poland.New York: Oxford University Press, 1986. ISBN 0-19-503643-3.With data taken from published accounts, archivalrecords and personal interviews, Tec studies the Poleswho rescued Jews. She found that the rescuers tendedto be individualists, self-reliant and have a broadcommitment to stand up for the helpless. They wereunassuming and did not begin their rescue activitieswith much pre-meditation. The introduction providesan excellent overview of rescue activities.*2. 81 «Yahil, Leni. The Rescue of Danish Jewry: Test of aDemocracy. Trans. by Morris Gradel. Philadelphia:Jewish Publication Society, 1969. LC 69-19039. ISBN0-8276-02324-4.Yahil recounts the position of the Jewish communityin Denmark, the daring rescue operations, and theimportant contribution made by many Swedish people.She clarifies certain legends that developed aroundDenmark's King Christian X. For instance, he indeedsupported Jews but did not wear a yellow star. Yahilcontends that the Danes were so forthright in rescuedue to their deep-seated democratic tradition.¹ 2. 82 *Zuccotti, Susan. The Italians and the Holocaust:Persecution, Rescue and Survival. New York: BasicBooks, 1987. LC 86-47738. ISBN 0-465-03622-8.Zuccotti chronicles and analyzes the extent ofItalian opposition to the deportation and murder ofItalian Jews. She provides the historical, cultural, andpolitical context for the relative tolerance enjoyed byItalian Jews. Because anti-Semitism was not a majorfactor in Italian society, there was little sympathy forthe mass murder of the Jews. About eighty-five percentof the 45, 000 Jews in Italy during the German occupationsurvived because non-Jewish Italians were willingto help them even if the Pope resolved not to beinvolved. Many of the 6, 800 who were killed werebetrayed by informers. This is the best study of thesubject.¹ 2. 83 ¹TIIE INDIFFERENCE OF TFIE WORLDAbella, Irving, and Harold Troper. None Is Too Many.New York: Random House, 1983. LC 83-42864. ISBN0-394-53328-3.The authors tell the tragic story of Canada'srefusal to assist Jewish refugees because of pettiness,misunderstanding, and anti-Semitism. Only 4, 000 Jewswere admitted into Canada during this period.* 2. 84 *Bauer, Yehuda. American Jewry and the Holocaust. ~Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1981. LC 80-26035. ISBN 0-8143-1672-7.Bauer traces the activities of the American JewishJoint Distribution Committee (JDC). JDC acted as bestit could, Bauer concludes, to assist Europe's threatenedJews.* 2. 85 *Bauer, Yehuda. Flight and Rescue. New York: RandomHouse, 1970. LC 74-85602.Bauer offers a well-documented account of theorganized escape of Eastern European Jews from 1944-48. Almost 300, 000 Jews who survived the Holocaustbegan to move out of Eastern Europe in the last monthsThe Holocaust 37

of the war. The movement was known as Brichah(flight, in Hebrew), the name of the organizationformed in Palestine to co-ordinate the effort.~ 2. 86 ~Baumel, Judith Tydor. Unfulfilled Promise: Rescue andResettlement of Jewish Refugee Children I n the UnitedStates 1934-1945. Juneau, AK: The Denali Press, 1990.LC 90-32118. ISBN 0-938737-21-X.Baumel analyzes the role of the U. S. government,voluntary agencies, the general and Jewish communities,and public opinion in the rescue and resettlementof approximately one thousand unaccompanied Jewishchildren who came to the United States from 1934-45.She discusses their adjustment to American society aswell as the anti-Semitism and apathy they encountered.~ 2. 87 *Dinnerstein, Leonard. America and the Survivors ofthe Holocaust. New York: Columbia University Press,1982. LC 81-15443. ISBN 0-231-04187-4.In a disturbing study, Dinnerstein reveals thecallous attitude of America towards the victims of theHolocaust. Hediscusses anti-Semitism in Congress andin the military occupation forces. Jewish victims oftenfared worse than their German oppressors. The U. S.State Department also made it difficult for Jews toobtain visas.~ 2. 88 ~Falconi, Carlo. ?he Silence of Pius XII. London: Faber,1970. LC 73-564569. ISBN 0-571-09147-4. Boston:Little Brown, 1970. LC 78-79360.Falconi, a Papal historian, defends Pius. He didn' tspeak out because he was more fearful of communism;he understood the Catholics were not ready to risk theirlives for Jews; and most important, because of hisconcern for protecting the church in Europe. Falconistresses that Pius XII's policy was not a break with hispredecessor, Pius XI, who said nothing when antisemiticlaws were passed in Germany in 1933-35. Personally,Pius XII helped save many. Jewish lives.~ 2. 89 ~Feingold, Henry L. ?he Politics of Rescue: ?heRoosevelt Administration and the Holocaust, 1939-1945. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press,1970. LC 75-127049. ISBN 0-8135-0664-6. Reprint.New York: Holocaust Library, 1980.In a pathbreakingstudy, Feingold investigates whatFranklin Roosevelt, the Congress, the State Department,and other agencies did, and did not do, duringthe Holocaust to rescue Jews. He indicts a number ofkey people, perhaps none more than Assistant Secretaryof State Breckenridge Long, who set up roadblocks torescue attempts. This is a book about official indifferenceto the plight of the Jews.~ 2. 90 ~Friedlander, Saul. Pius XII and the?ht'rd Reich. NewYork: Alfred Knopf, 1966. LC 66-10029.Friedlander makes a strong case for Pius' attitudefavoring Germany. What the Pope feared most was acommunist takeover of Europe. That accounts for hisrelative silence and inactivity. Friedlander concurs withFalconi's evaluation that the Pope's response to NaziGermany was conditioned by fear of communism, hisGermanophilia and his desire to perpetuate the influenceof the church. Pius believed that this was more possiblein totalitarian states of the right than of the left.~ 2. 91 ~Friedman, Saul S. No Haven for the Oppressed.Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1973. LC 72-2271. ISBN 0-8143-1474-0.Friedman argues that U. S. policy was basicallyindifferent to the plight of Jewish refugees. He describesthe impact of the Depression, isolationism andF. D. R. 's unwillingness to challenge the Congress asthe principal factors involved. He also characterizesthe relationship between Rabbi Stephen S. Wise, thePresident of the American Jewish Congress, andF. D. R. as a "partnership in silence. "+ 2. 92 *Gilbert, Martin. Auschwitz and the Allies. New York:Holt, 1981. LC 80-28911. ISBN 0-03-059284-4.Gilbert relates the tragic story of allied unwill ingnessto recognize or acknowledge the Nazi genocide.Most of this reluctance was deliberate, Gilbert found.He isolates individuals like Anthony Eden and B. Long,who failed to pass on vital information. Others whowere part of this "conspiracy of silence" were JohnJ. McCloy, Assistant Secretary of War, and Sir A. W. G.Randall of England's Refugee Section.*2. 93 *Hochhuth, Rolf. ?he Deputy. Trans. by Richard andClara Winston. New York: Grove, 1964. LC 64-13776.Originally published in Germany as Der Stellvertreter.Hochhuth is responsible for raising the disturbingquestion of the Vatican's complicity in the Holocaust.Produced in 1963, this play created an uproar in bothEurope and America with its claims concerning theunwillingness of Pius XII to speak out against RomanCatholic atrocities after having been personally apprisedof the existence of extermination camps, The hero isa Roman Catholic priest who tries to fight the Vatican'slack of involvement.38 GENOCIDE

* 2. 94 *Laqueur, Walter, and Richard Breitman. Breaking theSilence. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1986. LC 86-1931. ISBN 0-671-54694-5.Gerhard Riegner, the representative of the WorldJewish Congress in Switzerland, was one of the firstto alert the West to the Nazi genocide. This bookreveals that his source was Edward Schulte, a prominentGerman businessman in touch with Allied Intelligence.~ 2. 95 ~Laqueur, Walter. The Terrible Secret: Suppression ofthe Truth about Hitler's "Final Solution. " Boston:Little, Brown, 1980. LC 80-26613. ISBN 0-316-51474-8.Laqueur reviews the many paths by which informationseeped out of Nazi-occupied Europe. The Polishunderground played a pivotal role here, notwithstandingthe presence of anti-Semitism among the Polish leadership.He discusses the distinction between "knowing"and "believing. " Laqueur concludes that the neutralnations such as Switzerland, Sweden, and Turkey, aswell as the Vatican and the International Red Crosswere almost fully aware of the plight of the Jews.+ 2. 96 ~Lewy, Guenter. The Catholic Churchand Nazi Germany.New York: McGraw-Hill, 1964. LC 64-21072.Lewy largely corroborates Hochhuth's allegations.He points to the Church's paranoical fear of Bolshevismand traditional anti-Semitism as factors that led theVatican to silence criticism of the Nazis. On thepositiveside, Lewy acknowledges Catholics who savedJews.~ 2. 97 ~Lipstadt, Deborah E. Beyond Belief: The AmericanPress and the Coming of the Holocaust, 1933-1945.New York: The Free Press, 1985. LC 85-16243. ISBN0-02-919160-2. .Lipstadt analyzes how the American press treatedthe Holocaust. She shows how the press persistentlyignored the scope and significance of the developingtragedy. Editors remained skeptical and journalists oftentoned down their stories. She raises the distinctionbetween knowledge and understanding.~ 2. 98 ~Morse, Arthur D. While Six Million Died: A Chronicleof American Apathy. New York: Random House, 1968.LC 68-141031.In one of the first studies criticizing Americancomplicity in the Holocaust, Morse accuses Americanofficials and elements in the American-Jewish commu-nity of not taking the plight of European Jews seriouslyenough. Because he relies only on published sources,some of which are untrustworthy, Morse makes someerrors in fact and interpretation. He finds a combinationof political expediency, isolationalism, indifference,and raw anti-Semitism behind American apathy.*2. 99 ~Penkower, Monty N. The Jews Were Expendable: FreeWorld Diplomacy and the Holocaust. Urbana: Universityof Illinois Press, 1983. LC 82-17490. ISBN 0-252-00747-6.In a well-researched study of international indifferenceto the plight of the Jews, Penkower contends thatsaving the Jews was not a priority since it did notdirectly contribute to victory. His chapters on therelative silence of the International Red Cross and thefailure to rescue the Jews of Hungary are excellent.* 2. 100 *Porat, Dina. The Blue and the Yellow Stars of David:The Zionist Leadership in Palestine and the Holocaust,1939-1945. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press,1990. ISBN 0-674-07708-3.Porat investigates how and when the Zionistleadership in Palestine fully understood that EuropeanJewry was facing annihilation; what rescue plans weredeveloped; and why they were so ineffective. Sheessentially exonerates the Zionists.* 2. 101 ~Ross, Robert W. So It Was True: 1he AmericanProtestant Press and the Nazi Persecution of the Jews.Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1980. LC80-196. ISBN 0-8166-0948-9.In a thoroughly documented study of fifty-twoProtestant periodicals from 1933-45, Ross shows thathundreds of articles and editorials dealt with what washappening to the Jews. The Christian press providedall the details but was not forceful enough in protesting.* 2. 102 *Wasserstein, Bernard. Britain and the Jews of Europe,1939-1945. London: Oxford University Press, 1979.LC 79-40406. ISBN 0-19-822600-4.The British did very little to help European Jewry.Anti-Semitism in the Foreign Office was a considerablefactor as was its sensitivity to Arab feelings in Palestine.Most importantly, within the context of a totalwar effort, aid to the Jews of Europe was seen as a lowpriority.The Holocaust 39

~ 2. 103 ~Wyman, David S. The Abandonment of the Jews:America and the Holocaust, 1941-1945. New York:Pantheon, 1984. LC 84-42711. ISBN 0-394-42813-7.F. D. R. and Congress failed to act. F. D. R. feltthat action on behalf of Jews meant trouble politically.Members of Congress were negligent, as were Christianchurches, the media, the Zionists and some prominentJews. Wyman's concluding suggestions regarding whatmight have been done to save Jews are very suggestive.His is the best book on the subject.~ 2. 104 ~Wyman, David S. Paper Walls. Amherst, MA:University of Massachusetts Press, 1968. LC 74-26913.Wyman notes three principal reasons why the U. S.granted only 150, 000 visas to Jews fleeing Europe from1938-41: unemployment in the U. S. , Nativism, andanti-Semitism.* 2. 105 ~JEWISII RESISTANCEAinsztein, Reuben. Jewish Resistancein Nazi-occupiedEastern Europe. New York: Harper & Row, 1975. LC74-1759. ISBN 0-06-4900030-4.Ainsztein explodes the myth of Jewish passivity.There was significant Jewish resistance in the ghettos,in the forests of Poland and Russia, and even in theconcentration camps. This occurred despite the overwhelmingforce and terror of the Nazis. He alsostrongly criticizes the Poles and Soviets for not doingmore to help the Jews.* 2. 106 ~Mark, Ber. Uprising in the Warsaw Ghetto. New York:Schocken, 1975. LC 74-26913.It took the Nazis longer to quell the Warsawuprising than it had taken them to defeat entire countries.The revolt lasted from mid-April to May in 1943and, although it failed, it did have important consequences.The Jewish struggle spurred renewed effortsby the Poles and it became a symbol of Jewish resistance.The author, a Polish historian, has twice revisedthis work.* 2. 107 ~Eckman, Lester, and Chaim Lazar. The Jewish Resistance.New York: Shengold, 1977. LC 77-84749. ISBN0-88400-050-8.Eckman and Lazar recount the history of theJewish partisans in Lithuania and White Russia. Theyprovide details of physical resistance against enormousodds. Thousands of Jews fought in mixed units, underSoviet control, and in Jewish partisan units. Theauthors document Ukranian anti-Semitism as well.* 2. 108 *Suhl, Yuri, ed. They Fought Back: The Story of JewishResistance in Nazi Europe. New York: Schocken, 1975.LC 74-26766.In this anthology of thirty-four essays and eyewitnessaccounts dealing with the issue of resistance, theeditor develops the contention that there was significantresistance against the Nazis despite few weapons, ahostile native population, and little experience witharmed conflict.~ 2. 109 *SELECTED FICTIONAppelfeld, Aharon. 1he Age of Wonders. Boston: DavidR. Godine, 1981. LC 81-47318. ISBN 0-87923-402-4.Appelfeld, a noted Israeli author, tells this storyfrom the point of view of a ten-year-old boy namedBruno whose parents are assimilated Jewish intellectuals.Both of Bruno's parents despise the Jewish middleclass. They also refuse to consider the possibility thatthe growing anti-Semitism in Austria could affect them.They are wrong.~ 2. 110 ~Appelfeld, Aharon. Badenheim 1939. Boston: DavidR. Godine, 1980. LC 80-66192. ISBN 0-87923-342-7.In this short, sparse novel, Appelfeld has writtenan understated, but powerful, metaphorical piece onimpending doom. The novel is set in a resort town nearVienna where a group of cultured Jews are brought inthe spring of 1939. Something is wrong. Finally theyall board the boxcars that will take them to their fate.+ 2. 111 +Appelfeld, Aharon. Tzili: The Story of a Life. NewYork: Dutton, 1984. LC 83-24991. ISBN 0-14-007058-3.Tzil i, a young Jewish girl, is the subject of neglectand ridicule because she is considered "simple-minded."With the onset of war, she is left to fend for herselfwhile her family flees. Her wandering, suffering, andabandonment can serve as a metaphor for all Jews.~ 2. 112 *Borowski, Tadeusz. This Way to the Gas, Ladies andGentlemen. New York: Viking, 1967. LC 67-21889.A non-Jewish survivor of Auschwitz describes theconditions in the death camps with remarkable understatement.This work is among the best short fiction40 GENOCIDE

on the Holocaust because Borowski is able to penetrateinto the minds of the participants and witnesses.* 2. 113 *Grossman, David. See Under: Love. New York: FarrarStraus Giroux, 1989. ISBN 0-374-25731-0.In 1959 a nine-year-old Israeli boy concludes,from the murmuring of his parents that the "Nazi beast"is living in their cellar. As a child he sets out to tameit; as an adult he attempts to come to terms with it bycreating mythic tales. This extraordinary, mythic novelabout the Holocaust by a gifted young Israeli novelistis rich in symbolism.* 2. 114 ~Heyen, William. Erika: Poems of the Holocaust. NewYork: The Vanguard Press, 1977, 1984. LC 83-14671.ISBN 0-8149-0875-6.Heyen is the son of a German who emigrated toAmerica in 1928 and the nephew of a Nazi flyer shotdown in the Soviet Union. He tries in these poems todiscover how deeply he is attached to his Germanheritage and how far he must repudiate it.~ 2. 115 *Heyen, William. The Swastika Poems. New York: TheVanguard Press, 1977. LC 76-39729. ISBN 0-8149-0780-6.Heyen continues to develop the aforementionedthemes and conflicts.~ 2. 116 *Chodziesner, Gertrud. DarkSoliloquy. Trans. and withan introduction by Henry A. Smith. New York:Seabury, 1975. LC 75-2239. ISBN 0-8164-9199-2.These lovely poems, sensitive yet powerful, werewritten during the Holocaust. The author, also knownas Gertrud Kolmar, died at Auschwitz. Her poetryportends and laments the impending doom. Yearsbefore the Holocaust took place, she described thelonely, helpless position of the Jew in a world deaf totheir cries for justice.* 2. 117 ~Sachs, Nelly. 0 the Chimneys. New York: Farrar,Strauss, 1967. LC 67-27518.Sachs, the Nobel laureate of 1966, turns to theBible, Jewish history, and Kabbalistic sources toprovide a background for her Holocaust poetry. Bornin Germany, she escaped to freedom in Sweden. Herpoetry is consumed by sadness and loneliness.~ 2. 118 *Spiegelman, Art. Maus: A Survivor 's Tale. New York:Pantheon, 1986. LC 86-42642. ISBN 0-394-74723-2.Spiegelman, a cartoonist, uses this medium in ahighly original fashion to tell the story of his father,Vladek, and his mother, Anja, both survivors ofAuschwitz. The Jews are mice, the Nazis are cats, thePoles are pigs, the French are frogs, and the Americansare dogs. The animal characters create a distancingeffect that allows the reader to follow the fable withoutbeing numbed by the inhuman horrors. In 1968 Anjacommitted suicide and the book ends with Artie callinghis father a murderer for having destroyed Anja'smemoirs without even reading them. It is very perceptiveon relationships between survivors and theirchildren.* 2. 119 *Spiegelman, Art. Maus Il: A Survivor 's Tale and HereMy Troubles Began. New York: Pantheon, 1991. ISBN0-679-40641-7.The first volume introduced readers to ValdekSpiegelman, a survivor of the Holocaust, and his son,a cartoonist trying. to come to terms with his father,his father's experiences, guilt, and other feelings. Thesequel moves from the barracks of Auschwitz to thebungalows of the Catskills. Spiegelman describesperceptively the traumas of survival against the backgroundof a son's tortured relationships with his father.Spiegelman avoids sentimentalizing his tale. He writeswith relentless honesty, sparing neither his father norhimself. He has found an original art form to add towhat we know of the Holocaust experience. He wona Pulitzer Prize in 1992.* 2. 120 *Wiesel, Elie. Dawn. Trans. from the French by FrancesFrenayer. New York: Hill and Wang, 1961. LC 61-8461.Wiesel is the best-known of all writers on theHolocaust. In this sequel to Night, a young survivor,now living in occupied Palestine, shifts from victimto executioner as he is ordered to kill a British hostage.Wiesel received the Nobel Peace Prize in 1986.~ 2. 121 ~Wiesel, Elie. Night. Trans. from the French by StellaRodeway. New York: Avon, 1969. LC 72-33106. Firstpublished in Yiddish in 1958.Night is undoubtedly one of the most powerfuland effective treatments of the Holocaust. As witnessto the Holocaust, Wiesel remains firmly within theJudaic tradition of criticizing God for inaction. Heemphasizes the centrality of memory.The Holocaust 41

* 2. 122 ~Wiesenthal, Simon. The Sunflower. New York: Schocken,1976. LC 75-35446. ISBN 0-8052-3612-0.The first part of the book is an autobiographicalmoral tale about the issue of forgiveness. A dyingGerman officer asks a Jewish prisoner for forgiveness.The Jew remains silent. The second part is a symposiumof responses to the Jew's silence and the issueof forgiveness, by prominent theologians and philosophers.~ 2. 123 ~REPRESENTATIONS AND REFLECTIONSON TIIE HOLOCAUSTAlexander, Edward. 1he Resonance of Dust. Columbus:Ohio State University Press, 1979. LC 79-15515. ISBN0-8142-0303-5.Alexander analyzes the works of Sachs, Wiesel,Singer, Kovner, Bellow, and Kaplan. He explores thevarious themes that emerge in this literature includingquestions of memory and identity. What constraintsare imposed on authors or readers of Holocaustliterature? Is the Holocaust capable of literary representation?~ 2. 124 *Blatter, Janet, and Sybil Milton. Art of the Holocaust.New York: Rutledge Press, 1981. LC 81-5895. ISBN0-8317-0418-7.Blatter and Milton reproduce more than 350 worksof art created by artists in ghettos, in hiding, or in theconcentration camps. The authors' comments help toplace them in historical perspective. The works reproducedin this collection reflect the spiritual resistanceand courage of the artists.~ 2. 125 ~Braham, Randolph L. , ed. Reflections of the Holocaustin Art and Literature. New York: East EuropeanMonographs, 1990. LC 89-62260. ISBN 0-88033-965-9.The contributors to this volume analyze the literaryand artistic productions of people like Wiesel, SamuelBeckett, Samuel Pisar, and Aaron Zeitlin.~ 2. 126 ~Costanza, Mary S. The Living Witness; Artin ConcentrationCamps and Ghettos. New York: Free Press,1982. LC 81-70859. ISBN 0-02-906660-3.Costanza has searched out and analyzed some ofthe most impressive Holocaust art. The art she foundgives evidence of courage, moral and cultural resis-tance, and the desire of artists to depict through theirart the horrors that they had witnessed and experienced.+ 2. 127 +Ezrahi, Sidra Dekoven. By Words Alone: The Holocaustin Literature. Chicago: University of Chicago Press,1980. LC 79-56908. ISBN 0-226-23335-9.Dealing with works written after the Holocaust,Ezrahi discusses the language of the Holocaust,documentation as art and the literature of survival. Sheattempts to define a Jewish "lamentation tradition" andexamines certain authors from that perspective.* 2. 128 *Fine, Ellen S. Legacy of Night: The Literary Universeof Elie Wiesel. Albany: State University of New YorkPress, 1982. LC 81-14601. ISBN 0-87395-589-7.Fine considers the themes and literary approachthat dominate Wiesel's writings. She carefully describesand analyzes Wiesel's commitment to memory, witnessing,Jewish identity, and the faith-doubt dialectic. Hersis one of the most insightful of analyses of Wiesel'swork.~ 2. 129 *Green, Gerald. The Artists of Terezin. New York:Hawthorn, 1969. LC 69-16020.The author of the television production "Holocaust"presents an account of the artists of Terezin withnumerous reproductions of their work. He focuses onpeople like Otto Ungar, Bedrich Fritta, and Leo Haas.* 2. 130 *Heinemann, Marlene. Gender and Destiny: WomenWriters and the Holocaust. Westport, CT: GreenwoodPress, 1986. LC 86-367. ISBN 0-313-24665-3.Heinemann analyzes six works on the Holocaustby women writers including Charlotte Delbo. Sheaddresses the difference in male and female "understandings"of the Holocaust.~ 2. 131 ~Insdorf, Annette. Indelible Shadows: Film and theHolocaust. New York: Vintage Books, 1983. LC 82-48892. ISBN 0-394-71464-4.After studying seventy-five films on the Holocaust,Insdorf asks whether this genre can be successful intreating a subject of such moral magnitude. She arguesthat there can be no unmediated testimony in film.Included are chapters on Hollywood and the newGerman guilt.42 GENOCIDE

¹ 2. 132 *Knopp, Josephine Z. The Trial of Judaism in ContemporaryJewish Writing. Urbana: University of IllinoisPress, 1975. LC 74-18319. ISBN 0-252-00386-1.Knopp investigates Jewish writing after theHolocaust and concludes that Judaism is reaffirmedthrough the emergence of a moral code she calls""mentshlekhayt, which is central to the Jewishtradition.¹ 2. 133 ¹Langer, Lawrence L. The Holocaust and the LiteraryImagination. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1975.LC 75-8443. ISBN 0-300-1908-4.Langer analyzes selective literary works aroundthe theme of the aesthetic problem of reconcilingnormalcy with horror. He points out the inadequaciesof language to cope with the problem of presenting theHolocaust to readers. Words like "suffering, " "tragedy," and "dignity" are just inadequate.* 2. 134 *Langer, Lawrence L. Holocaust Testimonies. NewHaven: Yale University Press, 1991. ISBN 0-300-04966-8.Langer's is the first sustained analysis of theunique ways in which oral testimony of survivors hascontributed to our understanding of the Holocaust.Drawing on the Fortunoff Video Archives for HolocaustTestimonies at Yale University, Langer showshow oral testimonies complement historical materialby providing the human dimension. He offers a criticalanalysis of the distinctionsbetween written and oraltestimony. Oral testimony is distinguished by theabsence of literary mediation. See also 4. 6.* 2. 135 *Langer, Lawrence L. Versions of Survival: The Holocaustand the Human Spirit. Albany: State Universityof New York Press, 1982. LC 81-14560. ISBN 0-87395-583-8.Langer analyzes theories of survival developedby Bettelheim, Frankl, and Des Pres. He focuses onthe writing of Wiesel, Kolmar, and Sachs and arguesagainst the literary or moral unity in Holocaust litera-ture. He also challenges the notion that there is aprototypical survivor, or simple theory of survival byfocusing on the interpretation of Holocaust memoirsand the "versions of survival" they illuminate. See also4. 7.¹ 2. 136 ¹Morse, Jonathan. Word by Word: 7he Language ofMemory. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1990.LC 89-23931. ISBN 0-8014-2383-X.The Holocaust is the central event in the historyof language in the twentieth century, because one ofits intended effects was the destruction of all memoryof itself. This goal was partially achieved since survivorsand others have had to use language that can neverreplicate the totality of the experience.¹ 2. 137 ¹Rosenfeld, Alvin H. A Double Dying: Reflections onHolocaustLiterature. Bloomington: IndianaUniversityPress, 1980. LC 79-3006. ISBN 0-253-13337-8.Rosenfeld argues that the literature of atrocityshould be read on moral as well as artistic grounds.Using this perspective, he finds the literatureof Wiesel,Levi, and Borowski, for example, to be effective whileStyron's Sophie's Choice he finds inauthentic.¹ 2. 138 ¹Young, James E. Writing andRewriting the Holocaust.Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1988. LC 87-35791. ISBN 0-253-36716-6.Young examines how historical memory andunderstanding are created in Holocaust diaries, memoirs,fiction, poetry, drama, films, video testimony,and memorials. He is one of the first to critique howHolocaust memory is constructed and performed invideo testimonies and memorial sites.* 2. 139 ¹RELIGIOUS IMPLICATIONSBerkovits, Eliezer. Faith after the Holocaust. NewYork: Ktav, 1973. LC 72-6256.An Orthodox Jewish theologian interprets theHolocaust using classical rabbinic categories. Heconcludes that Christianity and Western civilization,not God, are responsible for the Holocaust. He arguesfor the theological necessity of the State of Israel.* 2. 140 ¹Berkovits, Eliezer. With God in Hell: Judaism in theGhetto and Deathcamps. Rockaway Beach, NY:Hebrew Publishing Co. , 1979. ISBN 0-88482-937-5.Berkovitz examines the behavior of religious Jewsduring the Holocaust and argues for the resiliency ofthe pious and the authentic and against complicity. Helooks at the depths of their faith even in extremity.¹ 2. 141 ¹Cargas, Harry James. Shadows of Auschwitz: AChristian Response to the Holocaust. New York:Crossroad, 1990. ISBN 0-8245-1030-5.Cargas, a major contemporary Christian thinker,reflects on what the Holocaust means for ChristiansThe Holocaust 43

and Christianity. He argues that it is the greatesttragedy for Christians since the Crucifixion. Will therebe a resurrection for Christianity after the Holocaust?Only if it confronts its role in the tragedy in a forthrightmanner.~ 2. 142 ~Cohen, Arthur. 1he Tremendum. New York: CrossroadsBooks, 1981. LC 81-52. ISBN 0-8245-0006-7.In a bold, theological reflection on the Holocaust,Cohen treats theological evil resulting from the Holocaustas a serious challenge, even a rift for theists.~ 2. 143 ~Eckhardt, Alice L. , and A. Roy Eckhardt. A LongNight 's Journey into Day; A Revised Retrospective onthe Holocaust. Rev. ed. Detroit: Wayne StateUniversityPress and Oxford and New York: Pergamon, 1988.LC 88-10668. ISBN 0-8143-2085-6.The Eckhardts write of the singularity of the event,speaking of the Holocaust as uniquely unique. Christianshave particular responsibilities to confront theHolocaust because it was perpetrated in Christendomby baptized Christians.~ 2. 144 ~Eliach, Yaffa. Hassidic Tales of the Holocaust. NewYork and Oxford: University Press, 1982. LC 82-7928.ISBN 0-19-503199-7.Eliach presents an extraordinary compilation ofHassidic tales of faith, hope, and miracles recountingthe experiences of Hasidim during the Holocaust. Thesepretisti and mystical Jews were devastated by the Nazis,but they maintained faith and displayed great spiritualcourage.~ 2. 145 ~Fackenheim, Emil L. Jhe Jewish Return into History.New York: Schocken, 1978. LC 77-87861.A leading Jewish theologian analyzes why theHolocaust and the State of Israel are at the center ofcontemporary Jewish consciousness and thought. Hesees Israel as a moral necessity after the Holocaust.~ 2. 146International Symposium on the Holocaust, Cathedralof St. John the Divine. Auschwitz: Beginning of a NewEra? Reflections on the Holocaust. Ed. by Eva Fl eischner.New York: Ktav, 1977. LC 76-53809. ISBN 0-87068-499-X.This is an invaluable collection of papers byleading Jewish and Christian scholars from a widerangeofdisciplinesdelivered at thehistoric internationalsymposium on the Holocaust held at the Cathedralof St. John the Divine. There are particularly impres-sive discussions of the theological implicationsHolocaust and Christian anti-Semitism.of the~ 2. 147 *Greenberg, Irving. "'Cloud of Smoke, Pillar of Fire':Judaism, Christianity, and Modernity after the Holocaust." In Auschwitz: Beginning of a New Era? Ed.by Eva Fleischner. New York: Ktav, 1977. LC 76-53809. ISBN 0-87068-499-X.In this seminal article, Greenberg outlines a neo-Orthodox theological perspective developing the notionof moment-faith and faith-doubt dialectic. He focuseson Job and Isaiah's suffering servant and suggestivebiblical models of arguing with God while still remainingwithin the tradition. He argues that no theologicalposition can be credible if it does not take into accountthe challenge of one million burning babies.* 2. 148 *Huberband, Shimon. Kiddush Hashem: Jewish Religiousand Cultural Lifein Polandduring the Holocaust. NewYork: Yeshiva University Press, 1987. ISBN 0-88125-121-6.Huberband was a historian who moved to Warsawin 1940 and plunged into scholarly work, particularlyRingelblum's Oneg Shabbat archives. His majorcontribution was his chronicling of specific acts ofKiddush Hashem or martyrdom. This is a majorcontribution to the historiography of Jewish spiritualresistance during the Holocaust.~ 2. 149 ~Kirschner, Robert. Rabbinic Responsa ofthe HolocaustEra. New York: Schocken, 1985. LC 84-23509. ISBN0-8052-3978-2.The religious life of the Jews during the Holocaustis revealed in the fourteen responses contained in thisvolume. Both the questions and the answers reflect thestruggle of religious Jews to preserve their integrityduring the most extreme conditions.~ 2. 150 ~Littell, Franklin H. The Crucifixion of the Jews. NewYork: Harper & Row, 1975. LC 74-32288. ISBN 0-06-065250-9.One of the most influential and productive ChristianHolocaust scholars, Littell here briefly traces thehistory of Christian anti-Semitism and discusses theGerman church struggle and the Jews (1933-45). Healso examines the State of Israel and the crisis itsexistence causes Christianity. He argues that Christianitymust take responsibility for the Holocaust. Somecritics point out that Littell's crisis of religious conscienceis too simplistic. Nazism, after all, was an anti-Christian ideology, as much the product of modern44 GENocIDE

secularism as of the heritage of Christian anti-Judaism.Religion is only one ideology among many shapinghuman action.~ 2. 151 ~Neher, Andrb. The Exile of the Word: From the Silenceof the Bible to the Silence of Auschwitz. Philadelphia:Jewish Publication Society, 1981. LC 80-12612. ISBN0-8276-0176-X.In a wide-ranging discussion on the major theologicalquestions arising out of the Holocaust, Neher takesup the question of God's silence. He interpretsproblem in terms of the tradition of God's silence orconcealment that is evident throughout the Biblicalliterature.~ 2. 152 ~Oshry, Ephraim. Responsa from the Holocaust. Trans.by Y. Leiman. New York: Judaica Press, 1983. NUC85-5386.This is a powerful and poignant collection ofrabbinic responsa during the Holocaust that reveals thedepth of the religious spirit.~ 2. 153 *Rosenbaum, Irving J. The Holocaust and Halakha.New York: Ktav, 1976. LC 76-7407. ISBN 0-87068-296-2.Most of the rabbinic responsa during the Holocaustwere written in Germany, Poland, Hungary, andLithuania; the topics covered included suicide, abortions,and the justifiability of murder. In this scholarlystudy, Rosenbaum examines how Jews attempted toconform to Halakhic requirements during the Holocaust.the~ 2. 154 ~Rubenstein, Richard L. After Auschwitz: RadicalTheology and Contemporary Judaism. Indianapolis:Bobbs-Merrill, 1966. LC 66-27886.Rubenstein, a leading Jewish theologian, firstarticulated his death-of-God position in this series ofpenetrating essays. He asserted the failure of traditionalcovenant Judaism to deal with the Holocaust. Heconcluded that, contrary to Jewish teaching, Auschwitzmade it impossible to believe that God rules overhistory and that Jews are a Chosen People. He optedfor a neopagan celebration of nature rather than acovenantal sanctification of time.* 2. 155 *Ruether, Rosemary Radford. Faith and Fratricide:Theological Roots of Anti-Semitism. New York:Seabury Press, 1974. LC 74-11341. ISBN 0-8154-1183-2.Ruether argues that anti-Semitism is endemic toChristology and lays the foundation for understandingthe Christian role in the Holocaust. She urges a kindof relativization of the meaning of Christian scripture.From the perspective that Christian theology is responsiblefor much of anti-Semitism, she constructs a newfoundation for Christian theology to eliminate thepromises upon which Christian anti-Semitism have beenbased.~ 2. 156 *Zimmels, H. J. The Echo of the Nazi Holocaust inRabbinic Literature. New York: Ktav, 1977. LC 76-56778. ISBN 0-87068-427-2.Zimmels focuses on responsa dealing with suchtopics as mixed marriages, reburial, adoption, unclaimedproperty, the sanctity of life, and the desecrationof cemetaries and synagogues.The Holocaust 45

Chapter 3THE ISSUE OF THE HOLOCAUST AS A UNIQUE EVENTby Alan Rosenberg and Evelyn SilvermanIf the Holocaust was a truly unique event, then itlies beyond our comprehension. If it was nottruly unique, then there is no unique lesson to belearned from it. Viewed solely from theperspective of its uniqueness, the Holocaust mustbe considered either incomprehensible or trivial.A contexualist analysis, on the other hand, findsthat it was neither "extra historical" nor justanother atrocity. It is possible to view theHolocaust as unprecedented in many respectsand as an event of critical and transformationalimportance in the history of our world. Usingthis method, we can determine the ways in whichthe uniqueness question both helps and hindersour quest for understanding of the Holocaust.The question of the "uniqueness" of the Holocausthas itself become a unique question. When we approachthe Holocaust, we are at once confronted with adilemma: if the Holocaust is the truly unique andunprecedented historical event that it is often held tobe, then it must exceed the possibility of humancomprehension, for it lies beyond the reach of ourcustomary historical and sociological means of inquiryand understanding. But if it is not a historically uniqueevent, if it is simply one more incident in the longhistory of man's inhumanity to man, there is no specialpoint in trying to understand it, no unique lesson tobe learned. Yehuda Bauer states the problem from asomewhat different perspective:If what happenedto the Jews was unique,then it took place outside of history, itbecomes a mysterious event, an upside-downmiracle, so to speak, an event of religioussignificance in the sense that it is notman-made as that term is normally under-stood. On the other hand, if it is not uniqueat all, then where are the parallels or theprecedents?'Of all the enigmas, paradoxes, and dilemmasfacing Holocaust scholarship' the "uniqueness question"is surely the most vexing and divisive; it is the onequestion most likely to evoke partisan debate and togenerate emotional heat in discussion. ' This is mostrecently evident in what has come to be called the"Historian's Debate" or, the Historikerstreit, a volatileThe Issue of the Holocaust as a Unique Event 47

debate of German origin about which we will say morelater.The prominence of the issue of uniqueness,however, has not often been dealt with systematicallyin the literature. No previously published bibliographyon the "uniqueness question" exists, and although manyimportant writings on the Holocaust implicitly includethe issue, relatively few writings in the vast Holocaustliterature address the question of uniqueness directly.Thus the reader will find that the bibliography at theend of this introduction contains fewer annotations ofarticles that deal directly with the issue and many morewhose main focus is elsewhere and from which theuniqueness issue has to be inferred.In our own efforts at analysis of the issuesunderlying the "uniqueness question, " we have beenstruck by the very oddity of the question itself, for itis strange that there should be argument about it at all.What strikes us as peculiar about it is that the legitimacyof the question as such is so taken for granted, soreadily is it assumed that the uniqueness of the Holocaustis not merely a fit subject for analysis but is aproblem of the very first rank in importance.The anomaly here is just that the "uniquenessquestion" itself is taken to be crucially relevant to anunderstanding of the Holocaust although it is relevantto few — if any — other landmark events of history. Onefinds little discussion, for example, of the "uniqueness"of the Protestant Reformation or the Industrial Revolution.The atomic destruction of Hiroshima and Nagasaki— surely qualified as "unique" and "unprecedented"in terms of their implications for the future of humankind— is simply not the subject of debate concerningits "uniqueness;" nor does it involve controversy andserious divisions of opinion. If the "uniqueness" of suchevents as these, events that have radically altered ourworld, is not in question, why is it that the "uniquenessquestion" has assumed such prominence in the contextof Holocaust studies? Why is the question itself so hotlycontested? Some authorities on the history of theHolocaust go so far as to claim that the stance that onetakes with respect to the "uniqueness question" determinesthe way in which one relates the Holocaust tothe rest of human history, influencing every dimensionof one's interpretation and evaluation of the event itsel f.Comparabilityor UniquenessAccording to Saul Friedlander, for example,before we can begin to analyze any number of thecentral issues surrounding the Holocaust we must firstdeal with "a preliminary issue of crucial importancefor every aspect of the Holocaust: are we dealing witha phenomenon comparable with some other historicalevent or are we facing something unique not onlywithin any traditional and historical context, but evenwithin Nazism itself? "4 George Kren and Leon Rappoportcall the "uniqueness question" very important, for,"depending upon how it is answered, the generalorientation of interpretive analysis will obviously varya great deal. "' And again, insistence upon its historicaluniqueness may, according to Yehuda Bauer, renderthe Holocaust irrelevant except as a specifically Jewishtragedy. Here is the thrust of Bauer's argument:If what happens to the Jews is unique, thenby definition it doesn't concern us, beyondour pity and commiseration for the victims.If the Holocaust is not a universal problem,then why should a public school system inPhiladelphia, New York or Timbuktu teachit? Well, the answer is that there is nouniqueness, not even of a unique event.Anything that happens once, can happenagain: not quite in the same way, perhaps,but in an equivalent form. 'In what follows we shall be addressing the problemsand issues that are raised by texts like these, texts citedhere simply as evidence that — for Holocaust studies— the "uniqueness question" is at once paramountand problematic.It is clear, moreover, that the "uniqueness question"has become a matter of concern to the Jewish andChristian lay community as well as to professionalscholars in the field. One need only think of the publicdebate over the issues of the inclusion of the Holocaustin the social studies curriculum of the New York Cityschool system or the U. S. Holocaust Memorial Councilto see how sensitive the issue has become, especiallywithin the Jewish community itself. ' We may ask ifthis special sensitivity is not itself an impediment tomore widespread dialogue, thus hampering the verycause of understanding that Jews support. For, asProfessor Ismar Schorsch states, the Jews' "obsession"with the uniqueness claim "impedes genuine dialogue,because it introduces an extraneous contentious issuethat alienates potential allies from among other victimsof organized human depravity. Similarly, our fixationon uniqueness has prevented us from reaching out byuniversalizing the lessons of the Holocaust. "'Three Principal OptionsConsiderations such as these clearly imply that,if we are to widen and deepen our understanding ofthe Holocaust, we must deal with the claim of "uniqueness"by developing a strategy that will free us fromthe conceptual muddles that presently cloud the issue.We must be clear as to the meaning of the claim itself48 GENOCIDE

if we are to escape the mystification that frequently hassurrounded it. ' We appear to have three principaloptions:I) We can dismiss the whole question of "uniqueness," on one of two grounds. Eberhard Jackel, forinstance, suggests that the uniqueness issue adds littleof value to our understanding of the Holocaust. Heasserts the event's uniqueness but then states, "incidently,the question of uniqueness is after all not all thatdecisive. Would it change anything, had theNational-Socialist murder not been unique?"" On theother hand, Schorsch, as mentioned above, recommendsdismissal of the issue on the grounds that it only servesto add a politically divisive element to the discussion.2) We can attempt to account for why it is that the"uniqueness" claim has become integral to the discussionof the meaning of the Holocaust while it has beentreated as merely peripheral to the analysis of otherhistorical events of major consequence.3) We can concentrate our analysis upon how the"uniqueness question" helps as well as hinders us inour quest to elucidate the meaning and significance ofthe Holocaust.Though we are sympathetic with those who confinetheir strategy to the first option, we shall reject it asunrealistic. For, while it is true — as Schorsch pointsout — that the claim to uniqueness sometimes does posea difficulty for those who would gain a better understandingof. the Holocaust by comparing it with othercases of mass human destruction, it does not seem tous that we can evade the "uniqueness question" bysimply disregarding it. The "uniqueness question" ismuch too central to the literature of the Holocaust tobe igriored. The second option as listed above is ofdecisive import, for it is always helpful to understandwhat lies behind any particular perspective on an event,and especially so when the range of perspectives onthe event is so much a part of the event itself and givesrise to so much controversy. We shall be exercisingthe third option, because it builds upon the second— depending as it does upon clarification of themeaning of the claim of "uniqueness" with respect tothe Holocaust — although a full account of the matterlies beyond the scope of this chapter.Explicating the UniquenessQuestionIn the end we shall try to show why explicatingthe "uniqueness question" is the strategy that is mostfruitful in understanding the Holocaust itself. However,although we shall be adopting this third option, let usfirst sketch some of the factors that have tended tomake the "uniqueness question" itself a part of theproblem in understanding the Holocaust. Before wecan see how it can be treated as part of the "solution, "so to speak, we must see why it has become "part ofthe problem. "It seems to be beyond question that the peculiarrole that the "uniquenessquestion" has come to playin relation to the historical accounts and understandingof the Holocaust is largely due to the insistence of amajor part of the Jewish community that the Holocaustmust be viewed as unique." It was a segment of theJewish community, in fact, that devised and acceptedthe very label "Holocaust" in order to express theuniqueness of the event," literally defining it as suchby the name that they gave it. " The process by meansof which a series of historical incidents becomes knownas an "event" is well known, for it is only by gatheringinto meaningful clusters the apparently separate andunrelated facts of historical happenings that we are ableto form coherent concepts of what has happened in thepast.The naming of such a cluster is but one step inthe process of self-understanding, and so it is easy tosee why a segment of the Jewish community has cometo view the naming of the Holocaust as an attempt tocapture and preserve the uniqueness of meaning thatis implicit in the facts so named. As those facts becameknown in the aftermath of World War II they immediatelygave rise to a numbing horror in which the humanmind seemed to be incapable of dealing with them, ofgrasping them in the normal fashion in which we dealwith the factual materials of history. The awful depthand scope of these "incidents, " of these particularhistorical facts, were of such horrible dimensions asto seem completely incomprehensible. It is from thisresponse, we believe, that the claim to the "uniqueness"of the Holocaust was generated." And it is in thecontext of this response that the search for thosecharacteristics and traits that mark the Holocaust asunique must be understood. For it is precisely thissearch, and the various proposals that have issued fromit, that is responsible for making the "uniquenessquestion" a part of the event which the "Holocaust"names: it has become part of the problem of theunderstanding and comprehension of what happened.The peculiar question of "uniqueness" may not havebeen an inevitable component of the problem, but itis clearly, at this point, an inescapable one.Quite aside from the origins of the "uniquenessquestion" and its integration into the total problematicof the literature of the Holocaust, at least three othersubstantive problems concerning the characterizationof the Holocaust as "unique" can be readily stated,though they are not so readily solved. We must, firstThe Issue of the Holocaust as a Unique Event 49

of all, be clear about what we mean when we claiman event to be unique. Second, we must be clear as towhat element or elements of the event make it unique.Finally, we must at least try to be clear about theimplications of the decision to classify the Holocaustas unique and try to understand how that decision mayaffect our interpretation of the event itself.What ConstitutesUniqueness?Existing Holocaust scholarship, surprisingly, isof little help in determining criteria for what constitutes"uniqueness" with respect to the Holocaust, or anyother historical event, for that matter. Often terms otherthan "unique" are used throughout the literature, wordssuch as "singularity" or "particularity" or "unprecendented"and phrases like "without equal" or "epochmaking. " Sometimes these are all used interchangeably,synonymously, and other times each term seems to beselected to establish a particular focus or emphasis ofmeaning for the concept of uniqueness. Should weconsult ordinary language, we gain even less help. TheAmerican College Dictionary gives three possibledefnitions of "unique": I) "of which there is but one";2) "having no like or equal"; and 3) "rare and unusual." In such terms, every event can be called unique,for no event of history is ever literally duplicated or"happens" twice, or is exactly "like" any other event,or its "equal. " Moreover, from the point of view ofthose who believe in the uniqueness of the Holocaustit would seem to trivialize the importance of theHolocaust to call it simply "rare" or "unusual. "In order to avoid such trivialization we must lookat the actual use of the claim itself; we must analyzethe intentions of those who have insisted upon the"uniqueness" of the Holocaust, and we must try tograsp the point of the claim. In this way, it seems tous, we can make sense of the question. It would seemthat for many scholars the claim of "uniqueness" isintended to set apart from other historical events justthat singular event that has the potential of transforminga culture, or altering the course of history, in someprofound and decisive way. If the Industrial Revolution,for example, is said to be a "unique event" in thehistory of the West, it is because it is viewed in thistransformational light; it changed our Western culture,altered its values, and so can be viewed "" as a cause ofa major "turning point in history. Such a way ofdefining the "uniqueness" claim corresponds closelyto the definition offered by Emil Fackenheim, for his"epoch making event"" is just what is meant byterming an event as actually or potentially "transformational"of the status quo ante, as radically altering thecourse of history." Given such a definition we can seehow it is possible to claim that the Holocaust, as wellas other events, such as the atomic bombing of Japan,can be classified as "unique. "Yet we find interpreters of the Holocaust seriouslydivided over the preliminary question of uniqueness.In the first instance, there are those who view the wholeissue of uniqueness as unimportant, for there is, as wehave seen, a trivial sense in which all historical eventsare unique." They see the Holocaust as unique onlyto the extent that every historical event is necessarilydifferent from every other historical event; because"history never repeats itself, " contrary to what hassometimes been popularly believed, it follows that the"uniqueness" of the Holocaust is affirmed. But suchan affirmation is clearly a "trivialization" of the"uniqueness question. "There is yet a second group that falls within thecamp of the "trivialists. " They are quite willing to seethe Holocaust as an event of major importance, but theynevertheless agree that the claim of uniqueness cannotbe sustained in any non-trivial form. They argue thattoo much has been made of what have been called the"exceptional" features of the Holocaust. Ernst Nolte,for example, has been interpreted to have reduced theuniqueness of the "" Holocaust to the "technical processof the gassing. Without denying the existence ofunique features this group concentrates on showing thatthe Holocaust grew from the events that led up to it.In their view the Holocaust may simply be regardedas just one more incident — albeit a flagrant one — ofman's inhumanity to man, one more horrible atrocityin a century filled with them. They cite such precedentsas the destruction of the Armenians by the Turks~ andthe mass destructions of the Russian Revolution,drawing analogies between the atrocities of the GulagArchipelago and Auschwitz, and even reaching backto the genocidal near-extermination of the AmericanIndians for parallel cases.Some of these critics grant that whatever uniquenessthe Holocaust may possess can only be seen withinthe context of Jewish history." But some Jewishintellectuals, Jacob Neusner" and Arnold Eisen, ~ forexample, go so far as to hold that even within thecontext of Jewish history the Holocaust cannot beviewed as unique. They contend that the Holocaustshould be understood as one event in a succession ofevents, one link in a long chain of events aimed at theelimination of the Jews as a people commencing withthe destruction of the Second Temple in 70 CE. '4In sharp contrast to the "trivialists, " those whomwe have called "absolutists" are certain that no otherevent in history even remotely resembles the Holocaustor furnishes a precedent for understanding it. Itssingularity is such that it exceeds the power of languageto express; its meaning is such that it belongs to"another planet. " It is incomprehensible, completely50 GENOCIDE

outside the normal dimensions of our terrestrial history,beyond all historical explanation and appraisal. It is,they say, not merely unique; it is, to use the Eckhardts'phrase, "uniquely unique. "~Menachem Rosensaft sums up this view succinctly:the "Holocaust stands alone in time as an aberrationwithin history. "~ And Elie Wiesel writes that "theuniverse of concentration camps, by its design, liesoutside if not "" beyond history. Its vocabulary belongsto it alone. In Bauer's striking characterization, theHolocaust is viewed "" by these writers as an "upsidedownmiracle. These absolutists see the Holocaustas unique simply because it happened, and concerningtheir view nothing needs to be added.ContextualistsThose reluctant to accept either the trivialist orthe absolutist position may be termed "contextual ists. "Contextualists find that, although there may be distinctfeatures of the Holocaust that set it apart and that mightremain of more importance than its similarities andresemblances to other events, it is central to their thesisthat the Holocaust always be examined within thecontext of history. Comparison, many state, does notpreclude uniqueness. Often it is the very act of compar-ison, the examination of the Holocaust against thebackdrop of history, that serves to highlight thosefeatures that render the event unique, but only relativelyso. Other turning points in history, other great crises,they suggest, contain elements both comparable withand related to the Holocaust.With this approach the Holocaust is neither "extrahistorical, " in the sense claimed by the absolutists, norjust another atrocity, as the trivialists maintain. Thismeans that it is possible to view the Holocaust asunprecedented in many respects, that it is an event ofcritical and transformational importance in the historyof our world, and yet it is still an event that must beaddressed as a part of that history. It can and shouldbe compared to other genocidal incidents, describedand analyzed in language free from the "mystification"that only blocks our understanding, and made asaccessible to explanation as possible. It should not beassumed, on a priori grounds of its absolute "uniqueness," that what caused the Holocaust is forever beyondthe reach of the tools of historical analysis, or that theconsequences cannot be explored by means of socialtheory.The HistorikerstreitHere we must note what has become known asthe Historikerstreit [historians' debate]. In this debate,a group of reknowned German scholars, most of whoseessays and hooks have not yet been translated from theGerman, consider many important issues of substanceand method, including those of the role of the ThirdReich in German history, the place of Germany inworld politics, as well as issues of German nationalpride. All of these works deal on some level with justhow and to what extent the Third Reich and theHolocaust can be contextualized within German andworld history. But from our perspective it is importantto note that "of all the issues raised by the controversy,the singularity of Auschwitz "" is the most central and themost hotly debated.It was Ernst Nolte's essay of 1986 together withJurgen Habermas'" response that first triggered theHistorians' Debate. Habermas was responding to somehistorians," such as Ernst Nolte, Michael Sturmer andAndreas Hillgruber who he believed had used thecontextualization of the Holocaust in such a way aseither to completely eliminate or to relegate to insignificanceany of its unique aspects. Nolte, for example,takes the idea of contextualization to such an extremeand so relativizes the events of the Holocaust that herenders it a rather normal happening of our era, almostto be expected when examined in the context of otherhistorical events of our time, highly analogous in manyrespects to the Russian Revolution and so not evenunique in the sense ofbeing unprecendented. Peter Gayhas called Nolte's approach "comparative trivializa-tion"" in which the unique qualities of the Holocaustare reduced to features of insignificant implication.The uniqueness of the Nazi crimes, their comparabilityto other atrocities, becomes a crucial questionfor German national identity and Germany's place inworld history. As Charles S. Maier has explained it:If Auschwitz is admittedly dreadful, butdreadful as only one specimen of genocide... then Germany can still aspire toreclaim a national acceptance that no onedenies to perpetrators of other massacres,such as Soviet Russia. But if the Final Solu-tion remains noncomparable. .. the past maynever be "worked "through, the future nevernormalized, and German nationhood mayremain forever tainted, like some well foreverpoisoned. ~Habermas and others consider that Nolte and theconservative historians have used extreme historicizationor relativization of the Holocaust and presentedit with apologist intent to help Germany "regain a senseof the lost national identity. ""Other positions regarding the uniqueness issue andthe contextualization or comparability of the Holocaustand the Third Reich emerged from Habermas' confron-The Issue of the Holocaust as a Unique Event 51

tation "" with those he called the "conservative historians.For our purposes, the most important positionis that contextualization or the comparative method neednot eliminate the unique elements of the Holocaust butcould highlight both its singularity and its similarityto other events." The scope of this essay precludesfurther exploration of this important and fascinatingdebate." What is significant to us here is that onceagain this debate puts the question of uniqueness intothe forefront of our understanding of the Holocaust.IntentionVersus MethodologyIt would be misleading to claim that, quite asidefrom the historians of the Hisforikerstreit, all thosescholars we categorize as contextualists speak with asingle voice concerning the "uniqueness question. "Steven Katz" and Saul Friedlander, ~ for instance, takean "intentionalist" approach. They hold the view thatit is the "intention" of the Nazis to eliminate Jewrytotally that marks the Holocaust as unique amongcomparable pogroms and genocides. Others, such asRichard L. Rubenstein" and Henry Friedlander," takea more "methodological" point of view. They see theuniqueness of the Holocaust more in terms of thedistinctive bureaucratic and technological methods ofdestruction employed. The impact of each position canbe seen by comparing the following texts. In "WhoseHolocaust?" Yehuda Bauer takes the intentionalistapproach:The uniqueness of the Holocaust doesnot. .. lie in numbers. It does not lie in themethod of mass murder. ... What makes itunique is the existence of two elements:planned total annihilation of a national orethnic group, and the quasi-religious, apocalypticideology that motivated the murder. "By contrast, here is Robert E. Willis representingapproach from the methodologist standpoint:For whatever similarities are present betweenAuschwitz and other cases — and there aremany — the former is distinguished by beingthe first instance of a situation in which thefull bureaucratic and technical apparatus ofthe state was mobilized for the primarypurpose of extermination.Some methodologists make it clear that they fullyrecognize the important role that the intentionalistsascribe to the "uniqueness" of the Nazis' emphasis on"total"extermination, while insisting that the specialbureaucratic and technological means employed in thatthedestruction are the more decisively unique feature ofthe event."Yet other contextualists unite both the intentionalistand the methodological apprehension of the Holocaust'suniqueness. It is not necessary after all that only onedistinct type of feature render an event unique. Jackel,for example, holds the Holocaust to be unique in bothmethod and intention:This is not the first time I argue that themurder of the Jews was unique becausenever before had a state, with authority ofits responsible leader, conceived and announcedits intention to liquidate as completelyas possible a certain group of peo-ple. . . and to implement its decision by meansof all the official instrumentsdisposaL~of power at itsThese very sharply defined differences of focuson what constitutes the uniqueness of the Holocaust areresponsible for serious divergences of interpretationof the event itself. For it is clear that the absolutists,trivialists, and contextualists employ their respectiveviews of the "uniqueness question" as interpretiveframeworks for understanding the Holocaust itself. Thepreliminary question of uniqueness helps to determine,by the way in which it is answered, the conceptualapparatus for exploring the other problems of theHolocaust.InterpretiveGridsWith these very different approaches to theHolocaust locked into the different interpretive gridsthrough which the event itself is to be viewed andinterpreted, from the preliminary stage on, it is smallwonder that the eventual interpretations that are reachedshould themselves be widely variant, and we can seehow each interpretation of the uniqueness question willhave very different implications. The absolutist position,while it forces us to see the uniqueness of theevent, renders the Holocaust forever incomprehensible,outside the context of our age, our language, and ourcapacity for understanding." While many absolutistsurge that discussion of the Holocaust be continued, asBauer asks, if the Holocaust has no universal lessonsfor all men, why should anyone study it?" One mightquestion the value of including an incomprehensibleevent in a school curricula, for example.When the trivialist position is taken, attention isdrawn away from any unique features the Holocaustmight have. Unlike the absolutist view, the Holocaustis placed within the context of history, but the eventbecomes of no more concern to us than any other52 GENOCIDE

historical event. All transformational potential is deniedand no particular lessons can be derived from it.Contextualists, as we have said, place the Holo-caust as a historical event, neither necessarily beyondour comprehension nor beyond the reach of ourcustomary tools of social analysis. Their use of context-ualization can serve either to highlight or to minimizeany possibly unique features with strikingly differentconsequences. As we have seen the contextualizationof the Holocaust can lead either to trivialization or toexpansion of our understanding of the causes of eventslike the Holocaust. Such expanded understanding maygive us the knowledge that will enable us prevent anypossible recurrence.Within the contextual ist debate two major emphasesemerge with differing implications. Themethodologists,placing the focus as they do on the technologicaland bureaucratic means of destruction, tend to downplaythe importance of the victims of the Holocaust.On the other hand the intentionalist position places allfocus of emphasis on the Jews as victims. This emphasison the particularity of the Jewish situation tends toobscure relevant analogies with the predicaments ofother groups and also obscures the more universalimplications for the future of all humankind. Whenspeaking of the Jews' special claim to uniqueness,Geoff Eley has stated: ". . . to insist on the uniquenessof the event is a short step to insisting on the exclusive-ness of interpretation which asserts an empatheticprivilege and even Jewish proprietorship in the subject."4' As we have noted earlier one possible resultof this approach is to yield political disharmonies withother groups who have felt themselves to have beensimilarly victimized in other catastrophes and whomight feel that the insistence on Jewish uniquenessserves to underplay their own experiences. ~ConclusionWhat is important is not that the reader shouldaccept any one approach to the "uniqueness question"as true and the others as false, but that he or she shouldtry to discover which of these approaches yields themost coherent and intelligible results, which frameworkelucidates the problems of understanding the Holocaustmost clearly and is the most promising for understandingits historical and moral significance. It is not asimple matter to decide, and the fact that there aresubtle differences within each type of approach doesnot make the task any easier.NoTES1. Yehuda Bauer, The Holocaust in HistoricalPerspective (Seattle: University of Washington, 1978),31. For different formulations of this problem, see EmilFackenheim, To Mend the World: Foundations ofFuture Jewish Thought (New York: Schocken Books,1982), 20; Henry L. Feingold, "How Unique Is theHolocaust?" in Critical Issues of the Holocaust, ed.by Alex Grobman and Daniel Landes (Los Angeles:Simon Wiesenthal Center and Rossel Books, 1983),397; and Robert McAfee Brown, "The Holocaust asa Problem in Moral Choice, " in When God and ManFailed: Non-Jewish Views of the Holocaust, ed. byHarry James Cargas (New York: Macmillan PublishingCo. , Inc. , 1981), 99.2. For a more detailed analysis of the enigmas andparadoxes facing Holocaust scholarship, see AlanRosenberg, "The Problematic Character of Understandingthe Holocaust, " European Judaism 17:2 (Winter1983/84): 16-20; and Alan Rosenberg, "The Crisis inKnowing and Understanding the Holocaust, " in Echoesfrom the Holocaust: Philosophical Reflections on aDark Time, ed. by Alan Rosenberg and Gerald Myers(Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1988),379-395.3. See Pierre Papazian, "A 'Unique Uniqueness' ?"and the symposium it generated, "Was the HolocaustUnique?: Responses to Pierre Papazian, " Midstream30:4 (April 1984): 14-25.4. Saul Friedlander, "On the Possibility of theHolocaust: An Approach to a Historical Synthesis, "in The Holocaust as Historical Experience, ed. byYehuda Bauer and Nathan Rotenstreich (New York:Holmes and Meier, 1981), 1.5. George Kren and Leon Rappoport, "Failure of"Thought in Holocaust Interpretation, in Towards theHolocaust: The Social and Economic Collapse of theWeimar Republic, ed. by Michael N. Dobkowski andIsidor Wallimann (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press,1983), 380.6. Yehuda Bauer, "Right and Wrong Teaching ofthe Holocaust, " in The International Conference onLessons of the Holocaust, ed. by Josephine Z. Knopp(Philadelphia: National Institute on the Holocaust,1979), 5.7. See Ismar Schorsch, "The'Holocaust and JewishSurvival, " Midstream 17:1 (January 1981): 39; andPaula E. Hyman, "New Debates on the Holocaust, "tThe Issue of the Holocaust as a Unique Event 53

The New York Times Magazine (14 September 1980):80-82.8. Schorsch, 39.9. For the significances of the issue, see HenryFriedlander, "Toward a Methodology of Teaching aboutthe Holocaust, " Teacher 's College Record 80:3 (February1979): 524-525 and Rosenberg, "The Crisis inKnowing and Understanding the Holocaust, " 389-392.10. Eberhard Jackel, "The Miserable Practice of theInsinuators: The Uniqueness of the National-SocialistCrime Cannot Be Denied, " Yad Vashem Studies 19(1988): 111.11. Schorsch, 39.12. Lucy S. Dawidowicz states, "The Holocaust isthe term that Jews themselves have chosen to describetheir fate during World War II. " The War Against theJews. . 1933-1945 (New York: Holt, Rinehart andWinston, 1975), xv.13. . For a brilliant historical analysis of how the term"Holocaust" became the name for what happened tothe Jews under Hitler, see Gerd Korman, "The Holocaustin American Historical Writing, " Societas 2:3(Summer 1972): 259-262.14; Rosenberg, "The Crisis in Knowing and Understandingthe Holocaust, " 386.15. On the question of transformational events, seeGeorge M. Kren and Leon Rappoport, The Holocaustand the Crisis of Human Behavior (New York: Holmesand Meier, 1980), 12-15; and Alan Rosenberg andAlexander Bardosh's critique of the same in ModernJudaism 1:3 (December 1981): 337-346.16. Emil Fackenheim, The Jewish Returninto History(New York: Schocken Books, 1978), 279.17. For an analysis of what has been radically alteredin history by the Holocaust, see Kren and Rappoport,131-143; and Alan Rosenberg, "The PhilosophicalImplications of the Holocaust, " in Perspectives on theHolocaust, ed. by Randolph L. Braham (Boston:Kluever-Nijhoff Publishers, 1983), 8-16.18. For an incisive analysis of the problem, see CareyB. Joynt and Nicholas Rescher, "The Problem ofUniqueness in History, " in Studies in the Philosophyof History, ed. by George H. Nadel (New York: Harperand Row, 1965), 3-15; and Alice L. Eckhardt and A.Roy Eckhardt, "The Holocaust and the Enigma ofUniqueness: A Philosophical Effort at Practical Clarification," The Annals of the American Academy ofPolitical and Social Science 450 (July 1980): 166-167.19. Ernst Nolte, "A Past That Will Not Pass Away(A Speech It Was Possible to Write, But Not toPresent), " Yad Vashem Studies 19 (1988): 71.20. See Papazian, 14.21. Papazian, 14.22. Jacob Neusner, Stranger at Home: "The Holocaust," Zionism and American Judaism (Chicago:University of Chicago Press, 1981), 6-8.23. Eisen's remarks appear in "The Meaning andDemeaning of the Holocaust:"A Symposium, Moment6:3-4 (March/April 1981): 3.24. For a good brief critical discussion see Holocaust:Religious and Philosophical Implications, ed. by JohnK. Roth and Michael Berenbaum (New York: ParagonHouse, 1989), 3-5.25. A. Roy Eckhardt with Alice L Eckhardt, LongNight's Journey into Day: Life and Faith after theHolocaust (Detroit: Wayne State University Press,1982), 43-50.26. Menachem Rosensaft, "The Holocaust: Historyas Aberration," Midstream 23:5 (May 1977): 55.27. Elie Wiesel, "Now We Know, " in Genocide inParaguay, ed. by Richard Arens (Philadelphia: TempleUniversity Press, 1976), 165.28. Yehuda Bauer, The Holocaust in HistoricalPerspective (Seattle: University of Washington Press,1978), 31.29. Richard J. Evans, "The New Nationalism and theOld History: Perspectives on the West . German His-"torikerstreit, Journal of Modern History (December1987): 781.30. Nolte, 65-73.31. Jurgen Habermas, "A Kind of Indemnification:The Tendencies toward Apologia in German Researchon Current History, " Yad Vashem Studies 19 (1988):75-92.54 GENOCIDE

32. For an excellent understanding of Habermas'intervention in the German Debate, see John Torpey,""Introduction: Habermas and the Historians, NewGerman Critique no. 44 (Spring/Summer 1988): 5-24.33. Peter Gay, Freud, Jews and Other Germans (NewYork: Oxford University Press, 1978), xi.34. Charles S. Maier, The Unmasterable Past:History, Holocaust, and German National Identity(Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1988),1.35. Otto Dov Kulka, "Singularity and Its Relativization:Changing Views in German Historiography onNational Socialism and the 'Final Solution', " YadVashem Studies 19 (1988): 163.36. See Martin Broszat and Saul Friedlander, "AControversy about the Historicization of NationalSocialism, " Yad Vashem Studies 19 (1988): 1-47.37. For an excellent discussion of this position seeJurgen Kocka, "The Weight of the Past in Germany'sFuture, " German Politi cs and Society (February 1988):22-29.38. For further reading see Richard J. Evans, InHitler's Shadow: West German Historians and theAttempt to Escape Pom the Nazi Past (New York:Pantheon Books, 1989); and Ian Kershaw, The NaziDictatorship: Problems and Perspectives of Interpretation,2d ed. (London and New York: Edward Arnold,1989), 150-191.39. Steven T. Katz, "The 'Unique' Intentionality ofthe Holocaust, " Modern Judaism 1:2 (September 1981):161-183.40. Friedlander, 1-6.41. Richard L. Rubenstein, The Cunning of History(New York: Harper and Row, 1975), 6-7, 22-35.42. Henry Friedlander, "Toward a Methodology ofTeaching about the Holocaust, " 530-531.43. Yehuda Bauer, "Whose Holocaust?" Midstream26:9 (November 1980): 45.44. Robert E. Willis, "Confessing God after Ausch-"witz: A Challenge for Christianity, Cross Currents28:3 (Fall 1978): 272.45. See Leo Kuper, Genocide (New Haven: YaleUniversity Press, 1981), 120-122, 135.46. Jackel, 110.47. For an excellent analysis of the problem ofincomprehensibility, see Dan Magurshak, "TheIncomprehensibilityof the Holocaust: Tightening Up SomeLoose Usage, " in Echoes Pom the Holocaust: Philo-sophical Reflections on a Dark Time, ed. by AlanRosenberg and Gerald Myers (Philadelphia: TempleUniversity Press, 1988), 421-431.48. Bauer, "Right and Wrong Teaching of the Holocaust," 5.49. Geoff Eley, "Holocaust History, " London Reviewof Books (3-17 March 1982): 6.50. Papazian, 18.Chapter 3: Annotated¹31¹Arendt, Hannah. Eichmann in Jerusalem. Rev. & enl.ed. New York: Viking Press, 1964. LC-64-25532.In the epilogue of her well known book, Arendtconcludes that the Nazi crimes were unique "politicallyand legally. " She says, ". . . these 'crimes' were differentnot only in degree of seriousness but in essence. " Shesees the key difference to lie in the Nazi intention tomurder all Jews worldwide, thus creating a new kindof crime that she calls a "crime"against humanity.Bibliography¹ 3. 2 ¹"Bauer, Yehuda. "Against Mystification. In TheHolocausti n Hi stori cal Perspective. Seattle: Universityof Washington Press, 1978. LC 78-2988. ISBN 0-295-95606-2.Bauer confronts the dilemma of conceptualizingthe Holocaust as unique: if totally unique, it lies outsidehistorical understanding; if not at all unique, then"where are the parallels and precedents?" He placesthe Holocaust within the context of history as "parallel"to other acts of genocide, but claims that the Nazis'wish to murder all Jews simply by virtue of the factthat they were Jews and not for any secondary gain,The Issue of the Holocaust as a Unique Event 55

whether political or economic, sets the Holocaust apartas a unique event. In this way Bauer establishes whatwe call the intentionalist approach to the uniquenessissue. He takes issue with using the term genocide toapply to the Holocaust because, according to Bauer,Lemkin, the jurist who first coined the word, neverunderstood the term "genocide" to apply to the completephysical annihilation of an entire group — a fatethe Nazis clearly intended for the Jews — but only tothe destruction of a group's national or ethnic orreligious identity, its "murderous denational ization. "Thus the Holocaust can be seen as comparable to othergenocidal events — the Armenian massacre, for instance— but unique in and of itself because of theunique intention involved: according to Bauer, theTurks never intended to murder all the Armenians.3 3Bauer, Yehuda. "Essay: On the Place of the Holocaustin History; In Honour of Franklin H. Littell. " Holocaustand Genocide Studies 20:2 (1987): 209-220.Bauer reiterates his position that it is the motivationof the Nazis that sets the Holocaust off as a uniqueevent in history and apart from other mass destructionsand genocides. Unlike his position in earlier writings,however, Bauer now characterizes the Nazis' motivation,their desire to murder the Jews, as "a globalideology, not just a Germanic one" that involvedridding the. entire world of all Jews. According toBauer, the closest parallel in history to date is theArmenian massacre, which he calls a "Holocaust-relatedevent. " In that case, however, the motivation wasprimarily political; and perhaps just as importantly toBauer, at no point did the Turks express the desire tomurder all Armenians worldwide but only withinTurkey's political boundaries. These differences, crucialto Bauer, still set the Holocaust apart as a uniquehistorical event.4340Bauer, Yehuda. "Is the" Holocaust Explicable. InRemembering for the Future: Working Papers andAddenda. Vok 2. Ed. by Yehuda Bauer, et al. Oxford:Pergamon Press, 1989. ISBN 0-08-036754-2.Bauer, in a paper presented at a world conferenceentitled "Remembering for the Future, " again assertsthat the Jewish Holocaust is a unique, unprecedentedevent in history. Bauer defines "Holocaust" genericallyas the "planned, total annihilation of a whole people... for ideological reasons. " For Bauer, "the casesof the Armeniansand the Jews would fit here, with theideological factor being decisive in the case of the Jews,thus setting this Holocaust apart. " Whereas the annihilationof the Armenians was limited to Turkey, theuniqueness of the Jewish destruction stems from thefact that it is the only event in history to date wherethe annhilation was intended on a global scale.4354Bauer, Yehuda. "The Place of the Holocaust in ContemporaryHistory. " In Studies in Contemporary Jewry.Ed. by Jonathan Frankel. Bloomington: IndianaUniversity Press, 1984. ISBN 0-253-39511-9.In this later article Bauer reinforces his idea thatgenocide and holocaust are two distinct kinds of events,locatable on a continuum of evil that stretches from"mass murder" to "genocide" to "holocaust. " Genocideinvolves the destruction of a group's national, ethnic,or religious identity and might involve mass murder.A holocaust, Bauer notes, using a lower case "h" todenote a generic class of events and not the JewishHolocaust, involves the total physical annihilation ofa group, the murder of all its members for ideologicalreasons. To Bauer the Holocaust — the destruction ofthe European Jews — is a unique form of holocaustbecause it is the only one that fulfilled the criteria inthe extreme form. The Armenian massacre, aboutwhich Bauer now states that the Turks did in fact intendto totally annihilate all Armenians in Turkey, offersan analogous but not identical kind of event becausethere were ideological differences. "On the continuumthe two events stand next to each other. " Thus Bauerappears to be saying that the Armenian massacre fitsinto the general category of holocaust.~ 3. 6 *Bauer, Yehuda. "Whose Holocaust?" Midstream 26:9(November 1980): 42-46.Bauer again deals with the uniqueness issue; thistime he sets his discussion in a warning that de-Judaizingthe Holocaust by denying its uniqueness canpossibly be one of the first steps in allowing the rebirthof a more rampant anti-semition. He argues that thememory of the outrageous horror of the Holocaust hasinhibited this potential rebirth. As in previous writings,he again states that the Holocaust is unique in intentionin that the Nazis wanted to totally annihilate the Jews.He still distinguishes between genocide and the Holocaust,but now introduces the idea that the "Holocaustis both the name for a specific, unique event in recenthistory, and also a generic concept: The planned totalannihilationof a national or ethnic group on the basisof general ideology. " This differs from genocide in thata genocide would not necessarily involve the murderof a people but possibly only the destruction of apeople's identity. Bauer has here included in hisdefinition of the Holocaust the concept that a holocaustmust not only be a "planned total annihilation" but thatit must be powered by "ideological reasons. "56 GENOCIDE

3 7Berenbaum, Michael. "The Uniqueness and Universalityof the Holocaust. " American Journal of Theologyand Philosophy 2:3 (1981): 85-96.Berenbaum asserts that the Holocaust is analogous,though not equivalent, to other events in history, andthat the comparison of the Holocaust to those otherhistorical events does not necessarily detract from itsuniqueness, but rather serves to highlight those elementsunique to it. The Holocaust remains unprecedentedin both world and Jewish history for four reasons:1) it was biologically based; 2) it was a sustainedepisode of anti-semition; 3) it was legally sanctionedby the State; and 4) the intention of the Nazis was toannihilate all Jews.«3. 8 «Dadrian, Vahakn N. "The Convergent Aspects of theArmenian and Jewish Cases of Genocide: A Reinterpretationof the Concept of Holocaust. " Holocaust andGenocide Studies 3:2 (1988): 152-169.Dadrian claims that both the Armenians and theJews have had similar destructions visited on them. TheArmenian massacre and the annihilation of the Jewswere both genocides carried out with similar methodand intention. But although perhaps not objectivelyunique, each destruction is subjectively unique as it isexperienced by its victims. This subjective experienceof uniqueness holds for all groups towards whomgenocide has been directed.«39«Dawidowicz, Lucy. "Thinking about the Six Million:Facts, Figures, Perspectives. " In The Holocaust andthe Historians. Cambridge, MA: Harvard UniversityPress, 1981. LC 80-29175. ISBN 0-674-40566-8.In the context of a review of the total loss ofhuman life during World War II, Dawidowicz arguesthat the fate of the Jews was essentially different fromother mass murders perpetrated by the Nazis. Theauthor states that "never before had the principles andmethods of rational organization been employed. .. forpurposes of mass murder, " thus implying that thisaspect of the Holocaust is unprecedented. But forDawidowicz, the Holocaust stands as a unique eventin two other major respects. First is the Nazi intentionto annihilate all Jews, and second is the unique effecton Jewish history of having such a great proportionof its people murdered in so short a time. Althoughthe overall effect of this proportion of victims is yetto be evaluated, the one point about which Dawidowiczis emphatic is that the continuity of Ashkenazic Jewishculture has been destroyed irrevocably. The danger ofuniversalizing the Holocaust, to Dawidowicz, is thatit can be seen to mitigate the moral responsibility ofNazi Germany. For a similar presentationwith discus-sion, see Dawidowicz, Lucy. " The Holocaust wasUnique in Intent, Scope, and Effect. " Center Magazine14:4 (July/August 1981): 56-64.«3. 10 «Deutscher, Isaac. "The Jewish Tragedy and the Historian." In 7he Non-Jewish Jew and Other Essays. London:Oxford University Press, 1968. LC 68-57295.In a brief essay, Deutscher, an eminent Marxisthistorian, discusses the relationship of the historian tothe study of the Holocaust. He concludes that theHolocaust, as an event in which every Jewish personwas to be murdered, is and will remain absolutelyunique and beyond comprehension to the historian.«3. 11 «Eckhardt, A. Roy. "Is the Holocaust Unique?" Worldview17:9 (September 1974): 31-35.Eckhardt postulates a continuum of universalityand particularity of events. All historical events areunique and to deny this is to gloss over real differences.Some events, however, are so unique as to be on a"level of incomparability (e. g. , God, the Jewish people,the Devil. . . . )" It is in this classification that Eckhardtplaces the Holocaust. He believes it is so different fromother historical events that it is discontinuous withthem, or "uniquely unique. "«3. 12 *Eckhardt, A. Roy, and Alice L. Eckhardt. "The Holocaustand the Enigma of Uniqueness: A PhilosophicalEffort at Practical Clarification. " Annals of the AmericanAcademy of Political and Social Science 450 (July1980): 165-178.The Eckhardts seek to analyze the Holocaust insuch a way as to avoid mystifying the event — makingit incomprehensible — and yet to preserve its singularity.To accomplish this, they set out three major categoriesof uniqueness. The first is the category of "ordinary"uniqueness, a category into which all events fall, forall historical events are qual itatively different from oneanother. The second is the category of "unique uniqueness," a category into which "epoch making events"can be placed, events of such "singular importance"that they transform history. The third category, thatof "transcending"uniqueness, includes "events that areheld to be essentially different from not only ordinary"uniqueness but even unique uniqueness. Events in thiscategory have the quality of absolute incomparability.The fields of science and history approach events fromthe stances of the first two categories, whereas the thirdcategory can only be understood by the experience ofthe beholder, involving a "radical leap from objectnessto subjectness. " The Eckhardts advise us that theThe Issue of the Holocaust as a Unique Event 57

Holocaust must be approached from all three stancesin order to avoid falsification of the event.* 3. 13 +Eckhardt, A. Roy, with Alice L. Eckhardt. LongNight's Journey into Day. Detroit: Wayne StateUniversity Press, 1982. LC 81-14788. ISBN 0-8143-1692-1.In a book that deals with the effect of the Holocauston contemporary Jews and Christians, theEckhardts devote a chapter to the central issue of theevent's uniqueness. Again they maintain that a satisfactoryanalysis of the Holocaust must dialectically includeboth the singularity and the universality of the event.Once again calling the Holocaust "uniquely unique, "referring to it as "metanoia, a climactic turning aroundof the world, " they explain how it is also useful to bothexamine those elements that imbue the Holocaust withthis quality of uniqueness as well as to see the waysin which it fits into historical context, that is, to seehow "the Holocaust manifests discontinuity as well ascontinuity with the past. "~ 3. 14 ~Fackenheim, Emil. "Concerning Authentic and UnauthenticResponses to the Holocaust. " Holocaust andGenocide Studies 1:1 (1986): 101-120.In this article, Fackenheim states that it is notuseful to define the Holocaust in terms of the uniqueand the universal, but rather in terms of authentic andunauthentic responses. Unauthenticity must follow ifthe Holocaust is seen as either solely unique or universal,for calling the Holocaust unique cuts it off fromother historical events, and treating it universallyunduly dilutes its significance. According to Fackenheim,the unique and the universal can be unitedthrough the medium of history if the Holocaust isconsidered as a historical event that is a "transmutationof history. "~ 3. 15 ~Fackenheim, Emil. From Bergen-Belsen to Jerusalem:Contemporary Implications of the Holocaust. Jerusalem:Cultural Department, World Jewish Congress, andInstitute of Contemporary Jewry, Hebrew University,1975. LC 78-311780.In this earlier discussion of the Holocaust, Fackenheimstrongly stresses the need to recognize theuniqueness of the Holocaust. Although he asserts thatwe must see the Holocaust as an event that occurredwithin the context of history and that we must try toexplain the conditions that existed that could allow theHolocaust to happen, scholars must acknowledge that"each and every explanation is false, if not downrightobscene, unless it is accompanied by a sense of utterinadequacy." He also asserts that comparisons to othersomewhat similar events that have occurred, such asHiroshima, not only serve to trivialize the Holocaustbut also evade its essential uniqueness.~ 3. 16 ~Fackenheim, Emil. "The "Holocaust and Philosophy.7he Journal of Philosophy 82:10 (October 1985):505-514.Fackenheim categorizes the Holocaust as a uniqueevent, a "novum in the history of evil, " and still assertsthe importance of recognizing its uniqueness. TheArmenian massacre, Fackenheim states, was a case ofgenocide, an attempt to murder a whole people. ButFackenheim finds important differences between thatgenocide and the Holocaust and concludes that "theHolocaust, then, is but one case of the class 'genocide. 'As a case of the class: 'intended, planned, and largelysuccessful'extermination, it is without precedent and,thus far at least, without sequel. " For a response toFackenheim's position taken in this article see BerelLang, "Uniqueness and Explanation" Journal ofPhilosophy 82:10 (October 1985): 514-515.~ 3. 17 *Fackenheim,Emil. To Mend the World: Foundationsof Future Jewish 1hought. New York: Schocken Books,1982. LC 81-16614. ISBN 0-8052-3795-X.Fackenheim here says that the Holocaust is aunique event for both Jewish and world history becauseit presents a constellation of features not applicable toany other historical event. These features involve thefact that a large percentage of the total Jewish populationwas murdered; that the Nazis intended that no Jewssurvive; that being of Jewish birth constituted sufficientreason to be put to death; that although the Holocaustinvolved extensive physical brutality and murder themajority of the perpetrators were not sadists but"ordinary job holders with an extraordinary job"; andthat the extermination of the Jewish people was an endin itself — no other "pragmatic" purpose for their deathpresented itself. Fackenheim recognizes that othercatastrophic events have their own unique characteristicsand must be understood in their own uniqueness.* 3. 18 *Feingold, Henry L. "Determining the Uniqueness ofthe Holocaust: The Factor of Historical Valence. "Shoah 2:2 (Spring 1981): 3-11.Feingold reviews the positions of the universalistswho place the Holocaust within the context of historyon a continuum with other genocidal acts, and theparticularists who insist on the Holocaust's essentialuniqueness. With careful consideration of the events,Feingold arrives at the idea that the meaning of the58 GENOCIDE

Holocaust, a meaning with which we are still struggling,lies more in the ways in which it differs fromother genocides and not in the ways it is similar. Thosekey differences lie in the methodology employed in theexecution of the Nazis' plan to exterminate the Jewsand, novel to Feingold, in the fact that in destroyingsuch a large portion of the Jewish population it destroyeda people whose contributions had a majorimpact on Western culture, thus transforming the futuredevelopment of Western civilization. This impact,according to Feingold, will not be equally felt with thedestruction of those other groups, such as the Armeniansor the Gypsies, whose thinkers did not play assignificant a role in the development of Europeanculture.¹ 3. 19 ¹Feingold, Henry L. "How Unique Is the Holocaust?"In Genocide: Critical Issues of the Holocaust. Ed. byAlex Grobman and Daniel Landes. Los Angeles: SimonWiesenthal Center and Chappaqua, NY: Rossell Books,1983. LC 83-3052. ISBN 0-940646-04-8.Feingold asserts the uniqueness of the Holocaustand warns against trivializing the event by using it asa metaphor for all cases of oppression. He againstresses the idea that the Holocaust was unique in thatit destroyed the Jews, a unique people, who produceda great many significant thinkers without whomEuropean society would not be the same. He alsocharacterizes the Holocaust's uniqueness as resting ona few essential characteristics: in its radical evil, in itsscale, and more importantly in that it was the first timethat the modern Western industrial system — a systemintended to improve the quality of human life — wassystematically used for the destruction of life.¹ 3. 20 ¹Feuer, Lewis S. "The Reasoning of Holocaust Theology." This World no. 14 (Spring/Summer 1986): 70-82.Feuer, a well known philosopher, rejects the ideathat it is useful to call the Holocaust unique. A uniqueevent, he reasons, is one that can never happen again,"that is of necessity a class with one member. " Andyet a major, and to Feuer appropriate, concern aboutthe Holocaust is that we understand it in such a waythat we can ensure that a similar event will not happenagain. If it were truly unique, as uniqueness is definedabove, then our efforts to prevent recurrence arepointless: by definition this could not happen. ThereforeFeuer suggests that it is more useful to understand theHolocaust as being unprecedented and not unique.¹ 3. 21 ¹Fox, John P. "The Holocaust: A 'Non-Unique' Eventfor All Humanity?" In Remembering for the Future:\Working Papers and Addenda. Vok 2. Ed. by YehudaBauer, et al. Oxford: Pergamon Press, 1989. ISBN 0-08-036754-2.Fox states that to gain insight into the significanceof the Holocaust for humankind, we must abandon "thebitter and often pointless debate about whether, for anumber of reasons, the Holocaust should be considereda totally 'unique' or 'mystical' event in the whole ofhuman history. " He feels a more correct approach mustinclude the study of those constant conditions ofhumankind and society that facilitated an event like theHolocaust. It is within this context that Fox claims that"what made the Holocaust 'unique'" was the conjunctionofboth the presence and leadership of Adolf Hitlerwith "all the psychological and social features of 'manin society'. ... "¹ 3. 22 ¹Freeman, Michael. "Genocide and Social Science. "Patterns of Prejudice 20:4 (1986): 3-15.From the point of view of the social sciences,Freeman finds that "the debate between uniqueness andcomparison [of the Holocaust] may be misleading bypresenting us with a false choice. " Some argue thatemphasizing the differences between the Holocaust andother genocidal events betters further understanding;others consider that a comparative emphasis betterachieves this same end. Freeman believes that bothapproaches may be useful in understanding any caseof genocide, including the Holocaust.¹ 3. 23 ¹Friedlander, Henry. "Toward a Methodology ofTeaching about the Holocaust. " Teachers CollegeRecord 80:3 (February 1979): 519-542.Recognizing that the Holocaust is increasinglybeing taught in American schools and colleges, Friedlanderoffers a rationale with which to approach thetopic. In the course of his discussion he highlights theobvious importance of the issue of uniqueness inteaching about the Holocaust. Only if comparisons toother historical events can be made can we rightly andproductively integrate the subject into a school curriculum.Friedlander warns that those who would makethe uniqueness of the Holocaust into "sacred history"stifle serious historical discussion. Friedlander alsodiscounts the concept that a unique aspect of theHolocaust includes the intention of the Nazis to annihilatethe Jews and instead focuses on the methodologyemployed as its outstandingly unique feature, sayingthat ". .. in technological efficiency it was sui generis.... "The Issue of the Holocaust as a Unique Event 59

~ 3. 24 ~Friedlander, Saul. "On the Possibilityof the Holocaust:An Approach to a Historical Synthesis. " In TheHolocaust as Historical Experience. Ed. by YehudaBauer and Nathan Rotenstreich. New York: Holmes& Meier, 1981. LC 80-23136. ISBN 0-8419-0635-1.Friedlander attempts to determine why, althoughthree decades have passed, our historical understandingof the Holocaust is no better now than just followingthe war. One of the first topics he discusses is the issueof the Holocaust's uniqueness. He claims that theholocaust was unique both inside Nazism and without.Inside Nazism it was unique because the Jews were theonly group the Nazis intended to annihilate totally andthey were the only group identified with absolute evil.In world history, Friedlander finds that "although thereare precedents for an attempt at total physical eradication,the Nazi exterminatory drive was made unmistak-"ably unique by its motivation. Although the uniquenessof the Holocaust denies our ability to use "explanatorycategories of a general izing kind, " it should not preventus from trying to identify and explain the historicaltrends that led up to the Holocaust.~ 3. 25 *Frey, Robert S. "Issues in Post-HolocaustChristianTheology. " Dialog: A Journal of Theology (Summer1983): 227-235.Frey asserts that the Holocaust is a significantevent for Christian theology and as such must be theconcern of all denominations. In introducing hisdiscussion, he tries to establish a rationale for determin-ing the Holocaust's significance and in this contextconfronts the uniqueness issue. To him the Holocaust'suniqueness lies in the methodology of the event — thefact of a mass murder being carried out by a "statesponsored, technologically sophisticated system, " ina thoroughly rational manner — as well as being reflectedin a more intentionalist position that recognizes the Naziattempt to murder all Jews by virtue of their beingJewish.*3. 26 ~Friedman, Philip. "'Righteous Gentiles' in the NaziEra. " In Roads to Extinction: Essays on the Holocaust.Ed. by Ada June Friedman. New York: Jewish PublicationSociety and the Conference on Jewish SocialStudies, 1980. LC 79-89818. ISBN 0-8276-0170-0.Friedman, a prominent Jewish historian, concludeshis essay with a statement that recognizes that themethodology employed in the Holocaust — a massmurder conducted under the auspices of a full statebureaucracy — was historically unprecedented.* 3. 27 *Goldberg, Hillel. "Holocaust Theology: The SurvivorsStatement — Part I. " Tradition 20:2 (Summer 1982):141-154.Goldberg, Hillel. "Holocaust Theology: The SurvivorsStatement — Part II. " Tradition 20:4 (Winter 1982):341-357.Goldberg, who approaches the Holocaust fromthe Orthodox Jewish point of view, asserts that theHolocaust only seems unique, for every major Jewishcatastrophe appears so for the people who live throughthe experience. "The Holocaust survivors remind usof the Jewish ability to respond to watershed disasters,each seen as unique in its own time. " But this uniquenessshould not be seen as a reason to assume itsincomprehensibility for all time with regards to Jewishtheology. A new theology not yet developed, Goldbergclaims, is as necessary for an adequate response to theHolocaust as it was for other previous Jewish catastrophes,but those who choose to present the Holocaustas an event qualitatively different from other catastrophicevents in Jewish history encourage silence and notspeech on the issue and would prevent a new theologyfrom developing.~ 3. 28 ~Habermas, Jurgen. The New Conservatism: CulturalCriticism and the Historians'Debate. Ed. and trans.by Shierry Weber Nicholsen. Cambridge, MA: MITPress, 1989. ISBN 0-262-08188-1.Throughout two sections of his book Habermas,whose response to Nolte first triggered the GermanDebate, repeatedly criticizes those historians who woulduse the relativization of the Holocaust to deny itsuniqueness. Their denial, he states, is put forth forapologetic reasons, in order to relieve Germans of themoral responsibility of the Nazi crimes of the past.Habermas believes that Auschwitz was an epoch-makingevent in that it "altered the conditions for the continuationof historical life contexts — and not only in Germany."* 3. 29 *Hancock, Ian. "Uniqueness, Gypsies and Jews. " InRemembering for the Future: Working Papers andAddenda. Vol. 2. Ed. by Yehuda Bauer, et al. Oxford:Pergamon Press, 1989. ISBN 0-08-036754-2.Hancock, who was a special advisor to the U. S.Holocaust Memorial Council, denies the Jewishuniqueness of the Holocaust by extending it to encompassthe Gypsies as well. He asserts that both the Jewsand the Gypsies suffered the same fate during the NaziHolocaust for exactly the same reasons thereby disclaimingthat the Jews were the exclusive victims of60 GENocIDE

the Nazi exterminating drive, a position frequently + 3. 33 +taken in the literature. Hancock cautions against Jackel, Eberhard. "The Miserable Practice of thegeneralizing the event beyond the Jews and Gypsies, Insinuators: The Uniqueness of the National-Socialisthowever, emphasizing that no other groups were Crimes Cannot Be Denied. " Yad Vashem Studies 19targeted for destruction with the same manner and (1988): 107-113.intention as they were.Jackel strongly criticizes those historians in theHistorikerstreit who would seem to deny the uniqueness~ 3. 30 ~of the Holocaust. In an often quoted statement, heHeuser, Beatrice. "The Historikerstreit: Uniquenessand Comparability of the Holocaust. " articulates a fact he considers "obvious" and "wellGerman History known, " that "the murder of the Jews was unique6:1 (1988): 69-78.because never before had a state, with the authorityHeuser reviews those writers important to the of its responsible leader, decided and announced itsHistorikerstreit with respect to their positions on theuniqueness and comparability of the Holocaust. Sheintention to liquidate as completely as possible a certaingroup of people, including the aged, women, childrengroups them into three categories. Some believe'the and babies, and to implement the decision by meansevent to be singularly unique and incomparable. The of all the official instruments of power at its disposal. "majority hold that a comparative approach can be used Jackel, however, does not consider the "question ofto show both its singularity and its similarity to other uniqueness" to be decisive and provocatively asks,such events, accepting that comparison does not deny "Would it change anything had the National-Socialistuniqueness. Lastly, there are some like Ernst Nolte who murder not been unique?"seem to use the event's comparability in an apologistmanner, minimizing the unique elements of the Holo- *3. 34 ~caust and thus trying to mitigate the moral responsibili- Jakobovits, Immanuel. "'Faith Ethics and the Holotyof the German people for this crime.caust'. Some Personal, Theological, and ReligiousResponses to the Holocaust. " Holocaust and Genocide~ 3. 31 ~Studies 3:4 (1988): 371-381.Hilberg, Raul. "German Motivations for the Destructionof the Jews. " Jakobovits succinctly summarizes the response ofMidstream (June 1965): 23-40. the Orthodox Jewish community to the claim that theHilberg, noted historian and author of 1he De- Holocaust is unique. They deny "the uniqueness of thestruction of the European Jews, a work often referred Holocaust as an event different in kind, and not merelyto as a foundation for those who take a methodologist's in extent and barbarity, from any previous nationalposition on the uniqueness of the Holocaust, here catastrophe. " They arrive at this position by seeing theexplores the possible motivations of the Germans in destruction of European Jews as just another eventtheir attempt to destroy all Jews during the Holocaust. within the pre-ordained realm of God's providence.He introduces his article with a statement declaring the Therefore they reject any term, such as Holocaust orHolocaust's uniqueness: "in conception and execution, Shoah, that sets it apart from previous Jewish catastroitwas a unique occurance. When Adolf Hitler cameto power in 1933, a modern bureaucracy set out for thefirst time to destroy an entire people. "phes.* 3. 35 *"Jewish Values in the Post-Holocaust Future: A+ 3. 32 +"Hilberg, Raul. "The Significance of the Holocaust. " Symposium. Judaism 16:3 (Summer 1967): 266-299.This symposium on Jewish values after theIn ?he Holocaust: Ideology, Bureaucracy and Geno- Holocaust contains within it one of the earliest discuscide.Ed. by Henry Friedlander and Sybil Milton. sions of the uniqueness-universalist debate. Some ofMillwood, NY: Kraus International Publications, 1980. the major thinkers who express their ideas here areLC 80-16913. ISBN 0-527-63807-2.George Steiner, Elie Wiesel, and Emil Fackenheim.Hilberg attempts to arrive at the significance of Both Weisel and Fackenheim emphasize the Holocaust'sthe Holocaust for Western civilization. He asserts his uniqueness, whereas Steiner urges a more universalistposition that the Holocaust is unique by terming it "sui approach.generis" and "irreducibly distinct" from all otherhistorical events. The implication of this uniqueness, * 3. 36 *Hilberg says, is that "one cannot explain it in terms Katz, Steven T. "The 'Unique' Intentionality of theof anything else. ... It demands its own literature andits own sources. " Holocaust. " Modern Judaism 1:2 (September 1981):161-183.The Issue of the Holocaust as a Unique Event6l

Katz tries to determine if the Holocaust is uniqueas an act of genocide, distinguishing first betweengenocide as an attempt to destroy totally the identityof a group and genocide as an attempt to murder agroup as a whole. He then examines the Holocaust asan act of genocide in terms of both Jewish and worldhistory, including in his examination such events asthe Armenian massacre and the destruction of AmericanIndians, and concludes that the Holocaust is unique interms of the intention of the Nazis to murder all Jews,thus falling into the second category of genocide.~ 3. 37Kren, George M. "The Holocaust: Some UnresolvedIssues. " Annals of Scholarship 3:2 (1985): 39-61.Kren takes issue with various scholars' positionson the uniqueness issue, including those of LucyDawidowicz, Emil Fackenheim, Henry Feingold, andA. Roy Eckhardt, among others. He concludes that"what differentiate the Holocaust from previous formsof mass killings is that it entailed a long range, systematicallyplanned, bureaucratically administered decision.. . to eliminatepopulationgroupspossessingcertaincharacteristics defined by arbitrary, although formallyrational criteria. "~ 3. 38 ~Kren, George M. , and Leon Rappoport. The Holocaustand the Crisis of Human Behavior. New York: Holmes& Meier, 1980. LC 79-2381. ISBN 0-8419-0544-4.Kren and Rappoport approach the Holocaust asa transformational event that they conceptualize as a"new "level of mass destruction. Surveying the keycategories of motives, methods, and emotions, theyconclude that the Holocaust was qualitatively differentfrom all previous acts of mass destruction. The motivesof the Nazis wereunique. In no other case was a peopleslated for total destruction as state policy. The methodsemployed, the fact that the killing process was "conductedmore like a large scale"industrial enterprise,was also different from other mass destructions.Furthermore, they state that the uniqueness of theHolocaust is evident when "the focus of inquiry isshifted from historical trends to the level of personalexperience. " The emotions that "accompanied orfollowed it" are qualitivately different from thoseexperienced in other mass destructions.~ 3. 39 ~Kulka, Otto Dov. "Singularity and Its Relativization:Changing Views in German Historiography on NationalSocialism and the 'Final Solution'. " Yad VashemStudies 19 (1988): 151-86.Kulka, in response to the Histortkerstrei't, analyzesthe shift some major German historians have exhibitedin their tendency to relativize or historicize the uniquenessof the Third Reich and the Holocaust. Earlierwritings by these same authors, Kulka shows, stressedthe Holocaust's singularity, especially with respect tothe importance anti-Semitism played in NationalSocialist ideology. He contrasts these writers withhistorians who have consistently considered the Holocaustto be a unique event in world history.~ 3. 40 ~Kuper, Leo. "Genocidal Process: The German GenocideAgainst Jews. " In Genocide: Its Political Use inthe Twentieth Century. New Haven: Yale UniversityPress, 1981. LC 81-16151. ISBN 0-300-02795-8.Kuper states that the Holocaust had many uniqueelements. He includes among them the global scopeof the Nazi intention to annihilate all Jews. Kuperemphasizes the bureaucratic organization and systematicnature of the killing process that yielded death campsorganized in much the same way as a modern industrialplant.~ 3. 4I *Lanzmann, Claude. "From the Holocaust to theHolocaust. " Telos: A Quarterly Journal of RadicalThought 42 (Winter 1979-80): 137-143.Lanzmann states emphatically that the Holocaustwas indeed unique, an incomparable crime, that callsforth an "entirely new metaphysical-juridical conceptof 'crime against humanity.'" Although unique, onemust not consider it a historical aberration, but ratheras an event within historical context, where history hasprovided the necessary but not sufficient conditions forits occurrence. To Lanzmann the Holocaust is "aproduct of the entire Western World. " To submergethe specificity of the event, however unique in itsmethodology and in the degree of its antisemitism, isto gloss over the moral responsibility of the Nazis andthe fact that the "Holocaust was the enactment ofNazism. "~ 3. 42 ~Marrus, Michael Robert. "The Holocaust in Perspective." In The Holocaust in History. Hanover, NH:University Press of New England, 1987. LC 87-6291.ISBN 0-874-51-0.Marrus affirms how careful we must be in usingthe concept of uniqueness in relation to the Holocaust.Historians, unlike social scientists, he explains, alwaysstudy unique events and not general concepts such as"a war, rather than warfare and the Holocaust, ratherthan genocide. " To apply the concept of uniquenessto the Holocaust in such a way as to make it a "politicalor theological affirmation" places the Holocaust in acategory that limits historical study. Within this62 GENOCIDE

framework, Marrus accepts the Holocaust as uniquein the sense of being unprecedented. He agrees withBauer's position that one of the unique elements of theHolocaust was the intention of the Nazis to murder allJews, but he also believes that the "killing process"utilized was unprecedented.¹ 3. 43 *Neusner, Jacob. Stranger at Home: "The Holocaust,Zionism, and American Judaism. Chicago and London:University of Chicago Press, 1981. LC 80-19455. ISBN0-226-57628-0.In the preface to his book about American Judaism,Neusner, a prominent Jewish thinker, offers aninteresting concept of the uniqueness of the Holocaust.Accepting the Holocaust as "self evidently unique" tothe Jewish community, Neusner focuses on the functionits uniqueness plays in American Judaism. Coupledwith the establishment of the state of Israel, theuniqueness of the Holocaust makes up a part of a newmyth about which American Jews, a religiously andculturally fragmented group, can organize their experienceabout themselves — a myth of "Holocaust and"redemption. Neusner questions the value of this mythas a way for Jews to understand themselves in theAmerican context, stating that the Holocaust is simplyhistory and not "mythic theology. "¹ 3. 44 ¹Nolte, Ernst. "Between Historical Myth and Revisionism?:The Third Reich from the Perspective of 1980. "Yad Vashem Studies 19 (1988): 49-63.Nolte, in an essay on the place of Nazism withinGerman history, examines the uniqueness of theHolocaust. While he admits to the fact that the Holocaustwas both "singular and unique" and "withoutprecedent in its motivation and execution, " the thrustof his argument advances the idea that the Nazi Holocaustwas in its essence both a reaction to and a"distorted copy" of the earlier annihilations of theRussian Revolution, making it "not a first act, not theoriginal. " Many historians have interpreted theseremarks of Nolte's as being apologist in nature for thecrimes of the Third Reich.¹ 3. 45 ¹Nolte, Ernst. "A Past That Will Not Pass Away — ASpeech It Was Possible to Write, But Not to Present. "Yad Vashem Studies 19 (1988): 65-73.In the article that triggered the Histort'kerstreit,Nolte claims that "with the sole exception of thetechnical process of gassing" Auschwitz was notunique. Nolte raises a series of questions, the mostimportant of which are "wasn't the 'Gulag Archipelago'more original than Auschwitz? Wasn't the 'class"murder' of the Bolsheviks the logical and factualprecursor of 'racial murder' perpetrated by the NationalSocialists?. .. In its ultimate orgins, didn't Auschwitzperhaps spring from a past which indeed would notwish to pass away?" With these questions Nolte seemsto imply that the atrocities of Auschwitz were notunique but merely a copy of the Gulag.¹ 3. 46 *Papazian, Pierre. "A 'Unique Uniqueness?'" Midstream30:4 (April 1984): 14-18.Papazian takes issue with scholars who claimcategorical uniqueness for the Holocaust, whereuniqueness means that an event had no precedent andcan have no antecedent. The Holocaust may haveunique elements, and be unique to the Jewish people,who "never before were the victims of a premeditatedstate policy of total elimination of"a national minority,but as genocide it was not unique in history butanalogous to other genocidal events such as the Armenianmassacre. Insisting on the Holocaust's uniqueness,Papazian believes, has the effect of "diminishing thegravity and moral implication of any genocide anywhere,anytime. " He reviews the positions of manyprominent writers whose works touch on the conceptof the Holocaust's uniqueness, including those of LucyDawidowicz, Elie Wiesel, A. Roy and Alice L.Eckhardt, and George M. Kren and Leon Rappoport,among others, and criticizes each. See "Was theHolocaust Unique?. .. " below (3. 56) for responses.¹ 3. 47 ¹United States. President's Commission on the Holocaust.Report to the President. Washington, DC:Government Printing Office, 1979. LC 80-600962.President Carter appointed this commission onNovember 1, 1978 in order to establish appropriateways to commemorate the Holocaust. As a preface tothe commission's report, Elie Wiesel wrote a letter tothe President in which he made an important statementregarding the uniqueness of the Holocaust. "Theuniversality of the Holocaust lies in its uniqueness; theEvent is essentially Jewish, yet its interpretation isuniversal. "The Commission considered the uniquenessof the Holocaust to be one of the two most importantelements in the philosophical rationale that underlayits work. They found the Holocaust's uniqueness tolie in the fact that it was a "systematic, bureaucraticextermination" different in its "manner and purpose. "With regards to the Nazis' purpose, what was novelin their approach was that they claimed that "There isevidence indicating that the Nazis intended to ultimatelywipe out the Slavs and other people; had the warcontinued. .. Jews might not have remained the finalvictims of Nazi genocide, but they were certainly itsThe Issue of the Holocaust as a Unique Event 63

first. " And what was unprecedented was the intentionto physically annihilate an entire people.~ 3. 48 ~Rosenberg, Alan. "Was the Holocaust Unique? APeculiar Question?" In Genocide and the Modern Age:Etiology and Case Studies of Mass Death. Ed. by IsidorWalliman and Michael N. Dobkowski. Westport, CT:Greenwood Press, 1987. LC 86-9978. ISBN 0-313-24198-8.Rosenberg raises the complex issues surroundingthe uniqueness question and creates a topology for theclassification of the various ways this issue has beenapproached in Holocaust literature. He generates acritique of some of the central approaches taken aboutthe uniqueness of the Holocaust.0 3 49 4Rosensaft, Menachem. "The Holocaust: History as"Aberration. Midstream 23:5 (May 1977): 53-55.Rosensaft, representing the absolutist position onthe uniqueness issue, sees the Holocaust as a totallyunprecedented, incomprehensible historical aberration,beyond the methods of historiography, beyondnormal language, and incomparable to other historicalevents.*3. 50 ~Rotenstreich, Nathan. "The Holocaust as a UniqueHistorical Event. " Patterns of Prejudice 22:1 (Spring1988): 14-20.Rotenstreich attacks those historians in the Ht'storikerstreitwho try to show that the Holocaust was notunique. They claim that the Holocaust was eitherpreconditioned by or a copy of Soviet atrocities. Heargues that they have a confused notion of what itmeans for an event to be unique and that they generatea false analogy between race and class murder, postulatingcause and effect relationships that did not exist.Rotenstreich also claims that the intent of these historianswas apologetic, that their goal was to discredit thesingularity of Nazism and the Holocaust for the purposeof diminishing German moral responsibility.3 51Rubenstein, Richard L. The Cunning of History: 7heHolocaust and the American Future. New York: Harperand Row, 1975. LC 75-9334. ISBN 0-06-067013-4.Rubenstein states that there were unique elementsto the Holocaust, namely, that it was an unprecedentedattempt at genocide carried out by a legally sanctionedstate bureaucracy. This uniqueness, however, must beseen in the context of the Holocaust as "an expressionof some of the most significant political, moral,religious and demographic tendencies of Westerncivilization in the twentith century, " as well as againstthe background of the extreme violence of our era.* 3. 52 *Schorsch, Ismar. "The Holocaust and Jewish Survival. "Midstream 27:1 (January 1981): 38-42.According to Schorsch, an awareness of theHolocaust is steadily increasing among both the Jewishcommunity and the general public. Its recollectionserves the function of helping to unify the potentiallydivisive factions of American Jewry and has become,even more than Israel, a major part of American Jewishidentity. Schorsch finds that the persistent claim of theHolocaust's uniqueness, however, adds nothing to thehorrors of the Jewish genocide. He finds it to be bothhistorically and politically counter-productive, andadvises that it be rejected. The "fixation on uniquenesshas prevented us from reaching out by universalizingthe lessons of the Holocaust, " Schorsch states, and itonly "alienates potential allies from among othervictims of"organized human depravity.~ 3. 53 *Stein, Richard A. "Against Relativism: A Commenton the Debate on the Uniqueness of the Shoah. "Patterns of Prejudice 21:2 (1987): 27-33.Stein criticizes the many writers and historianswho have reassessed the uniqueness of the Holocaust.He concludes that the Holocaust is in fact unique "inabsolute, not relative terms" because of differences inits "motivation, method, scope, and impact. " He alsoadds that its uniqueness stems from the uniqueness ofthe Jewish people.~ 3. 54 ~Steiner, George. "The Long Life of Metaphor — aTheological-Metaphysical Approach to the Shoah. " InComprehending the Holocaust: Historical and LiteraryResearch. Ed. by Asher Cohen, et al. Frankfurt amMain: Peter Lang, 1988. LC 88-8235. ISBN 3-631-40428-X.George Steiner, the reknowned literary critic,discusses the uniqueness issue within the context of thehermeneutic dilemma that the Holocaust presents toJudaism. The dilemma becomes manifest in the questionsof whether there is language adequate enough inwhich to speak about Auschwitz, and, on a theologicallevel, whether after the Holocaust there is any longerlanguage adequate enough to speak to, or about, God.He denies the uniqueness of the Holocaust on quantitativeand qualitative grounds, rejecting both the intentionalistand the methodologist arguments for uniqueness.Steiner, however, recognizes that the centralityof the Holocaust's "presumed uniqueness" functions64 GENOCIDE

as "the cement of Jewish identity, " uniting Jews of allcultures and religious leanings.*3. 55 ~Seedbed of theHolocaust. " Midstream (May 1973): 3-25.Talmon, an important Jewish historian, asserts thatthe Holocaust was in fact unique, different from allother earlier massacres. Its key differences lie in theintention of the Nazis to annihilate completely all Jewsas well as in the systematic methods utilized for theirkilling. He analyzes those events and ideas that mayhave made the Holocaust possible.Talmon, J. L. "European History —~ 3. 56 ~"Was the Holocaust Unique?: Responses to PierrePapazian. " Midstream 30:4 (April 1984): 19-25.The major writers whom Papazian criticized inhis above cited article defend their positions and showwhere they agree and disagree with Papazian's commentson the uniqueness issue. Included are responsesfrom Yehuda Bauer, Lucy S. Dawidowicz, A. Roy andAlice L. Eckhardt, George M. Kren and Leon Rappoport,and Nora Levin, among others.~ 3. 57 ~Wertham, Frederic. "Looking at Potatoes from Below. "InA Signfor Cain: An ExplorationofHuman Violence.London: Robert Hale, 1966. LC 66-20825.Wertham strongly asserts that in process andmethodology the Holocaust was completely unprecedented.He adds, however, that, although unprecedented,it was not a unique occurrence in the sense that itcannot happen again under similar circumstances.*3. 58 *Willis, Robert E. "Confessing God after Auschwitz:"A Challenge for Christianity. Cross Currents 28 (Fall1978): 269-287.In examining the significance of the Holocaust forChristian theology, Willis analyzes the uniqueness ofthe Holocaust in terms of the uniqueness of Auschwitz.He concludes that the Holocaust was qualitativelyunique and discontinuous with other evil events. Thekey to its uniqueness lies in the methodology employed— the "bureaucratic and technological apparatusof state" that was put into effect.The Issue of the Holocaust as a Unique Event 65

Check footnotes on page 83Chapter 4THE VICTIMS WHO SURVIVEDby Sidney M. BolkoskyI'm tired of being "a survivor." I want to be aperson again.A survivor of AuschwitzStudies of survivors' testimonies that concentrateon the ability of the afflicted to find meaning insuffering are at best problematic in the face ofthe overwhelming force of Holocaust testimonies.To many of those who survived, survival was nota triumph but an unbearable burden. "Nothingcan ever be good again" and "All my happinessis gone for ever" are recurring motifs in theirtestimonies. The lives of survivors are foreverhaunted by images, sounds, and smells thatcontain ominous questions about survival andabout guilt for having survived. "Why me?" and"Why was I saved?" appear in the testimoniesover and over again. As Elie Wiesel phrased it,the question is not "to be or not to be" butrather "to be and not to be. " One woman, asurvivor of Auschwitz, compared herself to ahollow tree: "still alive but empty inside. " Theappended diary by Agi Rubin embodies thesethemes of despair, guilt, and inner emptiness.Between 1933 and 1945, one-third of the Jews ofthe world lost their lives in the Holocaust. ' Approximatelyfour million Jews remained in Europe afterWorld War II. Estimates of the number who survivedthe Nazi death, labor, and concentration camps, andthe infamous death marches with their aftermath ofmore disease, starvation, and violent death, range from250, 000 to 300, 000 people, the "saving remnant. "Other Jews managedto stay alive in hiding or with' partisan groups. Still others endured the hardships ofsurvival in the Soviet Union. From these numbers,approximately 250, 000 Jewish refugees, "displacedpersons, " relocated from their former homes. Of these,142, 000 went to Israel, 72, 000 to the United States,and 16, 000 to Canada. From 1945-1951, approximately550, 000 more Jews left Eastern Europe. 'A "conspiracy of silence" seemed to follow thewar: 1iberators who witnessed the camps were stunnedinto silence, struggling to cope with what they hadseen; survivors were desolately silent, knowing theywere already perceived as reminders of death; theperpetrators were indifferently silent, eager to continuetheir normal lives; the historians were baffled andsilent; governments were ignorantly and defensivelysilent.Victims who spoke of their experiences foundthemselves confronted by quizzical, unsympatheticlisteners. One survivor recalled that "the message wasThe Victims Who Survived 67

'cry and you cry alone. ' So we kept quiet. "' Sincearound 1980, however, significant numbers of victimsbegan to modify their attitudes of silence and survivortestimonies have supplemented historical examinationsof the Holocaust with moving, personal evidence. Likeall sources, these "life records" ought to be consideredcarefully and critically. As some historians have pointedout, oral histories, especially ones so laden withemotional trauma, cannot substitute for more traditional,written documents. 'While victims of the Holocaust directly experiencedthe consequences of the actions of the perpetrators,they could not know the character of the vastapparatus with its networks of bureaucracies and theprofessional involvements of every socio-economicstratum — the businessmen or the administrators, thephysicians or the plumbers, the ideologues or thetechnicians. Nor could they know about the enormityof the camp system, its dependent relationships withthe railroads and the military-industrial complex ofGermany. Indeed, most could not know much aboutwhat occurred in the next barracks, much less the nextcamp. Should a student of the Holocaust wish to knowhow it came about and how it progressed, or raisequestions about why it overwhelmed the Jews ofEurope, he or she would be better served by turningto documents, records, and historical texts.A survivor's testimony, then, constitutes only asmall contribution to the subject of the history of theHolocaust and ought not supplant more traditional andprofessional approaches to history. Those testimonies,however, provide a deeper insight into the nature ofthe Holocaust. Even if a testifier incorrectly identifiesan individual, offers misinformation about statistics,or misrepresents the chronology of events, ' the valueof the testimony still remains: the victim's experience,personalized, direct, and concrete, draws the listenerinto an intimate knowledge of the Holocaust; penetratesthe very heart of the darkness in ways that not evendiaries or other written accounts can approximate.From these fragments of fragments, the centralityof loss for survivors emerges: the loss of a culture,brutally erased from the world physically and spiritually.Their testimonies give specific names of familymembers and friends, villages, and towns to thisabstract loss. Even a historian who focuses primarilyon the perpetrators ought to retain this central point.Whatever aspect of the Holocaust one addresses, theanguish of one person recounting his or her specificloss complements the broader historical information,confronts a listener directly and explicitly.After years of silence, for those who decided tobear witness, the poverty of language presented animmediate barrier to communication. Few words thatdeal with the Holocaust are without controversy orqualification, in part because of the apparent inadequacyof conventional language: not the differences intongues, but the utter lack of common usage for wordslike "bunk" or "cold, " "roll call" or "train" hinder fullappreciation of the narratives. "How can I tell youthis?" recurs almost as a refrain; and the meaning isquite literal. What words will convey this extraordinary,other-worldly, unbelievable ordeal? The Czechwriter, Helena Malirova, wrote as early as 1937 that"there is no human tongue capable of conveying thecrimes perpetrated by the Nazis. "' A failure to findcommon meanings for words in part explicates the fearthat many victims retained, expressed eloquently byPrimo Levi in his final work, that no matter howarticulately or how much they spoke, survivors wouldbe disbelieved. ' "I don't believe this" myself, exclaimedone man. "How can I expect you [the interviewer] ormy children or anyone who wasn't there to believe it?"Weighted words, full of recollections, heavy withassociations that encase the meanings, become lockedin a specific context. Elie Wiesel, among others, haswritten of the multiple meanings of each word: "Everyword carries a "' hundred meanings. Some survivorscannot see or speak about chimneys without recallingthe chimneys at Auschwitz; some cannot hear a trainwithout reliving the horrifying, box car deportationwhich caused the deaths of their families and dividedtheir own lives into before and after; some cannot thinkof a word like "bunk" without envisioning the boardsthat served as beds in the camps.This past and its lexicon remain inescapable andpermeate the present for survivors. "The two worldshaunt each other, " Lawrence Langer has noted, the onepolluting the other." Not only do these recollectionsinfect the present, they settle like some miasma uponthe warmer glow of the pre-war past. Memories, then,become "unspeakable" in over-determined ways. Tomany survivors, the events of the past may be unnervingto recall and thus to retell. But the more immediateproblem of how to tell, what words to use, compoundsthe phenomenon, complicated again by the convictionthat no listener can share the meanings of specificwords.Even the epithet, "survivor, " creates controversy.A popular view of the victims revolves around Auschwitz,the place that has come to symbolize the six deathcamps and the quintessence of the Holocaust. Survivor,in that appraisal, means a person who suffered thevicissitudes, the atrocities, tortures, and attendantmiseries of those hellish places. Some victims of thosecamps also believe that only those who lived throughsuch horrors may be classified "true" survivors. Aworking definition adopted by some psychologists reenforcesthis stark and reduced one: "a survivor is68 GENocIDE

someone who has survived an ""immediate and traumaticlife-threatening experience.Given the program of the "Final Solution, "however, the annihilation of the Jews of Europe, anyEuropean Jew who stayed alive from 1933-1945 mightbe termed a survivor. This would include those whomanaged to flee from Europe, those who were hidden,who made their ways to the Soviet Union, who joinedpartisan groups, who managed to evade the Germansby hiding in forests or barns or bunkers.Jews who managed to survive endured the hardshipsof the destruction process with its ongoing,cumulative, efficient, and systematic procedures. InGermany, the process began with discriminatorylaws,reaching a significant plateau in 1935 when the NurembergLaws removed civil and human rights fromGerman Jews. Upon occupying Poland, the Germanmilitary government passed similar laws, removingcitizenship and all civil rights from Polish Jews. " Thus,the first stage of survival entailed intensified separationand isolation from non-Jews, removing them from whatsociologist Helen Fein called their "universe of obligation."" The laws escalated degradation and humiliationand prepared the way for forced deportation. WhenGermany invaded Poland, over two million more Jewsfell under their jurisdiction — which now includedCzechoslovakia and Austria — and the numbers increaseduntil, by 1942, German authority had almost all ofEurope's Jews in its grasp.Along with the non-Jewish victims of the war,Jews became subject to occupation, martial law,rationing, and curfews. But for Jews, just as themilitary government removed their citizenship, theother legislation took devastatingly harsher forms. Foodrationing for Polish Jews was approximately one-thirdwhat it was for non-Jews. " By the end of September1939, Reinhard Heydrich, one of the principal architectsof the "Final Solution, " had ordered ghettosestablished in major cities and towns on railroad lines."By 1941, typhus had overtaken almost every ghetto;diseases, lice, malnutrition, overcrowding, and starvationbegan to take their tolls almost immediately. Bymid-1944, when the Lodz Ghetto, the last major ghettoin Poland, was liquidated; between 500, 000 and700, 000 Jews had died in ghettos."Those who survived recall watching their familieswither away; enduring severe, forced labor conditions;living daily with uncertainty, confusion, and terror.They recall fathers and grandfathers suddenly appearingwithout their traditional beards, shaved or cut off byvindictive soldiers or SS men in the streets, a symbolicgesture which underscored the loss of their traditionalauthority. Such actions reduced those authority figuresto helplessness as their families suffered the abuses ofGerman policies. Traditional family roles and cohesionbegan to disintegrate: "I saw my father without hisbeard, " said one woman who was thirteen at theinception of the Lodz Ghetto, "and he sat on a chairin the middle of the room and wept. All of us beganto cry, the children, the baby, my mother and grandmother.It was like everything that held my life togethersuddenly fell apart. "Survival, then, entailed overcoming the loss oforder and traditional authority; coping with the breakdownof family and community. In the testimony citedabove, the beard and its senseless removal encapsulatedall this. And the woman's conclusion to her story mustbe heard in the context of Jewish history and traditionto fathom its layered meanings: "I think my father gaveup then — I knew he would not live much longer. "Jews in Eastern Poland and the Soviet Union,invaded by Germany in June 1941, immediatelyconfronted violent deaths at the hands of the Einsatzgruppenor SS mobile killing units. Survival in thoseregions, before the Nazis implemented mass deportationsto killing centers, involved combinations offortuitous circumstances and blind luck. Escaping aghetto meant abandoning family. Such an escape,already burdened with guilt, rarely included a definitedestination and carried little prospect of help from non-Jews. Joining partisan groups in the vast forests ofEastern Europe forced the same abandonment anduncertainty.Einsatzgruppen operations or Aktionen utilizednative anti-Jewish elements and Jews lived in terrorof daily raids which arbitrarily targeted particulargroups — old people one time, children another — anddrove them into makeshift hiding places like cellars,bunkers, or false rooms. Children learned not to cry;their parents learned to be prepared to smother themin order to save the lives of those hidden together.Between June 1941 and December 1942, when theiroperations ceased, the Einsatzgruppen murdered 1. 4to 1. 5 million Jews in Eastern Europe.For those fortunate enough to have non-Jewishpeople willing to offer assistance — at the risk of theirown lives — a child might be saved, a family hidden fora while or smuggled through the countryside to somesort of hiding place. As one survivor observed, it wasonly after he had lost everyone in his family that escapefor him became possible: there was nothing more tolose. Yet another, at age seven, was hidden by aUkrainian peasant in a loft in his barn for more thantwo years. She and her parents and sister remained inalmost complete silence for those years; lice-ridden,diseased, with muscles atrophied and in the mostunsanitary of conditions. They crawled out from thebarn, unable to walk, as the Russian armies advanced.Such stories demonstrate that survival, in Langer'swords, was "less a triumph of the will than an accidentThe Victims Who Survived 69

of the body, combined with so many gratuitous andfortuitous circumstances that we will probably neverbe able to disentangle"" chance from choice, or relateeffect to cause. Terrence Des Pres, in his pathbreakingwork, ?he Survivor: An Anatomy of Life inthe Death Camps, has suggested that determination andsurvival went hand in hand, that "it depended. .. onsocial bonding and interchange. "" .. on keeping dignityand moral sense active. But in a book that describesmethods of degradation and humiliation that stretch thehuman imagination, a book which includes a chapterentitled "The Excremental Assault, " breaking thesilence on this hitherto unspeakable subject, this typeof traditional, idealistic language seems inappropriateand inadequate as it tries to salvage some shred ofhuman dignity from the death camps.A survivor of the Holocaust lives first with theidentity of a victim — a victim who survived. Asearnestly as he or she may yearn to throw off thatstatus, to "be " a person again, it remains irreducibleand inescapable. Few survivors contend that they havefreed themselves from the unique burdens of their pasts.Most recognize that "no matter how hard we try, nomatter what someone tells you, we are all psychologicallyscarred forever. "Psychologists of all sorts have produced theoriesof "survivor syndromes" to explain and delineate thepsychological, social, and political consequences of theHolocaust." The suggested symptoms include anxiety,disturbances of cognition and memory, chronic depression,guilt, tendencies toward seclusion and isolation,and a heightened sense of vulnerability to danger. Post-Holocaust difficultie among survivors also often provetraumatic, according to some theorists, and are accompaniedby drastic personality changes. ~Many survivors attest to the aftermath of suchtraumatic events; they openly discuss nightmares,"unreasonable" fears, and anxieties directly andpalpably related to their Holocaust experiences and tothe loss of families, communities, perhaps religion anddignity. For all the attempts at categorizing andformulating a "survivor"syndrome, however, anddespite the recurrent presence of obvious elements ofthe symptoms, generalizing and abstracting seemsinsensitive and unwise. While some seem to exemplifythe syndrome with textbook exactness, others appearto have escaped several of the symptoms: those whospeak of clinging to. the slightest of human conventionsunder the most inhuman circumstances contrast thosewho speak from apparent deep depression of the lossof feeling and social awareness. Paradoxically, interviewswith survivors regularly reveal both types ofsentiment in the same person, again defying simplecategorization.To attribute survival to a strong "will to live" or,as one survivor put it, "the"power of positive thinking,seems rather foolish under such circumstances. ViktorFrankl, survivor and psychiatrist, has proffered a "willto-meaning"which suggests that victims had the choice,the "ultimate freedom, " to determine their attitudetoward their plight. He argued that the ability to riseabove the circumstances of the camp, finding meaningin the suffering, "" made some victims "worthy of theirsuffering. Yet, positive attitudes of this sort, revelationof meaning to their suffering, rarely emerge fromsurvivor narratives. Indeed, the unresolved quest formeaning betrays a possible source for survivor depressionand discontent.While many survivors, striving to find meaningin their experience, speak of the will to live, manyothers openly confess their deep depression during thewar, the wish to die after losing families or witnessingsome horrible tortures. Still others openly admit to anutter lack of concern, an apathy and indifferenceespecially in the camps. Yet others suggest theyacquired "survival skills, " ways of "floating above thereality, " or "pulling down the shade, " or "becomingsmall and even invisible as if no SS man could see me"in Auschwitz. The search for "survivor"prototypes,given this wide range of attitudes, seems futile andartificial; and such optimistic conclusions as Frankl's,when applied to survivor experiences, appear at bestproblematic in the face of the overwhelming force ofHolocaust testimonies.Rather than a triumph, survival, to many victimswho survived, oppressed them like some unbearableweight. "Nothing can ever be good again, " one childsurvivor told psychoanalyst Edith Sterba, "and evenif it is good, what good is it to me if my family is nothere to enjoy it. ... I cannot forget my family. It willnever be possible to replace the loss of my family. ... A11my happiness is gone forever."" Charlotte Delbo, ina poignant yet shocking admission, revealed that as shegave birth to a child in 1952 she "didn't think of thejoy that a child would bring me; I was thinking. .. ofthe women my age [32] who had died in degradationwithout knowing that joy. "~ And a survivor of Lvov,upon the birth of his grandchild, immediately commentedupon the specific ways infants were murdered bythe Einsatzgruppen. A sense of having survived at theexpense of others lingers in these thoughts, as itpermeates such frank works as Borowski's: "It is true,others may be dying, but one is somehow still alive,one has enough food, enough strength to work. . . . "~Once again, memories intersect, haunt the presentand impede what might be considered a "normal, happyexistence. " Images, sounds, smells linger arduously,bearing ominous questions about survival and guilt."How come me? Again and again I have asked myself70 GENOCIDE

'Why was I saved?'" burst out one survivor. Andanother: "Why me? Okay, I can see my [old] parentsor the child, but why not my brother or my sister?"In this demanding entreaty, the survivor seems toacknowledge the standards of Auschwitz: yes, theparents and children were too old to work, but whynot the healthy young man and woman, his brother' andsister? To whom is the question addressed? Does hequestion himself, or the interviewer, or God? Behindthe questions lurks awareness of arbitrary, indiscriminateluck.A bizarre sort of guilt lurks, too. Like much aboutthe Holocaust, the guilt remains paradoxical: irrationaland logical. Irrational for obvious reasons — no victimhad choices; the selections may have been random intheir perception, but Dr. Mengele and his ilk had theirown insanely logical criteria. At the base of some"survivor guilt" — another inadequate term — lies Borowski'sbrooding recognition that life depended on death.The monumental uncertainties, deeply irrational guilt,and the recollection of impotence in the face of overwhelmingforces remain irreducible and immovable.Intimations of the inadequacies of language, theprospect of exacerbating anguished memories, thedisquieting implications of guilt which do not considerthe realities of the Nazi system, along with myriadother factors coalesce to constrain speaking. Survivors'silence about their experiences ought not mystify us.Yet, after years of relative silence, some survivors havetaken their cues from Elie Wiesel who admonishedthem to be witnesses. He echoed the Jewish historianEmmanuel Ringelblum's call from the Warsaw Ghettothat Jews witness the catastrophe and "write andrecord" it.A witness transforms memory into history, andsome survivors intuited the prospect of sharing theirmemories in order to preserve the historical record.For others, witnessingbrought the prospectof retellingin order to regain dignity and meaning, or to discovera reason for their turmoil and their survival. If speakinghas not freed them from their nightmares or unburdenedthem of their memories, if it has not uncovered themystery of the meaning of Jewish suffering during theHolocaust, if it has not conferred a lost dignity, it hasrevealed new, deeper levels of Holocaust history.With or without testifying, survivors have creatednew lives for themselves. They have not, because theycannot, completely freed themselves from their pasts.Nevertheless, for all that they carry with them, theyendured, bore children, in some cases overcame postwarurges for suicide, and became vital parts of theircommunities. Their stories and their voices present therest of the world with profound questions about thehuman spirit, endurance, and survival. They rarelyprovide affirmative answers, hope, or inspiration simplybecause of the nature of the Holocaust, a process whichdisallowed avenues for martyrdom and heroism, fortriumphant joy at final victory.For survivors, Elie Wiesel has said, the questionis not "to be or not to" be, but "to be and not to be. "One woman, a survivor of Auschwitz, compared herselfto a hollow tree that still lived, "still alive, but emptyinside. " They adumbrate our present and future andtacitly challenge us to examine what their heritage ofpointless murder means for our own lives and the livesof our children.NQTEs1. Raul Hilberg, "The Statistic, " in UnansweredQuestions: Nazi Germany and the Genocide of the Jews,ed. by Francois Furet (New York: Schocken Books,1989), 155-171.2. Martin Gilbert, The Macmillan Atlas of theHolocaust (New York: Macmillan, 1982), 236.3. Raul Hilberg, The Destruction of the EuropeanJews (New York: Quadrangle Books, 1961), 729-737.4. All quotations from survivor testimonies comefrom interviews on audio and/or videotape housed inthe University of Michigan-Dearborn HolocaustSurvivor Collection of the Mardigian Library.5. See, for example, Lucy S. Dawidowicz, "HowThey Teach the Holocaust, " Commentary (December1990): 25-32 and "Interview with Lucy S. Dawidowicz," Booklist (15 June 1989): 1753-1754.6. Benzion Dinur, commenting on the value anduncertainty of survivor memoirs and testimonies,argued that the reason behind such misinformation"need not be any desire to 'amend' or to 'improve'upon actual events for any ulterior purpose. " Dinurcontinued that such errors grow naturally from thenature of such reminiscences. Benzion Dinur, "Prob-lems Confronting 'Yad Vashem' in Its Work ofResearch, " Yad Vashem Studies 1 (1957): 7-30.7. Nachem Blumenthal, "On the Nazi Vocabulary,"Yad Vashem Studies 1 (1957): 49-66.8. Primo Levi, The Drowned and the Saved, trans.by Raymond Rosenthal (New York and London:Summit Books, 1988), 11-12.9. Elie Wiesel, "A Plea for Survivors," in A JewToday (New York: Vintage Books, 1978), 218-247.The Victims Who Survived 71

10. Lawrence Langer, Versions of Survival: ?heHolocaust and the Human Spi ri t(AI bany: State Universityof New York Press, 1982), 88.11. Jack Nusan Porter, "Is There a Survivors' Syndrome?"Journal of Psychology and Judaism 6:1(Fall/Winter 1981).12. See, for example, Nuremberg documents that treatthe legal status of Jews in Eastern Europe in ?heHolocaust: Selected Documents in Eighteen Volumes,ed. by John Mendelsohn (New York: Garland Publishers,1982), 199-223.13. HelenFein, AccountingforGenocide(New York:Free Press, 1979), 92.14. International Military Tribunal, Document 864-PS,Crimes of War and Aggression, XXVI, 377-383.15. "Heydrich's Instructions to Chiefs of Einsatzgruppen,September 21, 1939, " A Holocaust Reader,ed. by Lucy S. Dawidowicz (New York: BehrmanHouse, 1976), 59-64.16. Hilberg, "The Statistic" and Destruction, 173.17. Langer, 28.18. Terence Des Pres, ?he Survivor: An Anatomy ofLife in the Death Camps (New York: Oxford UniversityPress, 1976), vii.19. Porter, 33-52; Henry Krystal, ed. , MassivePsychic Trauma (New York: International UniversitiesPress, 1968); for an excellent review of the psychologicalliterature, see Arlene Steinberg, "Holocaust Survivorsand Their Children: A Review of the ClinicalLiterature, " Healing 7heir Wounds: Psychotherapy withHolocaust Survivors and Their Families (New York:Praeger, 1989).20. William Niederland, "Clintcal Observations onthe 'Survivor Syndrome'," International Journal ofPsychoanalysis 49 (1968): 313-315.21. Viktor E. Frankl, Man's Search for Meaning(Boston: Beacon Press, 1959).22. Edith Sterba, "The Effect of Persecutions on"Adolescents, in Massive Psychic Trauma, ed. byHenry Krystal (New York: International UniversitiesPress, 1968), 51-60.23. Charlotte Delbo, quoted in Langer, 88.24. Tadeus Borowski, ?his Way for the Gas, Ladiesand Gentlemen, trans. by Barbara Vedder (New York:Penguin Books, 1976), 48.CHAPTER 4: ~OTATE0 BIBLIOGRAPHYMajor TitlesBrenner, Robert Reeve. 7he Faith and Doubt ofHolocaust Survivors. New York: The Free Press, 1980.LC 79-006764. ISBN 0-029-044-200.Brenner examines the ways in which the Holocaustaffected the religious beliefs of those who survived.Drawing on the responses of almost one thousandsurvivors, Brenner attempted to discover what survivorsthought then, and think now, about God, the Jewishpeople, and the religious doctrines they had once beenbrought up to believe in. Fifty-two percent respondedthat the Holocaust had little or no effect on theirreligious behavior. Others found their faith challengedin that they questioned the existence of a god thatwould permit such atrocities.Dimsdale, Joel E. , ed. Survivors, Victims, and Perpetrators:Essays on the Nazi Holocaust. Washington,New York, and London: Hemisphere, 1980. LC 79-24834. ISBN 0-89116-145-7.Dimsdale's collection of essays is of varyingquality; it contains some important articles by LeoEitinger, Robert Jay Lifton, and others on psychologicaleffects of survivors' experiences, the impact on childrenof survivors, coping mechanisms and psychotherapy.The book is divided into three parts —"The Setting, ""The Victim, " and "The Perpetrator" — and containsan excellent historical article by Raul Hilberg on "TheNature of the Process, " excerpts from the diaries ofGoebbels and Hoess (commandant of Auschwitz), andessays by George Mosse on Weimar intellectuals andthe rise of Nazism and by John Steiner on "The SSYesterday and Today: A Sociopsychological View. "Epstein, Helen. Children of the Holocaust: Conversationswith Sons and Daughters of Survivors. New York:G. P. Putnam & Sons, 1979. LC 78-023429. ISBN 0-14-011284-7.72 GENOCIDE

Epstein's was the first book to deal with thesituation and phenomenon of the second generation.Much of her book is autobiographical, moving backand forth between her own story and those of othersshe interviewed in Canada, Israel, and the UnitedStates. She found consistent patterns of behaviorincluding guilt, anxiety, and the need to protectparents.Her examples demonstrate that some survivors placedextraordinary burdens of guilt on their children, oftenshrouded in silence, because of their experiences; thatsome, children of survivors experienced deep-rootedanxieties and fears that derived from their unique status;and that in most cases the guilt and anxiety wereaccompanied by exaggerated needs to protect or shieldtheir parents.4444Hass, Aaron. ln the Shadow of the Holocaust: TheSecond Generation. Ithaca, NY: Cornell UniversityPress, 1990. LC 90-55124. ISBN 0-8014-2477-1.Drawing on interviews and survey materials, Hassprovides an informed account of the experiences of thesecond generation in terms of depression, guilt, anger,feelings of being different, and difficulty in separatingfrom parents. Hass devotes particular attention to howmuch survivors talked about their experiences to theirchildren and how this affected the children. He alsoexamines the attitude of the second generation to suchissues as anti-Semitism, Jewish identity, Israel, God,and intermarriage.4454Krystal, Henry, ed. Massive Psychic Trauma. NewYork: International Universities Press, 1968. LC 68-29657. ISBN 0-8236-8146-7.Although it has received criticism in the last tenyears, Krystal's psychoanalytic work on massivepsychic trauma continues to offer a starting point forthe study of the effects of the Holocaust on victims whosurvived. He has identified, along with WilliamNiederland, a "survivor syndrome" which includesvarying degrees of avoidance, depression, intrusion ofmemories, and other symptoms.* 4. 6 ~Langer, Lawrence. Holocaust Testimonies: The Ruinsof Memory. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1991.LC 90-044768. ISBN 0-300-04966-8.Langer continues his earlier thesis (see 4. 7) nowsupported by his extensive viewing of the videotapesin the Fortunoff Video Archives for Holocaust Testimoniesat Yale. Langer here posits five types of memory:"deep memory, " "anguished memory, " "humiliatedmemory, " ""taintedmemory, and "unheroicmemory.""Deep memory" refers to the coexistence of "twoadjacent worlds that occasionally intrude on eachother"; "anguished memory" disallows any closure orresolution of painful recollections as it "imprisons theconsciousness it should be liberating"; each of the otherthree deals with various aspects of humiliating experiencesor recollections which survivors find shamefulor "tainted. " For another interpretation, see 2. 134.~ 4. 7 *Langer, Lawrence. Versions of Survival: 7heHolocaustand the Human Spirit. Albany: State University of NewYork Press, 1982. LC 81-14560. ISBN 0-87395-583-8.Langer has relentlessly pursued the strands ofHolocaust narratives and memoirs to rebut any sanguinetheories of inspiration or tutelary conclusions— particularly those of Frankl and Des Pres.Langer argues that any value judgments based on themorality of civilized life are spurious when applied tolife as it was lived in the concentration and deathcamps. He argues that victims of the Holocaust dailywere presented with "choiceless choices, " alternativecourses of action in which equally horrible endsresulted. Langer's is perhaps the most important workon survivor testimonies. It is a seminal and uncompromisinglyhonest interpretation of survivors' accounts.4480Levi, Primo. The Drowned and the Saved. Trans. byRaymond Rosenthal. New York and London: SummitBooks, 1988. LC 87-018052. ISBN 0-671-63280-9.In his last book before his death, Primo Levioffers his final penetrating, searing reflections on thenature of the survivor's experience. Particularlypowerful and suggestive are his concept of "the grayzone, " the area between moral judgments in which theexperiences of the victims become blurred with thebehavior of the perpetrators, experiences for whichthere can be no mediation and no relief, and hisdiscussions of the tainted lives full of paradoxicalshame. His is perhaps the most disturbing and necessaryof survivor essays.4494Moskovitz, Sarah. Love Despite Hate: Child Survivorsof the Holocaust and Their Adult Lives. New York:Schocken, 1983. LC 81-084112. ISBN 0-805-238-018.At the end of the war, the British governmentallowed one thousand child survivors to enter England.The German refugee Alice Goldberger established andran a home for some of these children in Surrey.Moskovitz interviewed twenty-four of these survivors,most of them citizens of the U. S. or Israel. They stillsuffer continuing feelings of loss and outsiderhood butthey are reasonably well-adjusted and actively involvedin communal affairs.The Victims Who Survived 73

~ 4. 10 ~Sichrovsky, Peter. Born Guilty: Children of NaziFamilies. New York: Basic Books, 1988. LC 87-47773.ISBN 0-465-00741-4.Sichrovsky, an Austrian-born journalist, investigatedhow children and grandchildren of former Nazi warcriminals deal with their heritage. He found that,initially, they knew very little of their parents' orgrandparents' activities. The ways in which the childrendiscovered their ancestors' crimes varied widely, asdid their reactions to what they learned. Reactionsranged from severe guilt to outright denial.~ 4. 11 ~Sigal, John J. , and Morton Weinfeld. Trauma andRebinh: Intergenerational Effects of the Holocaust.Westport, CT: Praeger Publisher, 1989. ISBN 0-275-92906-X.In an empirical study, the authors examine thepsychological consequences of the Holocaust acrossthree generations of a sample group in Montreal. Theychallenge the dominant thrust of previous studies whichemphasized dysfunction in the family life of survivorsand psychological impairment in their children.*4. 12 ~Wiesel, Elie. Night. Trans. from the French by StellaRodeway. New York: Avon, 1969. LC 72-33106. Firstpublished in Yiddish in 1958.Perhaps the first and still one of the most powerfullymoving survivor accounts, Wiesel's autobiographicalnovel has become the classic survivor testimony.Tracing the experience of his family from Sighet,Transylvania, into the ghetto, then to Auschwitz, andfinally the death march and Bergen Belsen, Wieselexpresses the disillusionment, anguish, and utterdisorientation wrought by the Holocaust on childrenand families. The opening pages brilliantly describepre-Holocaust Jewish life and the final passages standin stark contrast to that opening. For another interpretation,see 2. 121.Briefly AnnotatedTitles~ 4. 13 +Bar-On, Dan. Legacy of Silence: Encounters walls" withChildren of the Third Reich. Cambridge, MA: HarvardUniversity Press, 1989. LC 89-7484. ISBN 0-674-52185-4.Israeli psychologist Bar-On interviewed middleagedGermans concerning their feelings about theirknowledge that relatives and parents had committedcrimes during the Holocaust. Bar-On found thatbetween parents and children there were "doubleof denial. For another interpretation, see 8. 1.~ 4. 14 ~Bergmann, Martin S. , and Milton Jucovy, eds. Generationsof the Holocaust. New York: Columbia UniversityPress, 1990. LC 81-068405. ISBN 0-231-07423-9.Generations of the Holocaust is the work of theGroup for Psychoanalytic Study of the Effect of theHolocaust on the Second Generation. Contributorsstress the complexity of survivors' influences onchildren. The editors also include a section on thechildren of Nazis.~ 4. 15 +Frankl, Viktor E. Man's Search for Meaning: AnIntroduction to Logotherapy. New York: Simon &Schuster, 1984. LC 84-10520. ISBN 0-671-24422-1pa.A psychiatrist survivor attributed his survival tothe development of a philosophy which focuses on themeaning of life. Logotherapy is based on findingmeaning in and through suffering. Frankl challengesthe Bettelheim thesis that those who became more liketheir tormentors had the best chance of living. Foranother interpretation, see 2. 23.* 4. 16 *Friedlander, Saul. When Memory Comes. New York:Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1979. LC 74-857796. ISBN0-374-52272-3.When Memory Comes is a powerful and suggestivememoir of a Jewish orphan's Holocaust experiencedealing with the issue of memory and history. Friedlanderwas left by his parents, at age seven, in aCatholic seminary in France. He was baptized andtrained for the priesthood. When the war ended, hediscovered his actual identity and made his way toIsrael in 1948.~ 4. 17*Gill, Anton. 7he Journey Backpom Hell. New York:William Morrow, 1989. LC 88-038663. ISBN 0-380-70777-2.Gill explores the variety of adjustments made by120 survivors to the concentration camp experience.He also examines how they adjusted after liberation.His book is based on interviews with survivors ofvarying social and political backgroundscountries.*4. 18 ~and from manyLevi, Primo. Survival in Auschwitz: 1he Nazi Assaulton Humanity. New York: Collier Books, 1961. Firstpublished as If This Is a Man. Trans. from the Italianby Stuart Woolf. New York: Orion Press, 1959. LC59-13327.74 GENOCIDE

This was Levi's first book. It is a brilliant, frank,and moving account of life and death in Auschwitz inwhich he offered remarkable perceptions into the natureand meaning of survival. It remains a classic along withWiesel's Night. For another interpretation, see 2. 66.* 4. 19 ~Luel, Steven A. , and Paul Marcus, eds. PsychoanalyticReflections on the Holocaust. New York: Ktav, 1984.ISBN 0-088125-041-4.The ongoing impact of the Holocaust on survivorsand especially on society in general is the subject ofthis collection of essays. Most essays focus on thepsychological and moral implications of the Holocaust.+ 4. 20 ~Porter, Jack Nusan. "Is There a Survivors' Syndrome?"Journal of Psychology and Judaism 6:1 (Fall/Winter1981).In a review of the psychological literature onsurvivors and children of survivors up to 1981, Porterconcludes that there are survivor syndromes. He drawsupon the work of Niederland and Krystal in particular.~ 4. 21 ~Rabinowitz, Dorothy. New Lives: Survivors of theHolocaustLiving in America. New York: Avon Books,1976. LC 76-13709. ISBN 0-380-01790-3.Rabinowitz has compiled a sensitive and thoughtfulcollection of interviews with 108 survivors living inAmerica. The interviewees discuss the Holocaust, thedifficulties ofbeginning again, acclimating to America,and reconstructing their lives.* 4. 22 *Sichrovsky, Peter. Strangers in 7hei r Own Land. NewYork: Basic Books, 1986. ISBN 0-14-009965-4.Sichrovsky here investigates how children andgrandchildren of Holocaust survivors now living inAustria and Germany deal with their situations.~ 4. 23 *Steinberg, Arlene. "Holocaust Survivors and TheirChildren: A Review of the Clinical Literature. " InHealing Their Wounds: Psychotherapy with HolocaustSurvivors and Their Families. Ed. by Paul Marcys andAlan Rosenberg. New York: Praeger, 1989. LC 89-8638. ISBN 0-275-92948-5.Steinberg reviews the clinical literature on survivorsand their families up to 1989. Her work isthorough and objective.~ 4. 24 ~Steinitz, Lucy Y. , and David M. Szonyi. Living afterthe Holocaust: Reflections by Children of SurvivorsLiving in America. New York: Bloch Publishing, 1979.LC 76-8322. ISBN 0-686-77156-7.The editors, themselves children of survivors,collected a series of essays, poems, and reflections onwhat it means to be part of the second generation. Theyemphasize the privilege and responsibilities of theirstatus.*4. 25 ~Wiesel, Elie. A Jew Today. Trans. from the Frenchby Marion Wiesel. New York: Vintage Books, 1978.LC 77-00261. ISBN 0-394-42054-3.A Jew Today contains some of Wiesel's mostprofound essays, including two on survivors. His "APlea for Survivors" raises the question of silence,remembering, and the treatment of survivors in thepost-Holocaust world.*4. 26 ~Young, James E. Writing and Rewriting the Holocaust:Narrative and the Consequences of Interpretation.Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1988. LC 87-35791. ISBN 0-253-36716-6.Young's book is a provocative and scholarly workon historical and literary interpretation of oral, visual,and written texts on the Holocaust. Young is somewhatover-theoretical in places but his insights into theproblems that surround narrative accounts of theHolocaust are extraordinary.see 2. 138.For another interpretation,The Victims Who Survived 75

Appendix: The Diaryby Agi Rubinwith commentary by Sidney BolkoskyPart I: DescriptionApril 20, 1945. 10:00 p. m.We are surrounded by flames. Our liberators arecoming. And our enemies are also approaching. So we,forsaken, tired and hungry, are walking toward liberation.The marching mass, the long line of the transport,drags itself along. It moves slowly and painfully, onand on.I see only four people. A dying woman who stillwants to live, her two daughters, and myself. Wesurround the dying one, and we are begging her to lookat us. She must go on. She wants to continue, but shefalls back. Her strength is gone. She cannot move.There is nothing to do. We are not going either. Letthem shoot us. That is all we can expect from theGerman overlords.I look around: flames, terrible screams comingfrom the line. I look up at the sky. I call for my fatherwho is suffering somewhere in Russia. "Help me,Father. You are the only one. Only you are waitingfor me. I still have to live for your sake. " I receive noanswer. Only dying words.[Mr. Bolkosky's commentariestion. ]are set off by indenta-One day after her official liberation, onApril 23, 1945, Agi Rubin began herjournal to retell the final days of herpersonal experience of the Holocaust. PartI, a descriptive account, begins near theend, on a road from Ravensbruck concentrationcamp. It concludes in a barn in aprisoner of war camp near the small townof Mulberg. Before the death march fromRavensbruck, there was Auschwitz, andthe death march in January. And beforethat, Agi faced the flames of the crematoriumat Auschwitz every day from May1944 until November. She and her family,along with more than 25, 000 other Jews,had been tom from their home inMunkacs, an Orthodox and Hasidic centerin Carpatho-Ruthenia. In 1939, Hungaryhad occupied the region, and in 1944 theGermans came. Shortly after that, Agi'sfather was taken to forced labor in Russia.Sometime after May 15, 1944, membersof the Hungarian fascist Arrow CrossParty forced the Jews of Munkacz into abrick yard where they kept them for fourweeks. Then came the deportation — thedividing line in so many lives: the stench,the darkness, starvation and thirst anddying of the cattle car. Auschwitz, sherecalled in an interview, made her "divided,forlorn" forever as her mother, aunt,and little brother went to one side and she,reluctantly, to the other. In Auschwitz,Agi clung to her two girlfriends fromhome and their mother. They adoptedeach other and she became the "lagersister"[camp sister] and daughter to "MyLady, " her "lager-mother. " Their Auschwitzfamily survived even the first deathmarch from Auschwitz to Gleiwitz andthen to Ravensbruck.By April 1945, the western Allies hadreached Bergen-Belsen and drawn withinsixty miles of Ravensbruck; the Russiansapproached from the east and had reacheda point some thirty miles from the camp.In a host of evacuations that served nopurpose other than the agonizing murderof thousands of prisoners, the Germansevacuated Ravensbruck on April 15.Seventeen thousand women and 40, 000men struggled westward amidst flames andshooting. Martin Gilbert has quoted oneRed Cross observer of this march: "As Iapproached them, I could see that theyhad sunken cheeks, distended bellies andswollen ankles. . . All of a sudden, a wholecolumn of those starving wretches appeared.In each row a sick woman wassupported or dragged along by her fellowdetainees.A young SS woman supervisorwith a police dog on a leash led the column,followed by two girls who incessantlyhurled abuse at the poor women. " Hundredsdied of exhaustion and hundredsmore were shot. ' For Agi, yet anotherdividing point in her life came as themarch arrived at a wooded area outsidethe town of Malchow — another of what shelater called her "foundations, " an event76 GENOCIDE

which has haunted her incessantly, inescapably,the death of "My Lady. " Somehow,she and her two "sisters" continued,dazed, broken, almost automatons, untilthe end, the place where liberation finallystopped the march, in a barn, in a makeshiftprisoner of war camp at Mulberg.Delirious, I even turn to the guards: "Herr Posten!Herr Posten! Sir, if you know God a little bit, bringme a little wagon for the dying one. With this maybeI can save a life. " No answer. The gentlemen arepassing by. A wagon does not arrive.Suddenly, I have a thought. I grab my lady andstart pulling her along. "Let's run. Let's take her. Let' ssave her. The liberators are here. She has to live. " Wedon't carry her too far.We stop, and she falls down. And the three of us,two sisters and I, the lager-sister, remain standing. Nowwe wait for the end. I don't want to leave them. Andthe countless rows, the dark rows, pass us by.Someone among them calls out. "Agi, Agi, comewith us. You can see they are barely alive. You arestrong. You can still work. You cannot stay with them.Come with us. "They are enticing me. Suddenly, I turn aroundand look at my threesome. Maybe I could go to myfather, to my liberators. But still no. Something istelling me that I should stay. No, no, I'm not goingto leave them. I grab my girlfriends. We hug each otherand cry bitterly under the sky. This is how we remaintogether and wait for the truck that will eventuallycome for us.A lifesaver. A truck arrives, and they throw usin it. The truck takes us further and further, and weleave the transport behind. God Almighty, a miraclehas happened. We are sitting together. And, sitting up,we soon fall asleep.Half delirious, Agi dragged her lagermotherto some imagined liberation — avision, a fantasy of her heroic fatherrescuing them all. Illusions compoundedillusions as other marchers called to herto save herself because she "can stillwork. " This march, unlike earlier ones,would serve absolutely no purpose. TheGermans had run out of work tasks forslave laborers. Yet the illusion lingered.As if to demonstrate the chaos, the pointlessconfusion, a German truck stops andassists the, four companions. Sleepcomes — a relief about which Agi later said:"And I hate myself for it. We slept. " Allsleep, for Agi, contains that one.As in a half-dream, I hear that the mother doesn' tlive anymore. I wake up. But then we say, "Let's notdisturb her. " After all, we know that this is the end.We fall into a very deep sleep. Neither the flamesaround us nor the liberation interests us because that' simpossible. We don't care about anything. We don' teven see who else is on the truck and how we areescaping from the Germans. I'm sleeping because Ihaven't slept for two weeks. And because I'm out ofmy senses. And because I don't want to be aware ofanything.We come to a sudden stop, and they throw us outof the truck. The truck [driver] has accomplished histask, and he turns around and disappears.An elderly German man receives us. He listensto our sufferings, about the starvation and the misery.We three introduce ourselves as the dead mother' sdaughters, and the German is almost fatherly towardus. We surround our dead one who lies on the ground.We want to speak with her, but no words comeout. We stare at the ground until we are shoved in theback by a German guard. "Remove that corpse immediately!"I look at him in bewilderment. I don't move.Then he hits me hard across the face.Dizzy and hysterical, I fall to the ground. I getup still crying and disoriented. Then the old Germanconsoles me. He says to the guard that he shouldn' thurt me.We removed the coat from the corpse. And weate a piece of potato that had been in her pocket. Don' tbe surprised. We were hungry.Later, they brought a few stretchers for the verysick ones. We have to move on again. I bent down tothe dead one, very close to her, and I asked for herforgiveness. I wanted to pray but I couldn' t. I had onlythe tears in my eyes.We kissed her and left her in the end of a ditch.We went on with the heavy stretchers. We went andwe went. We wanted to get to some place warm,wherever that could be.Surprise. We arrive at a barn that is filled withhay. Without thinking, we throw ourselves into thatlinen. There is no word nor thought within us. Onemoment and we are all in a deep sleep. Let's dream,let's forget. This day has brought enough.April 21, 1945.We get up and look around the room. Soon weare meeting our companions in the barn. They areHungarians, Poles, Russians, French, Mischlingen.None make a very good impression on me.The sun comes in. Food is arriving. Bread,margarine, . and black coffee that we haven't seen inmany weeks. To us, this is like a fairy tale, a Cinde-The Victims Who Survived 77

ella story. We could have eaten all the bread, andthere was enough to fill us. But we don't dare. "Whatwill happen tomorrow?" We look at it and put it aside.As the healthiest among us three, I start to work.I bring water and wash the sick ones. The morninggoes by quickly. Sleeping, eating, drinking coffee,washing ourselves for the first time in two weeks. Nooncomes and dinner arrives — a two-course meal! Soupand a potato. So we are kept busy. We are undershelter and getting food, but are afraid of having to goon. So we don't eat everything.In the afternoon, we were surprised by a policemanat the window who speaks Hungarian. He hadserved in Germany. We spoke with him and he promisedto bring canned milk in the evening. We lookforward to that reunion. But he disappeared, and wenever saw him again.There is dead silence in the room. Suddenly thedoor opens, and the opening of this door brings backour lives. A clean-cut officer enters whom I immediate-ly like. And others, too. Unusual feeling — they are notGermans yet they wear military uniforms. But theseare our friends. They come in and bring smiles andcontentment. Who they are we don't know. We onlyknow that they are good.One bends down, but before he does, he lookslike he is afraid of something. He says to us, "Juden?"Then he looks to the side, and he tries to hold backhis tears. He leaves the room, wipes his eyes, andcomes back.Using his kindest words, he tries to comfort us.He tells us that he is a prisoner of war, a Jew. Theyare going to take us to the hospital which is a verygood place. Suddenly, we are unsure. "A hospital?What is this?" All three of us answer in horror that weare healthy. We are afraid to go to this hospital. Butthe Jewish friend whose name we don't yet know stopsthe words in our mouths. "Don't be afraid. We aretaking you to a good place. A place where we will takecare of you. "Soon we gather ourselves and our belongings — aquarter of a bread and a potato. The wind is biting andwe walk alongside this Jewish man. The raindrops thathit our faces almost raise our spirits. But they are stillfaces of tired, broken prisoners, completely in a daze.As we walk, I think of those from our transportstill on the march — still being harassed, kicked, herdedalong. Suddenly a police car approaches us and stops.We are lucky. It goes on, and we are able to continueour journey. Eventually, we come to the hospital.In the courtyard, new faces greet us. These menlook at us with astonishment. We are still in our dirtycamp clothes, so it is not surprising that they areshocked by our appearance. We go down a hallway,into one of the rooms, where we are met by French-men. We don't understand each other's languages, butwe do understand their kindness and compassion. Soonwe are able to take warm showers and then to sink intobed. How good it feels!The room fills with inquiring Frenchmen, Yugo-slavs, Britishers, and others of many nationalities.These are soldiers who had not seen anyone like usbefore. They are very interested in our fate. And whenthey leave, they bid good-bye with sadness and sensitivityin their eyes. They don't want to overly disturb us.Now a bucketful of sweet milk arrives, andeveryone can have as much as they want. And we don' thave to stand in line for it! This didn't happen to ustoo!in the German camps. But now this has happenedNext, a very kind-looking French doctor comesin. He goes around and writes down everybody' sailment on his chart. Yes, we have come to live this,too!I am here in a prisoner of war camp — me as awoman, as a child. The American and English care[CARE] packages come, and they provide what weneed in the camp. After dinner, the doctor says goodnight.He wishes us rest and peace. "By tomorrow, notone German will remain here at the hospital. They willno longer rule over us. " We take his word and sinktoward sleep. For the first time since I can remember,we can stretch out on white sheets. We can rest. Theyare not going to wake us in the morning for the Appel[roll-call].From out of deep sleep we wake for breakfast.Hot tea is awaiting us. From the potatoes that remain,I fix a good puree that we spread over the bread. Westill restrict ourselves to one slice of bread only. Wemay need the rest for tomorrow. But the biggestspecialty at home wouldn't have tasted as good as thisEnglish tea and pureed potato. Hungry people appreci-ate anything that means food.After breakfast, we get a very profitable visitorwho brings us men's shirts and men's underwear. Itdoesn't matter, it's clean. We are not scratching andalways imagining the lice.Many of the visitors' names we don't know. Wecan't even write down their names because there areso many. Among them is the Jewish man who broughtus to the hospital. He takes the three of us as sisters.His name is Marco Rubinich Belgrade.All the men are very courteous and kind, but thisone is different. His name we must mark down, andeven if we didn' t, we would remember. From his story,I learn that he went through some of the same sufferingthat we did. He lost his family. But he himself didn' tsuffer as much because he was a prisoner of war andtreated as a soldier through political arrangements.Thus, he didn't see the Auschwitz crematorium but only7SGENOCIDE

heard about it. Only through our stories did he learnwhat was done.It's enough to listen to these horrors. The gas, thecrematorium, the forced marches. It's enough to hearabout it, let alone to see it. But enough about this.Marco comes in very often and always arrives withfresh news. "Be happy. Tomorrow, or the day aftertomorrow at the latest, we will be free. All the Germandogs have left the hospital already. Now we are donewith them. Brothers, sisters, be happy!"The poor man was wasting his breath trying tomake us feel good. We still don't believe anything. Upuntil the last moment, the crematorium is our nightmare.We are telling everybody about it, whether wewant to or not. Our stories are only about the crematorium,whether we want to or not. Either in my dreamor if I am awake, I can only see the flames in front ofme. And the vision never fades.With her economy of words, this repeatedpassage appears arresting and may lie atthe heart of Agi's — and most survivors'— consciousness. Their thoughts, ifnot their words, "whether we want to ornot" remain with the flames, with thecrematorium. Agi's experience in Auschwitzmay symbolize that more than most.As her daily task, the Germans assignedher to sort the clothes of dead Jews. Sheworked each day directly across from oneof the crematoria; watched the flames andthe smoke and refused to believe — bothbelieved and did not believe. And so,whether she wants to or not, she speaksof simultaneously expressing anotherfeeling: "but enough about this. "Too much talk tires us, so it's better for us to rest.The visitors are courteous. They would like to sitlonger, but the doctor makes them leave.This is our new life. The day goes fast and it isgood. But now it's quiet. It's night. Let's sleep. Let' sdream that we shall be happy.Behind the diary is her story, her recollectionsof how "everything always happenedat night. . . the screaming and the crying"and her "no sleep without nightmares"without "the sounds. .. in the night. " Tospeak of happiness under such circumstancesand with such memories demandsa double definition, a historically specificcontext. The camp at Mulberg, among thePOWs, defined a new happiness: free fromtorture, from starvation, from the fearthat there would be no bread or potatotomorrow; and haunted by the memoriesand the reality of lost family, childhood,community.April 22, 1945. The Liberation Day.There is a lot of commotion in the hallway. Wewake up wondering — maybe it's our liberators. Wedon't wait very long because the men rush in with greatjoy. "The Russians are here! Be happy! We are free!In a week or two Germany will be completely kaput!"Later on, a very high-ranking Russian officer andhis retinue come in. Our friend Marco is with themas their translator. His face glows with happiness. Heintroduces us to the officer. We show him the numberson our arms that we received in Auschwitz. The officershakes his head. "This is rare. "This is not the way I pictured the liberation. It' snot true. I don't believe it. "They can still take usback, " I think to myself with fear. But I don't sayanything out loud. The high-ranking officer kindly saysgood-bye.In the room, we just look at each other. We can' tspeak. Everybody's eyes are filled with tears. Butnobody dares to show it.Everybody can go wherever they want when theyare healthy. Now we are free. We are no longer underthe Germans.Later, Marco comes back and asks if we want togo to Palestine. He can register the three of us asPalestinian or as British citizens. He tells us thatMunkacz will be under the Russians. And once thathappens, we would not be able to leave.We asked for time to think about it. After a fewhours, we decided to stay with our first thought: weare going home. We are going home to look aroundour town. And after that, we will emigrate somewhere.Marco agrees with our plan although he fears it mightthen be too late to get out. But he doesn't want toconfuse us. In a case like this, you can't tell someonewhat to do. So we will be registered as Munkaczi andas Hungarians.We talked about the past and the future. And aboutthe future and the past. We have suffered enough. Nowgood will come. Let the sunshine brighten our life.As concerns the food, it's not even news anymore.I think we could get back very fast to a regular life — anormal, human way of life as we were used to yearsbefore.I was liberated in a prisoner of war camp amongvery fine people. They took care of us with good willand compassion. Life is unusual, and so is this liberation.Who knows where my poor father is suffering?Who knows what he is thinking about his family from?he Victims Who Survived 79

which hardly anybody remains? Who knows where heis liberated? Who knows where and when I will seehim again?Father, you are alone and you are my onlythought. I am liberated, but I am afraid to go home.I am afraid for myself. But let's wait now. We shallsee what will happen. Now let there be peace, peaceof mind.Part II: ReflectionsApril 1946 (?) — Auschwitz:An Endless Haunting.One of the countless, inexplicable reunions,Agi discovered that her father hadsurvived in Russia and had returned toMunkacz shortly after its liberation by theRed Army in October 1944. After threemonths in Mulberg, she had heard rumorsthat her father lived and managed to findher way back to Munkacz amidst the postwarchaos. Her father had rented a largehouse which served as a haven for thosefew who returned — an "open house" forthose in transit. She convinced her father,two aunts, and cousin that they shouldfollow Marco's advice and emigrate. Oneaunt had discovered the address of a thirdaunt who had married and emigrated toAmerica before the war. With the Americanaunt's assistance, Agi and her family,ten people in all, attained passports andvisas to leave Czechoslovakia in 1948. Butwhat follows in her diary marked the firstanniversary of Agi's liberation, an anniversarywhich stimulated reflections thathave never left her.The sound on the radio tells me it's twelveo' clock. I'm sitting and thinking back. The sound ofthe music tears at my heart because it always takes meback and makes me remember. Remember what? Don' task. I shouldn't even write it. It's Auschwitz. Auschwitzand its flames and its electrified barbed wire.I'm standing all alone in a large crowd. My faceis close to the wires. I'm looking into the distance. Iwant to muffle the sounds that I hear, but they are tooclose. Just a little quiet, a little peace, a few people— that's all I want around me. Not even otherpeople, but just myself alone. I'd like to be able tothink, but thinking is impossible.Beyond the wire fence there is another crowd ofpeople. But these are different from ourselves. Thesepeople are free. They are the ones who rule over us.They are the German dogs. God, suddenly I can't evenfind words to describe them properly.God, You took my mother away, and my littlebrother. Where did You take them? To the fire?I'm looking into the fire. And I think I would gocompletely crazy if I thought that You, God in Heaven,You are also looking upon all of this. And You havenot gone crazy.You looked upon us while the innocent children,and my dear ones, were taken there. To us You grantedthe gift of having to suffer, of having to see all this,and of having to continue to exist. To them You gaveYour mercy. They listened to the music in freedom.We were there to play the music for them. We playedand we listened through our broken hearts. We weretheir prisoners. We were the ones whose minds Youtook away completely.Here are sounded several motifs of Agi'slife that reflect the "haunting" of survi-vors: the ineffable name, not of God, butof Auschwitz ("I shouldn't even write it");the questions, from a Munkacever whoremembers the famous Munkaczi rebbeand the quality of religious life in theCarpatho-Ruthenian region where Jewsbreathed religious piety as naturally asair, ' about God and mercy, insanity andsurvival. Fire, the phenomenon and theword, have assumed different meaningsand significance in Agi's mind and life.Every fire bears the one she faced eachday across from the crematorium, as everysleep partakes of that sleep for which "Ihate myself" because her lager-motherslipped away while it enveloped her. Now,one year after, she ponders and agonizesover the possible meanings of these motifs,over the unholy or even absurd conclusionsthat lurk beneath the surface.So I'm standing and I'm gazing. And the musicplays unceasingly in my ears. It takes me home,sometimes all the way back home.Can anyone comprehend what is going on?Broken-hearted Jewish prisoners are playing the musicof broken hearts. They play "In Havana" and othersentimental pieces. They play "The Angels are SingingWhen You Talk to Me, My Sweetheart. " But that isstill nothing: They are playing "Mama. "The others, the killers, the ruthless German dogswith their wine bottles and their cigarettes, they areenjoying themselves. They are having a party. If weare lucky, they' ll throw down a cigarette butt. One ofus will pick it up.SOGENOCIDE

We are the prisoners doomed to death. And I canonly call ourselves stupid, ignorant, crazy. Because tolive like this — denied everyone and everything, kickedand shoved underfoot, degraded and humiliated, dopedand numb — only people who would just as soon be deadcould live through this. Having lived it, we are nolonger among the living. The living could not surviveit.Now, suddenly, I realize I have tears in my eyes.They are streaming down my face. Suddenly, I feellike I am home again and with my family. I am withthose who were everything to me. It feels like a verylong time ago that we were all together. But the fire,the cursed flames, still don't let me think. They wakeme up from my dreams, and my dreams hold the onlyhope for going on. The flames have awakened meagain. Their hissing and crackling have awakened meagain.God, Oh God, give me a little strength. Give mea little sense and take away the daze. I can't even thinkfrom the dope. I would like to be able to think that itstill might be true that somebody, somewhere, waitsfor me.This cannot be true: That I am here, on this earth,all by myself. That there is fire. That there are people.That there are bones. That there are the suffocatedinnocents. This is impossible: That ours, that mine,are there."Time had no meaning, " Agi said duringan interview. It has become a permeableboundary again. Where. is she as shewrites these words? In her father's housein Munkacz in 1946? In the barracks, atthe crematorium, listening to the prisonersentertain the SS in 1944? Is she alive ordead. Or is she "alive and dead". ' Thediary now includes an attempt to confrontthe past, to analyze or reflect upon theevents that altered and marked Agi's lifeand continue to assert a multivalent powerover every thought, act, and word.So perhaps it is good that I can only think rarelyand rarely do I come to my senses. For it seems likenow, at these moments, I am out of the daze. I canthink clearly. I can see the whole truth.You can do without mind and thought and stillexist. But a living human being has to think. Therefore,we are not people anymore. We can't call ourselveshuman beings because we can no longer think. Andwithout this, life ceases to be life. It is gone completely.I feel like a dead, degraded, cowardly Jew. Andtomorrow, maybe tonight, I will have to get up to workand put on a living face. I will have to sew up theclothes and cut up the materials left by those who havegone to the flames. I will have to listen to the humiliatingcurses and feel completely numb and ignorant. Allof this is true. All of this is real.My thoughts have started to wander again. Theyare wandering to Auschwitz. They are visiting theflames. They are in Heaven and talking with God. Andwho knows where else they are wandering?My pen wants to go on and on by itself. It issliding from my hand. At times like this my strengthleaves me. It leaves me each time I see it all again.When I see the truth once more.Music is supposed to be a good tonic. It's supposedto quiet your nerves. And so it quiets mine. Butnow I am turning off the radio. I don't want music.I don't want Auschwitz music. I don't want flamemusic. I don't want to see it all again. I don't want thehaunting.Now I ask You, God, again:Give me a little peaceful dream. Or no dream atall. Because yesterday and always I only dream aboutmy dead ones. This is not true, God! Tell me it's nottrue! And tell me I'm not questioning You in such anugly way.Now, as a cowardly soul, I beg Your forgiveness.I thank You for at least giving my father back to me.Please give him peace of mind in his life. Give peaceand well-being to all my loved ones. Give me no, moredreams that will make me think back and rememberagain. Give me quietness.God in Heaven, Amen.May 6, 1946.God, what's wrong with me? I'm choked with myown cry. I would like to cry, but I can' t. Today, too,I came home full of anger. For no reason. I went tothe theater and to a coffee house. And my poorcompanion couldn't figure out what happened to me,with this unfortunate crazy soul. He couldn't understandmy behavior. He questioned, but unsuccessfully. Icouldn't answer. I could find no reason myself. Howcould I answer it? One thing I can say: That to thinkback is very painful. And I'm longing after a mother.What is a family? Only a word. A home and food.Some passengers who by chance find a resting place.But when the comedy is over, the stage is taken apart.And soon it disappears."It's hard to be smart. But it's harder yet, witha smart head, to live as though ignorant. "People who dream of happiness, they wake up tosorrow. People who dream of sorrow, they wake upjoyfully and meet their surroundings with happiness.This is an unsolved mystery, but tomorrow we mightThe Victims Who Survived 81

find a wise one who will solve it. Maybe tomorrow,maybe in ten thousand years. Or maybe the wise oneis already among us.Nobody is right, and nobody is mistaken. Whatis true is the truth: Justice.April 1950, Philadelphia.Five years is like half a century when you liveyour life with bitterness and reminiscing. Even whenyou are at a party, and you are in a good mood, lateryou realize your guilt. Is this anger? Is this conscience?Is this self-consciousness or self-criticism?But why? This is a mystery deep within the soul.But what do you want, my soul, if I can call you that?Five years. it's not long to write it down, and it's veryeasy to pronounce it. But, when I remember, I amcarried back even more clearly than any time before.It's five years today that I was liberated from theGermans' chain. In my egotistic human way, I washappy then that I existed. That I remained alive. I washappy for every given day. For every bite that Ireceived. But then I didn't live yet. I just thought Ilived. My head was full of haze. I didn't plan becauseI thought everything came naturally, by itself. To likeand be liked I took for granted. And I didn't know thatI would always and always be carried back.And yet I'd just stepped into life's school. I wasonly a child then, but the dolls I used to play with wereso far from me. I had to mature very quickly. But itwas too fast, and it didn't bring any fruit. Because atthis stage of my life I still can't give myself any clearideas.I don't know what I am. I don't know when I'mdoing right or wrong. Am I right when I am thinking?And for what I am thinking? Many times, I think I wasjust born for trouble. To be a burden and! sorrow toeverybody, because I cannot laugh. They say, "If youlaugh, everybodyare alone. " laughs with you. And if you cry, youYes, my. diary, I am here in America, Amer ika!After many fights, I consented to come here rather thanto Palestine. I consented to come here bec ause of myfamil y . Ididn'ttakean y thin g tooseriousl y . !And that' swhy I'm fighting now with everybody. Ev!ery day isa fight. Because I'm trying to make myself understood.My rights, my principles, and somebody else's — withmy own double standards! But nobody' s Iright andnobody's wrong. Only the truth is right. But that is sorare. Now I'm pushing the years back. For me, that' slike putting the clock back a few minutes. Timeelapses, but the impossible does not fade from my eyes.Five years ago I finished my diary with a sentencethat was full of hope. that I will see my father again.Yes, God helped me. My dream became a reality. Wemet in my home town and with unbelievable happinesswe were reunited. But my father left our home whenI was a child, when he was taken away to the forcedlabor camp. And now he's realizing his daughter hasher own thoughts about life's problems.I knew we should get out of my home townbecause it would be Russian. And I also knew that inmy home town, where I lived my sweetest, happiestlife, it would never return. I wanted to escape fromthe memories because I didn't want to live through firstthe good, then the miserable destroying of life. Eitherway, for us to pack and leave meant little. We' dalready tasted wandering, and it seems like this is thepattern of our lives — pack and go, pack and go.1965: In Hospital.After being established in the States as a citizen,wife, and finally a mother of three young children, Iwas told that I was sick and would have to part frommy family for an indefinite time of hospitalization. Thisagony evoked all the dormant horrors of being a campinmate. As I entered the hospital corridor, it lookedlike a typical jail. I was becoming a prisoner all overagain. Entering the room and meeting my roommateonly added to my sense of a nightmare returned. Thelady was German.As a fourteen-year-old carefree child whoseinterests were school, family, and friends, I watchedour little city of Munkacz become a strange place. Itfilled with Hungarian and German occupying soldiers.Our neighbors whom we'd known all our lives suddenlybecame alien to us. We had to wear the yellow star.Still we walked our streets not realizing the seriousnessof the situation.One sunny, spring day, two German soldiers tookup residence in our home. After two weeks, the ordercame to pack up five kilos of belongings and leave ourhouse. We marched with our fellow Jews to a brickfactory on the outskirts of the city. We made our newhome under the skies. My mother and my young,newly-wed aunt, my beautiful six-year-old brother, andI. We had no father at our side to protect us becausehe had been taken to a forced labor camp well before.My aunt became the head of our household. She founda sleigh and out of it improvised a bedroom. We feltlucky to have such privileges.The young people formed a working unit, throwingbricks to each other and making a kind of fencefor privacy. And so we lived. Four weeks after this,we were wakened by a harsh command: "Pack! Weare taking you to a place where you will work. "It was dark and gloomy when we were loaded ona caravan of closed cattlewagons, filled to capacitywithout even standing room. My mother made up a82 GENOCIDE

corner in her lap, and we all huddled together veryquietly.I remember my mother's thoughts were with myfather's safety. And to me she kept saying, "I hope Godwill watch over you not to starve. I know you havea headache, my child. " She must have had a premonitionthat I would be the only one to be spared from thegas chambers.Yes, the train came to a halt after four or five daysof travel. Suddenly, the gate of the wagon was openedup, and the carload was ordered to form lines. "Push!Push! Fast! Fast!" — mothers holding onto their babiesand older ones. My first thought of the striped clothesand shaven heads: "This is the crazy unit. "Soon I found myself in front of an extremely tallGerman officer who ordered me to the left. I ran backto my mother. I wanted to be with my family [whowere sent to the rightj. How lucky they are to betogether. And I shouldn't be with them?But Mengele, the Angel of Death, would not grantme the other side. After three attempts to run back tothe moving line, I was thrown to the sandy gravel,pleading to my mother. With a concerned ache in hereyes, she saw her child being thrown and pushed.With a wave ofher gentle hand, she accomplishedwhat could not be done by bayonet force. "Go, mychild, go. We will see each other tomorrow. "And I' ve been going ever since then.NoTEs1. Martin Gilbert, The Macmillan Atlas of theHolocaust (New York: Macmillan, 1982), 227.2. See Herman Dicker, Piety and Perseverance: JewsPom the Carpathian Mountains (New York: Sepher-Herman Press, Inc. , 1981) and The Marmaros Book(Tel Aviv: Beit Marmaros, 1983).3. Hank Greenspan, "Lives as Texts: Symptoms asModes of Recounting in the Life Histories of HolocaustSurvivors, " to appear in Storied Lives, ed. by R.Ochberg and G. Rosenfeld (New Haven: Yale UniversityPress).The victims who survived 83

Chapter 5THE ARMENIANGENOCIDE:REVISIONISM AND DENIALby Rouben AdalianThe Turkish government has adopted three linesof argument to convince the world that nothingout of the ordinary happened to the Armeniansduring the years 1915-1923. Three theses havebeen advanced: the denial thesis; the revisionistthesis; and the justification thesis. The threetheses can in turn be divided among sixcategories of authors as follows: participants,apologists, rationalizers, revisionists,disinformers, and distorters. In the years since1923 several factors have contributed to theworld's acquiescence in the Turkish program ofdenial and revisionism. First, Turkey becamerespectable as the Turkish Republic underKemal Attaturk; second, Turkey joined theUnited Nations as a charter member in 1945;and third, Turkey joined the North AtlanticTreaty Organization in 1952.In the unfolding process of genocide, denial is thefinal stage. There was little doubt at the end of WorldWar I that the Young Turk government had implementedmeasures which resulted in the decimation of theArmenian population in the Ottoman Empire. Yet twoyears later, the effort to rehabilitate the survivors wasabandoned. Three years after that, the question ofresponsibility was entirely forgotten. Since then, thegovernment of Turkey has found it convenient to denythat anything out of the ordinary happened to theArmenians.The coverup of the Armenian genocide was notthe work of the Turkish government alone. The courseof political developments in the decades followingWorld War I furnished a favorable environment forignoring the consequences of genocide. The silence ofthe international community emboldened the Turkishgovernment to make the denial of the Armeniangenocide a state policy. Only the matter of legitimizingthe official view on the non-occurrence of the eventremained.Post-War UnsettlementThe rapid changes in government that took placeafter World War I, including the shift of power fromIstanbul to Ankara and the emergence of new leaders,hopelessly complicated the effort for a serious deliberationon the Armenian genocide. Defeated in war, theYoung Turk cabinet resigned in 1918. The Committeeof Union and Progress (CUP), which led the YoungTurk movement, disbanded. The administration of whatThe Armenian Genocide: Revisionism and Denial 85

THE ARMENIAN GENOCIDE: 1915-1923AN INTRODUCTIONby Rouben AdalianWhen in the Spring of 1915 the Young Turkgovernment issued orders for the mass deportationof the Armenians from Armenia and Anatolia toSyria and Mesopotamia, the' U. S. ambassador toTurkey, Henry Morgenthau, realized that the edictswere only part of a larger scheme to destroy theArmenian people. In prior decades Armenians in theOttoman Empire had endured large-scale atrocitiesand tens of thousands had fallen victim to the brutalrepression practiced by the Ottoman sultans. Yet,the sultans had had no policy that affected the totalityof the Armenian population throughout the empire.By 1923 when the modern-day Turkish Republic wasfounded, close to two million Armenians had vanishedfrom a part of the world which they hadinhabited for thousands of years. The only exceptionto this annihilation was a community that survivedin Constantinople."The Murder of a Nation"Morgenthau and Arnold Toynbee, then a youngscholar entrusted with the task of documenting theevents of 1915 and 1916, described the forcibleremoval of the Armenians from their homes and theirexpulsion to the desert as "the murder of a nation. "The Young Turk government carried out the deportationsunder conditions of extreme deprivation andat a pace that induced death by starvation, dehydration,and exhaustion. It also organized special unitswhich conducted a thoroughgoing slaughter ofcivilians — men, women, and children. Called aresettlement plan, the deportations and massacreswere nothing less than a gigantic scheme to deprivethe Armenians of their property, lives, and right tocontinued habitation in their ancestral homeland.In the final analysis the genocide resulted inthe theft of the contested homeland of the Armenians,for without Armenians there could be no Armenia.The possibility that the aspirations of this peoplemight lead to a claim to a separate national existencehad become anathema to the Young Turk party thatgoverned the Ottoman Empire during World WarI. Their solution was to destroy both the people andtheir nationalist aspirations.Armeniansas a Subject MinorityThe Armenians had lived as a subject minorityin the Ottoman Empire for some 400 years. Influencedby Western political thought in the nineteenthcentury, they began to organize and to petition thegovernmentto improve their living conditions, whichwere characterized by maladministration and theabsence of security. In some parts of the Ottomanstate Armenians fared well; they were dominant incertain sectors of the economy such as commerceand the specialized crafts. The combinationof theirfinancial success and their political activism becamethe source of an autocratic regime's obstinanterefusal to consider reform, for reform and improvementmight have led to a measure of self-government.The Young TurksNo less opposed to the regime were the reformmindedOttomans who organized the Committee forUnion and Progress. This group, known as theYoung Turks, overthrew the Sultan. Their ownnationalist plank, however, tended to emphasize onceagain racial privilege for Turks and exclusion of theArmenians who clearly gained nothing in the changeof government. On the contrary, as Germany encouragedthe war party to join in the impending conflictin 1914, the Armenians were caught in a vise. Tothe east where the Ottomans intended to advance laythe vast stretches of the Russian Empire. Becausemost of the Armenians lived on either side of theborder, inevitably their homes would be engulfedin a battle area. Although loyal to their government,with thousands responding to the draft, the Armenianpopulation was not sympathetic to the cause of thewar.A HomogenousTurkish StateDetermined to use the opportunity of war andthe alliance with Germany to restore the prestige ofthe declining Ottoman state, the Young Turks movedmercilessly against the Armenians whom theyaccused of treason and sedition once the war beganto go badly for them. Unable to create the envisionedempire that would include all of the Turkic peoplesto the East, the Ottoman government devised amethod of purging the state of an ethno-religiousminority whose existence stood at odds with theideology of the extremist Young Turks. The decisionto wage war against an unsuspecting civilian populationwas but an incremental escalation of a successionof decisions taken illegally and secretly to bringabout the entry of the Ottomans into World War I.(continued on page 87)86 GENOCIDE

The genocide was the culmination of the policy tocreate a homogenous Turkish state. By the time allthe fighting in the Middle East had ended and theOttoman Empire had fallen, the Armenian presencehad been erased from those areas that would constituteKemal Ataturk's Republic of Turkey.*5. A ~ANNOTATEDBIBLIOGRAPHYAdalian, Rouben, ed. The ArmenianGenocide in theU. S. Archives, 1915-1918. Alexandria, VA: Chadwyck-HealeyInc. , 1991-92. Microfiche.U. S. archival holdings documenting the Arme-nian genocide are comprehensively reproduced onmicrofiche in this microform production. Includedare 30, 000 pages of evidence from the records ofthe Department of State, the Commission to NegotiatePeace, the Office of National Intelligence, fromthe papers of Ambassador Morgenthau and PresidentWilson, as well as from other agencies of the U. S.government which were involved in gatheringevidence on the Ottoman Empire during and afterWorld War I. The documents also show the extentto which the U. S. government attempted to rescuethe survivors through relief efforts.5 BDadrian, Vahakn N. "Documentation of the Armeni-an Genocide in Turkish Sources, " In: Israel W.Charny, ed. Genocide: A Critical BibliographicReview. V. 2. New York: Facts on File, 1991. ISBN0-8160-1903-7.Despite their longstanding denial of the genocide,various authors, scholars, memoirists, andgovernment officials of the late Ottoman era haveobliquelyor inadvertently revealed the Young Turks'violent handling of the mass of the Armenianpopulation in the Ottoman state.*5. C ~Dadrian, Vahakn N. "Genocide as a Problem ofNational and International Law: The World War IArmenian Case and its Contemporary Legal Ramifi-. cations. " Yale Journal of International Law 14, no.2 (1989), 221-334.In this detailed examination of the courts-martialconvened in Constantinople after World War I to trythe principal conspirators in the deportation of theArmenian population and the expropriation of theirpropery, Dadrian shows that the judicial recordclearly established the criminal behavior of theYoung Turk government in its policies against theArmenians. Yet despite depositions taken from highranking military officers, the incriminating evidenceauthenticated by Turkish legal experts, and theverdicts handed down by Ottoman courts, politicalchanges and public pressure ultimately voided theconvictions of the perpetrators of the genocide.4 5@AHovannisian, Richard G. The Armenian Holocaust:a Bibliography Relating to the Deportations, Massacres,and Dispersion of the Armenian People, 1915-1923. Rev. 3d ed. Cambridge, MA: ArmenianHeritage Press, 1980. ISBN 0-935411-05-4.The first part of this work is an inventory ofthe major archival holdings documenting the conditionof the Armenians in the Middle East duringWorld War I. The countries with important repositoriesinclude Great Britain, France, Austria-Hungary,Germany, the United States, and Armenia. Thesecond part lists published works on Armeniangenocide written by eyewitnesses, survivors, reliefworkers, diplomats, and scholars. Hovannisianidentifies some 400 works, mostly in English,French, and German.45EAKloian, Richard D. , ed. The Armenian Genocide:News Accounts From the American Press, 1915-1922. 3d ed. Berkeley: ACC Books, 1985. LC 85-217742. -Despite the Ottoman government's efforts tocensor the news, reports about the condition of theArmenian population reached the Western media.Kloian's collection includes a representative sampleof articles that appeared in the American periodicalpress, such as The New York Times, The LiteraryDigest, The Outlook, Missionary Review, and TheIndependent. The 124 articles in The New YorkTimes — with typical headlines reading "WholesaleMassacres of Armenians by Turks" (29 July), and"Turks Depopulate Towns of Armenia" (27August) — which appeared in 1915 alone meant thatthe American public was fully aware of the scale ofthe atrocities committed against the Armenians inthe Ottoman Empire.45F4Morgenthau, Henry. Ambassador Morgenthau 'sStory. Garden City, NY: Doubleday, Page & Co. ,1918. LC 38-14073.By virtue of his office, Morgenthau, the U. S.ambassador to the Ottoman Empire from 1913 to1916, was acquainted with the Young Turk cabinet.In this account of his conversations and writtencommunications with cabinet members, he leaveslittle doubt that Talaat, the Minister of the Interior,was the central figure in the implementation of theArmenian genocide.(continued on page 88)The Armenian Genocide: Revisionism and Denial S7

(continued from page 87)0$G. o[Toynbee, Arnold Joseph]. The Treatment ofArmenians in the Ottoman Empire, 1915-1916:Documents Presented to Viscount Grey of Fallodan,Secretary of State for Foreign A+airs, byViscount Bryce. Preface by Viscount Bryce.Presented to both Houses of Parliament byCommand of His Majesty. London: His Majesty'sStationery Office, 1916. LC 17-2893.The first official report of the destructionof the Armenian population, the collectionconsists of 149 documents compiled by ArnoldToynbee. They include numerous eyewitnessaccounts of the deportations and their consequencesby European residents, travelers, missionaries,and diplomatic personnel. The documentsare organized according to provincesstretching from the war zone in the east throughtowns and districts removed from the conflictin the west of Anatolia all the way to the capitaland then southward in the direction of thedeportations. There are also sections on "TheAnatolian Railway" and its use in the transportof deportees, "The Refugees in the Caucasus"who had fled the Ottoman Empire, and "Azerbaijanand Hakkiari" in northern Iran where theOttoman forces advanced in the beginning of thewar and where some of the earliest mass killingsof the Christian population, including Armeniansand Syrian Nestorians, occurred. For reasonsof security many names were withheld and onesection in the collection appears under theheading of "The Town of X. " "The Key" tothese names and places was published in thesecond edition of the book (Beirut: G. Doniguianand Sons, 1972). In the final section, Toynbeeanalyzed the data gathered by mid-1916 andestimated that 1, 200, 000 were deported in 1915and that half of them perished that year.remained of the Ottoman Empire was assumed by anew circle of ministers. The central government inIstanbul, however, was weak. It appeared compromisedbecause it accommodated the Allied-imposed settlement.Upon the insistence of the British, and to a lesserdegree the French, some of the Young Turk leaderswere court-martialed in 1919-1920. Indicted also weremembers of the two wartime CUP cabinets. Thetribunal handed down a series of verdicts finding theaccused guilty of "the organization and execution" ofthe crime of massacre. ' Indicative of its moral indeci-sion and evasion of domestic responsibility for dealingwith the CUP officials, the Ottoman government wasreluctant to carry out most of the sentences. In the caseof the top CUP officials, however, the sentences wereonly a formality. The officials had eluded the law bytaking refuge in Germany immediately after the warand were tried only in absentia. The final evasion ofany personal culpabilityoccurred with the refusal ofGermany to extradite the accused war criminals. ' Thefailure to assign criminality to the policies of the YoungTurks set the stage for translating the responsibility forexterminating a population into the subject of a debate.Eastern Armenia Under CommunismEastern Armenia had been part of the RussianEmpire since the early nineteenth century. When, theRussian state disintegrated, as a result of the OctoberRevolution the government of this province wasassumed by the local people. In May 1918 they formedan independent republic which lasted only two and ahalf years. The Red Army put an end to Armenianindependence in 1920. Almost immediately the Communistgovernment internally imposed a complete silenceon the Armenian genocide.The lack of Allied resolve to adhere to theobjectives of defining the concept of "crimes againsthumanity" and applying it to the case of the mistreatmentof the Armenians was thus matched by theRussian Communists' rejection of all Western notionsof appropriate and acceptable political conduct. TheSoviet regime introduced new norms of politicalbehavior. The ideological underpinnings of Communismwhich elevated mass terror into state policy onlycontributed to the environment in which it could bedenied that the fate of the Armenians had been in anyway exceptional. These were the years in which thetotalitarian state was taking shape and the Communistshad reached their own reconciliation with this kind ofbrutal ization. 'After six years of warfare and incalculable lossand suffering, Armenian identity became hostage toa redefinition at the hands of ideologues whose manipulationof the historical record only served to furtheralienate and isolate the Armenian people. Even aminimal effort to document the Armenian genocide wasnot contemplated. The single greatest catastrophe inArmenian history, virtually all-encompassing in itsdimensions and implications, was dismissed as a nonevent.With no effort made to preserve a record of thepast, the Communists left the field all the more opento revisionism and denial. They added a powerfulincentive, and in many respects accorded virtualencouragement, for Turkey to deny everything to theArmenians.88 GENOCIDE

Abdications and Retributions Turkey ReformedThe Sovietization of the Republic of Armenia hadanother effect. The only vehicle available to theArmenian people for pressing their case against theYoung Turks for adjudication in any kind of forum wasdenied to them. All legal options were closed. TheAllies had given up on their intention to prosecute. TheOttoman domestic courts had discontinued the trialsof the accused. The British had reached a settlementin 1921 with the Turkish Nationalist government forthe return of Ottoman officials arrested and incarceratedin Malta on charges of war crimes. The message wasclear that, as far as the Allies were concerned, nosanctions would be imposed on Turkey for having ashort time before deported, murdered, robbed, andexiled its Armenian population.The situation posed an excruciating dilemma toArmenians. An underground organization already hadbeen formed for the purpose of meting out punishmentto key organizers of the Armenian genocide. ' BetweenMarch 1921 and July 1922, several of the Young Turkparty leaders directly responsible for the agencies whichimplemented the deportations and massacres wereassassinated. ' Each of the slayings occurred outsideTurkey. None of the slain were at the time officialsof either the Constantinople imperial government orthe Nationalist regime in Ankara.Despite the fact that the hunting down of thesemen were acts of retribution against individuals, thisepisode added further ambiguity to the lessons of thegenocide. The assassinations plainly were carried outas acts of vengeance by Armenians. It is difficult tosay what should have been done with Talaat and theothers since no government considered even imprisoningthem, but their slayings left the cloudy legacy thatsurrounds the notion of settling scores.When the Treaty of Lausanne established Turkey'sinternational boundaries in 1923, the implications forthe Armenians were all too apparent. The deportedArmenians stranded in Syria were sealed off from theirformer homes and reduced at last and irreversibly toa people without a country. That the Turks and theAllies at Lausanne ignored the Armenians only codifiedCommunist Russia's dismissal of the Armenian caseagainst Turkey. The Allies in the West for a short whilehad felt some obligation to the Armenians in view ofthe genocide. However, they were physically remotefrom the scene, and the exclusion of the Armeniansfrom the world political arena relieved them of anyfurther connection. 'Their pledges to settle the Armeniansin a "national home" went unfulfilled.The circle of deniability was complete with thetransformation of Turkish society under the leadershipof Mustafa Kemal. His determination to secure uncontestedsovereignty for Turkey would not countenancethe charge of criminality for the Young Turk policies.Many of the CUP rank and file joined his movement.To the extent that they served his purposes, Kemalextended his protection to these men, and therebysignalled his tolerance of the racial policies of theYoung Turks. These steps were taken within theframework of the Kemalist program to transformTurkey into a modern nation.Kemal re-integrated Turkey into the world systemof states by discarding the vestiges of the Ottoman past.The changes introduced through a series of reformmeasures were intended to fundamentally alter Turkishsociety. The most visible aspects of Kemal's modernizationprogram included, for instance, the adoption ofthe Latin alphabet for the Turkish language. Thelegislation of new dress codes doing away with tradi-tional garb for both men and women virtually imposedinjunctions against Islamic practices. These tangiblealterations of the appearance of Turkish society contributedmeasurably to a re-evaluation of the unflatteringimage of the Turk which the media had created indepicting, for a time, an unending series of atrocitiesagainst Christian minorities.More significant in making Turkey acceptable asa modern nation was the political reorganization thattook place under Kemal's guidance. The reformsproceeded on so many levels that within a comparativelyshort time Turkey was able to establish reciprocalrelations with a host of countries, many formerly itsenemies. This process also finally shut the doors onthe Armenian people everywhere. Within a decade afterthe end of World War I Armenians could not find evena lone voice in the entire arena of global politics toexpress support for their cause or sympathy for theircalamity.Turkey's neutrality during most of World WarII was evidence of Kemal's and his successor's abilityto steer through troubled waters. Turkey declaredhostilities against Germany near the end of the war inorder to join the United Nations as a charter member.Turkey's entry into the North Atlantic Treaty Organizationformalized its role in the Western alliance system.From 1952 onward Turkey shared in the responsibilityof protecting the free world against expansionistCommunism. In return, its own security was guaranteedby the might of the United States as projected throughNATO. ' In thirty years time Turkey traveled so farfrom the genocidal episode of the early part of theThe Armenian Genocide: Revisionism and Denial 89

twentieth century that no question remained about anyobligations toward the Armenian people.As the Armenians disappeared from public view,so too did interest in them and their fate slowly fade.In contrast, a vast body of literature began to appearon Turkey. Its modernization process was regarded asa model for underdeveloped countries and became thesubject of innumerable studies. Every aspect of themodern Turkish state found its devotees. Many werefascinated by the attempt at secularizing a traditionalsociety. Others measured the progress in industrializationand commercialization. Still others observed theeffects of educational policies and the advances madein literacy. Turkish political developments and the deftdiplomacy of the Ankara government became thesubject of considerable inquiry.More fascinating to Western observers was thetowering figure of Kemal himself upon whom theTurkish people bestowed the ultimate honor of naminghim the father of his country, Ataturk. His personality,his style of leadership, his ideas and words, his deeds,his military valor and ability, his political acumen, hismannerisms of dress and behavior, all became topicsof continuous study. ' The more impressive his list ofaccomplishments grew, the less cause his detractorshad to be critical. Under the circumstances, theArmenian genocide lost its relevance.Armeniansin DiasporaFor the Armenians all this meant that the effectsof the genocide would be regarded as inconsequential.During those same decades they were absorbed withthe sheer struggle for survival as a homeless, stateless,and dispersed people. The shape of their new diasporabegan to emerge as they desperately scrambled to reachany country that gave refuge. Within a short time ahandful of impoverished Armenian immigrants spreadout in all directions away from their ancestral homeand reached all the continents of the globe. A quietudeeventually descended upon their existence as their causewas forgotten and the challenge of keeping theiroffspring from completely assimilating into their hostsocieties absorbed all their energies. 'Cut off from Soviet Armenia, filled with bitternesstoward the Turks, making up such small numbers asto be easily overlooked by society at large, and livingamong scattered communities, the Armenians exiledfrom Turkey possessed no resources to dedicate towardpreserving the record of the Armenian genocide."Publishing the memoirs of individual survivors andgathering the history and folklore of the towns, cities,and regions once inhabited by Armenians was the mostthat was accomplished." A methodical study anddocumentation of the Armenian genocide was beyondthe abilities of the Armenian people at the time. Furtherimpeding any scientific effort to understand the genocidewas the absence of Armenians trained in thedisciplines necessary to begin such a project. The veryfirst segment of Armenian society selected for exterminationat the earliest stages of the genocide had beenthe intellectual elite: the teachers, journalists, lawyers,clergy, and politicians. Therefore those who ended upholding whatever valuable documentation passed intotheir hands were not equipped to treat them with thescientific and legal precautions necessary to authenticatethat evidence beyond a shadow of a doubt. Lastly, mostworks written by Armenians on the genocide werewritten in the Armenian language, making theminaccessible to non-Armenians, and even to their ownchildren.Turning PointsThe year 1965 proved a watershed year in the lifeof the Armenian people. Confronted with the realizationthat fifty years had passed since the genocide, Armeniansacross the world organized commemorative events,inaugurated the publication of works on the genocide,and presented petitions to their governments requestingformal recognition of their tragedy. Since that timesomber ritual has come to surround 24 April, the datecommemorated as the beginning of the genocide. Priorto 1965, April 24 had been regarded more as a day ofmourning and memorialized by requiem services inArmenian churches. By 1965, the eschatologicalinterpretation first given the Armenian genocide hadproved unconvincing. New generations of Armenianshad grown up and taken charge of their communities.Diaspora-born, more secular in outlook, with aWestern education, and not directly bearing the scarsof persecution, they defined the Armenian genocideas the central event of the modern Armenian experience.They became gripped by an awareness of theirnecrologized national history. The question of justicedenied, and for how long, rapidly politicized a stratumof Armenian society. But the old realization of pow-erlessness in the face of indifference became the causeof increasing frustration. The political impotence ofthe Armenians in the diaspora, the isolation of theArmenian state inside the Soviet Union with its inabilityto connect meaningfully with the diaspora, and thesilence of the world contributed to a process of radical-ization. Just as increasing numbers of Armenians werelearning to cope with these dimensions of their heritage,a wave of political violence shook the Armeniancommunities.Intent on forcing the issue on the nations of theworld, and especially upon the Turkish government,small groups of Armenian terrorists appeared on the90 GENOCIDE

scene. They primarily targeted the Turkish diplomaticcorps. During a ten-year spree lasting from 1975 to1985, Turkish ambassadors, consuls, attaches, andguards were shot and killed by these gunmen, whosedemands were always the same: international recognitionof the Armenian genocide and Turkish restitutionof Armenian lands." After decades of being ignored,the methods of the mil itants at first seemed to be payingoff as they captured headlines and succeeded in gettingtheir story told. " The campaign of violence, however,could not sustain itself. The costs to Armenian societybegan to mount as the repeated acts repelled more andmore Armenians and raised their own set of questions.Countries on whose ground most of the operations werecarried out responded with their own security measuresto prevent the radicals from gaining access to publicity.Finally, Turkey also formulated its own responsepolicies in order to bring the problem under controland stop the killings.The long-term effects of the decade of politicalviolence are yet to be analyzed. One short-term resultwas the intensification of the denial campaign by theTurkish government. Turkey repudiated not just theviolence, but also the historic reason and fundamentalinjustice which propelled the terrorism in the mindsof its practitioners." The Armenian genocide becamecontestable ground. Most of the revisionist and denialliterature to appear on the Armenian genocide wasproduced against this backdrop.The terrorism subsided, but the denial campaignremained in high gear. The production of denialliterature took on a life of its own. With the resourcesof the Turkish government committed to obstructing,obscuring, confusing, distorting, and in any and everymanner denigrating the Armenian genocide and itsmemory, the denial campaign became an industry. With,increasing frequency the literature challenging everyaspect and recorded fact of the genocide now reachedlibraries around the world. Revisionists, deniers, andspokesperson of the Turkish government, masqueradingas scholars, historians, and specialists of one sort oranother, made a living pounding away at the body ofevidence documenting the Armenian genocide.The stated purpose of the newest phase of thedenial program was to control the damage to Turkey'simage. The depiction of Turkey as heir to a genocidalstate was not a small problem for the Turkish government.That, however, was the lesser of its concernssince Turkey was far too deeply integrated into theworld economy and the Western alliance systems tofeel seriously challenged. Armenian terrorism providedTurkey the opportunity, once and for all, to confusethe record on the Armenian genocide by claiming itas nothing more than an unfounded charge made byirrational individuals. The violent insistence that therewould be consequences to Turkey for failing to acknowledgethe Armenian genocide only netted apowerful and elaborate program to deny everything tothe Armenians once again, not just irredentist claimsto lands inhabited by their ancestors some seventy ormore years earlier, and not just the genocide either.The Turkish pol icy of denial established that everythingwas deniable; whether there ever was an Armenia,whether the Armenians were actually a people, whetherthey had a history." It mapped out an extensiveprogram of mockery. Hence in the last two decadesthe Armenian genocide has been compromised twiceover, once by violence staged by Armenian extremists,and again by a growing body of denial literature. Forthe rest of Armenians there was a penalty to be paidfor their inability to establish the record of the genocide.Defining the ArmenianExperienceOpposed to, and apart from, these trends wereother developments shaping the understanding of theArmenian genocide. First among these was the continuingprogress made by the international community,through the United Nations and other bodies, to agreeto covenants respecting the rights of all human beings,codifying conventions on warfare and war crimes, anddefining provisions for punishing the commission ofgenocide. Basic documents giving expression to theconcept of human rights were formulated. Theseachievements were registered with the widespreaddestruction of World War II in mind. The hope ofpreventing global conflict, nuclear exchange, or thegross abuse of human rights made a dent in the coldpragmatism of states which once left the victims of theArmenian genocide in the dust."The second and critical development of the post-World War II period which brought the subject ofgenocide into focus was awareness of the Holocaust.The imperative to explain how educated men seeminglyexercising their rational faculties sent an unimaginablenumber of people to gas chambers posed a challengeto the moral and intellectual premises of Westerncivilization. How nations fell prey to racial ideologiesof their own choosing, and how they fueled anti-Semitism to the point of reducing Jews to victims ofextermination, were questions demanding an answer.Drawing on the lessons of the Holocaust, the examinationof past or present violations of the fundamentalhuman right to life now takes a basic body of knowledgeon political behavior, social psychology, massculture, and the ideology of rationalized evil as commonprinciples and tools. The Nuremberg trials set thestage for studying these and many other related issuesas serious subjects of inquiry and they have had an'fThe Armenian Genocide: Revisionism and Denial 91

inescapable effect on a number of disciplines." Eventhe precedence of the Young Turk policy of exterminationhas become a subject of inquiry."Lastly, the assimilation of the Armenians workedits own influence. Whereas most survivors wrote abouttheir experiences in Armenian, second- and thirdgenerationdescendants did so mainly in English andFrench. As the Armenian genocide became the subjectof serious inquiry, scholars, Armenian and non-Armenian,could only be studying it with the post-World WarII reassessment and reconsideration of the humanexperience in view. The vocabulary itself changed asthose examining the evidence began to label thedestruction of the Armenians a genocide also. It hadbeen described by contemporaries as massacres,atrocities, and race extermination. The word "genocide," however, had an established legal definition toit, which, retrospectively, made the Armenian massacresa more comprehensible unit of history in thecontext of the twentieth century."From the point of view of the Turkish governmentand its apologists, the study of the Armenian genocideposed a serious challenge. The more the record of theArmenian genocide was established, analyzed, andcompared, the more the denial position would beexposed as a contrived and sponsored program.Therefore one of the principal strategies of the denialpolicy has been to create confusion between Armenianpolitical positions and academic research on theArmenian genocide by insisting that one is in theservice of the other.The ArgumentsThree lines of argument have been advanced bythose disputing the occurrence of the Armenian genocide.The denial thesis makes the following points: 1)the high casualty toll among civilian Armenians isexplained by the fact that the Armenian-inhabited areasof Anatolia were a theater of war; 2) the Armeniansalso engaged in civil war against the Turkish populaceand suffered additional casualties as a result; 3) theArmenians resorted to massacre and the Turks respondedin "counter-massacres;" 4) some subscribers to thistheory have extrapolated the argument and posited thecase of a "counter-extermination" since the Armenianobjective, they maintain, was to annihilate the Turks;5) the deportations are depicted as an "emigration" or"resettlement" policy designed to remove rebelliousArmenians from the war zone where they endangeredthe Ottoman armies; 6) the Armenian nationalists areaccused of provocation by being "extremist" in theirdemands; 7) they are also accused of resorting to widescaleterrorism; and 8) the nationalist Armenians aredescribed as persons promoting race hatred.The denial thesis basically reverses the course ofhistory and depicts the victims as the victimizers. Therevisionist thesis, on the other hand, builds on presumablyreasonable arguments. It frequently draws on thecomparative approach. The revisionists do not primarilydeny the facts as much as they seek to explain themin a manner that disputes the case for genocide. Theyrely on these methods: 1) the casualty figure is alwaysminimized by first questioning the size of the originalArmenian population in the Ottoman Empire; 2) thespread of epidemics which is common in war is saidto have caused most of the deaths; 3) starvation isattributed to "war-time shortages" which occur in everycountry; 4) the deportations are always regarded as arelocation policy designed for the safety of the Armenians;5) or as a defensive policy intended to avoid theoutbreak of communal hostility; 6) all of the abovecumulatively are presumed to demonstrate that therewas no policy of genocide. The deaths were incidentalto the events.The most disturbing of all the arguments is thejustification thesis. The basic thrust of the justificationthesis is to defend the policy of genocide by regardingthe policy as an acceptable solution to a politicalproblem. The partisans of justification draw heavilyon what is called the provocation theory. The logic ofthis argument says that Armenians engaged in behaviorso threatening to Turkish society that the Ottomangovernment was compelled to take the comprehensivemeasures implemented during World War I. Thejustification and provocation theories are built on acontrastive juxtaposition of the Armenians and theTurks: 1) the Armenians constituted enemies withinthe state; 2) they collaborated with foreign invaders;3) they sabotaged Ottoman military campaigns; 4) theywere revolutionaries preparing for the moment torevolt; 5) the Armenians believed that World War Ioffered the opportunity to implement their separatistnational program; 6) therefore, they activated a campaignof terrorism meant to drive the Turks out of theareas the Armenians hoped to carve out as their nationalterritory; 7) the Turks were caught in a life and"deathstruggle and had no recourse but to eradicate theArmenians in order to save their nation. The justifica-tion thesis, therefore, is constructed on the twin pillarsof provocation and salvation. Curiously, it admits thatthe modern state of Turkey was created by liquidatingthe Armenian population. ~The AuthorsThe revisionist and denial literature can be dividedamong six categories of authors. Two key participantsin the genocide wrote their biographies. Neither failedto defend his actions. Their denials soon were grist for92 GENOCIDE

Turkish and non-Turkish apologists who were interestedin creating public confidence in the new Turkey bycovering up for the Young Turks. When the field ofMiddle East studies was professionalized in the fiftiesand sixties, academic rationalizers appeared. Consonantwith the Cold War mentality, they described nineteenthand early twentieth century Armenian nationalism asan instrument of Russian expansionism. Eliminatingthe special and separate identity of the Armeniannational movement and obscuring the oppressive aspectof Ottoman imperialism were their main contributions.The revisionists then built on this groundwork byexplaining the Armenian massacres as the consequenceof inter-ethnic warfare within the larger context of aninternational conflict where Russians were fightingTurks and the Turks were defending their country.They fashioned a war between two communities,Armenians versus Turks, and absented the hand of theOttoman government as the real deciding factor. Therevisionist arguments soon were approximating thestandard Turkish government denials. Under thepressure of Armenian terrorism, which extended itsintimidation to the university campus, an alliance wasforged between academic revisionism and officialTurkish nationalism. With their anti-Communistcredentials, Turkish disinformers then were able toof genocide as part of an anti-depict the questionWestern agenda. Finally, the distorters went on theoffensive to rewrite history totally.ConclusionThe denial of the Armenian genocide demonstratesa number of points about human behavior in a posttraumaticsituation: 1) survivors on their own are illequippedat first to document their case and have itadjudicated; 2) without intervention by a powerstronger than the state engaged in genocide, the casecannot, under any circumstances, be resolved; 3)political pragmatism in the face of a crime of suchproportions sets an uncontrollable precedent andexposes the surviving body of the targeted group tofurther abuse; 4) at the very least, that abuse takes theform of denying criminality and responsibility; 5)thereby, a circumstance is created where victims andvictimizers are locked into irreconcilable positions; 6)worse yet, a member of the human family is delegitimizedand excluded from fair hearing in any court of lawor politics; 7) lastly, unrequitted genocide places itsvictims and their descendants outside the norms ofhistorical development by alienating them and isolatingthem from the rest of humanity.NOTES1. Vahakn N. Dadrian, "Genocide as a Problem ofNational and International Law: The World War IArmenian Case and Its Contemporary Legal Ramifications," Yale Journal ofInternationalLaw 14:2 (1989):306-308.2. Colin Heywood, "'Boundless Dreams of theLevant'. Paul Wittek, the George-Kreis, and theWriting of Ottoman History, " Journal of the RoyalAsiatic Society (1989): 38. On the post-war activitiesof the CUP see Erick Jan Zurcher, The UnionistFactor: The Role of the Committee of Union andProgressin the Turkish National Movement1905-1926(Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1984).3. Nikolai K. Deker and Andrei Lebed, Genocidein the USSR: Studiesin GroupDestruction (New York:The Scarecrow Press, Inc. , 1958); Aleksandr I.Solzhenitsyn, The Gulag Archipelago 1918-1956: AnExperiment in Literary Investigation, 3 vols. , trans.by Thomas P. Whitney and Harry Willetts (New York,Hagerstown, San Francisco, and London: Harper &Row, 1973, 1975, 1978); U. S. Commission on theUkraine Famine, Investigation of the Ukraine Famine1932-1933, Report to Congress (Washington, DC:United States Government Printing Office, 1988).4. Arshavir Shiragian, The Legacy: Memoirs of anArmenian Patriot (Boston: Hairenik Press, 1976), 37.Also, Jacques Derogy, Resistance and Revenge: TheArmenian Assassination of the Turkish Leaders Responsiblefor the 1915 Massacres and Deportations, trans.by A. M. Berrett (New Brunswick and London: TransactionPublishers, 1990).5. 15 March 1921, Talaat Bey, former Minister ofthe Interior and Prime Minister, in Berlin; 6 December1921, Said Halim, former Foreign Minister, in Rome;17 April 1922, Dr. Behaeddin Shakir, a Paris-trainedphysician and party ideologue who served on theSupreme Directorate of the Central Committee of theCUP and headed the Special Organization in chargeof carrying out the massacres, and Djemal Azmi,responsible for the massacres in Trebizond, in Berlin;25 July 1922, Djemal Pasha, former Minister of theMarine and wartime governor of Syria, in Tiflis. Forthe trial of Talaat's assassin see, The Case of SoghomonTehlirian (Los Angeles: A. R. F. Varantian Gomideh,1985).6. Stephen Bonsai, Suitors and Suppliants: The LittleNations at Versailles (New York: Prentice-Hall, Inc. ,1946), specifically chapter XII, "Armenian Disaster, "The Armenian Genocide: Revisionism and Denial 93

186-201; Yves Ternon, ?he Armenian Cause, trans.by Anahid Apelian Mangouni (Delmar, New York:Caravan Books, 1985); Alan J. Ward, "World War I"and the Tragedy of Armenian Self-Determination,Armenian Review 31:4 (1979): 339-361; and YosefGotlieb, SelfDetermination in the Middle East (NewYork: Praeger Publishers, 1982), chapter 7, "Armenia:"Eluding National Extinguishment, 118-133.7. Julian W. Witherall, ?he Republic of Turkey, anAmerican Perspective: A Guide to U. S. Official Documentsand Government-Sponsored Publi cations(W ashington,DC: Library of Congress, 1988); Roger R.Trask, ?he UnitedStatesResponseto Turkish NationalismandReform, 1914-1939(Minneapolis: The Universityof Minnesota Press, 1971); Joseph L. Grabill,Protestant Diplomacy and the Near. East: Miss'ionaryInfluence on American Policy 1918-1927(M i nnea polis:The University of Minnesota Press, 1971); DankwartA. Rustow, Turkey: America's Forgotten Ally (NewYork: Council on Foreign Relations, 1987); DavidBarchard, Turkey and the West (London, Boston, andHenley: Routledge & Kegan Paul, '1985).8. Abraham Bodurgil, Kemal Ataturk: A CentennialBibliography (1881-1981) (Washington, DC: Libraryof Congress, 1984); Lord Kinross, Ataturk: The Birthofa Nation (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1964);Jacob M. Landau, ed. , Ataturk and the Modernizationof Turkey 3 (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1984).9. Rouben Adalian, "The Historical Evolution of theArmenian Diasporas, " Journal of Modern Hellenism6 (1989): 81-114.10. Richard G. Hovannisian, "Genocide and Denial:The Armenian Case, " in Toward the Understandingand Prevention of Genocide: Proceedings of theInternational Conference on the Holocaust and Genocide,ed. by Israel W. Charny (Boulder, CO, andLondon: Westview Press, 1984), 84-99; and "TheArmenian Genocide and Patterns of Denial, " in TheArmenian Genocidein Perspective, ed. by Hovannisian(New Brunswick and Oxford: Transaction Books,1986), 111-133.11. Sarkis Karayan, "Histories of Armenian Communitiesin Turkey, " Armenian Review 33:1 (1980): 89-96.12. About two dozen Turkish officials were assassinatedby the terrorists. Many civilians and others, suchas security guards, were also killed. See Anat Kurz andAriel Merari, ASALA: Irrational Terror or PoliticalTool (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1985); MichaelM. Gunter, Pursuing the Just Cause of ?heir People(New York, Westport, CT, and London: GreenwoodPress, 1986); for a review of both works by KhachigTololyan, see Conflict Quarterly (Summer 1988): 101-105; and Walter Laqueur, The Age of Terrorism(Boston and Toronto: Little, Brown and Company,1987), 227-229.13. Mark Armen Ayanian and John Z. Ayanian,"Armenian Political Violence on American NetworkNews: An Analysis of Content, " Armenian Review 40:1(1987): 13-29; Zaven V. Sinanian, "Coverage ofArmenian Issues in?he New York Times, 1965-1983, "Armenian Review 40:1 (1987): 31-49; and GarenYegparian, "Armenian Issues in the CongressionalRecord, " Armenian Review 40:1 (1987): 51-68.14. Gerard Chaliand and Yves Ternon, ?he Armenians:From Genocide to Resistance, trans. by TonyBerrett (London: Zed Press, 1983); Pierre Papazian,"The Armenian Nation and the Ottoman Empire: Rootsof Terrorism, " ?he Midwest Quarterly 27:2 (1986):215-229; and Khachig Tololyan, "Cultural Narrativeand the Motivation of the Terrorist, " Journal ofStrategic Studies 10:4 (1987): 217-233, and "Terrorism"in a Textual Community, Critical Exchange no. 22(1987): 23-36.15. Terrence Des Pres, "On Governing Narratives:The Turkish-Armenian Case, " ?he Yale Review 75:4(1986): 517-531; Roger Smith, "Genocide and Denial:The Armenian Case"and Its Implications, ArmenianReview 42:1 (1989): 1-38; Dennis R. Papazian, "TheChanging American View of the Armenian Question:"An Interpretation, Armenian Review 39:4 (1986): 47-72; and Ronald Grigor Suny, "Background to Genocide:Western Historiography and the ArmenianMassacre, " in The Impact ofthe Genocide on ArmenianCulture (New York: St. Vartan Press, 1983).16. Leo Kuper, Genocide: Its Political Use in theTwentieth Century (New York: Penguin Paperbacks,1981), chapter 7, "Genocidal Process: The TurkishGenocide Against the Armenians," 101-119.17. Helen Fein, Accounting for Genocide: NationalResponses and Jewish Victimization during the Holocaust(Chicagoand London: The Universityof ChicagoPress, 1979), 10-18; Irving Louis Horowitz, TakingLives: Genocide and State Power, 3d ed. (New Brunswickand London: Transaction Books, 1982), 46-51;Richard L. Rubenstein, The Age of Triage: A ChillingHistory of Genocide from the Irish Famine to Vietnam 'sBoat People (Boston: Beacon Press, 1983), 12-19; andMichael R. Marrus, 7he Holocaust in History (Hanover94 GENocIDE

and London: University Press of New England, 1987),20-23.18. Vigen Guroian, "A Comparison of the Armenianand Jewish Genocides: Some Common Features, "Thought 58, no. 229 (1983): 207-223; Robert Melson,"Revolutionary Genocide: On the Causes of theArmenian Genocide of 1915 and the Holocaust, "Holocaust and Genocide Studies 4:2 (1989): 161-174;R. Hrair Dekmejian, "Determinants of Genocide:Armenians and Jews as Case Studies, " in The ArmenianGenocide in Perspective, ed. by Hovannisian (NewBrunswick and Oxford: Transaction Books, 1986), 85-96; Vahakn N. Dadrian, "The Common Features ofthe Armenian and Jewish Cases of Genocide: AComparative Victimological Perspective, " in Victimology,vol. 4, ed. by Israel Drapkin and Emilio Viano(Lexington, MA: Lexington Books, D. C. Heath andCo. , 1975), 99-120; "Some Determinants of GenocidalViolence in Intergroup Conflicts — with ParticularReference to the Armenian and Jewish Cases, " Sociologus12:2 (1976): 129-149; and "The ConvergentAspects of the Armenian and Jewish Cases of Genocide.A Reinterpretation of the Concept of Holocaust, "Holocaust and Genocide Studies 3:2 (1988): 151-169.19. Dickran H. Boyajian, Armenia - the Case for aForgotten Genocide (W estwood, NJ: Educational BookCrafters, 1972); Shavarsh Toriguian, The ArmenianQuestion and International Law, 2d. ed. (La Verne,CA: University of La Verne Press, 1988); Michael J.Arlen, Passage to Ararat (New York: Farrar, Straus& Giroux, 1975); Rouben Adalian, "How and Whyto Teach the Armenian Genocide: Seeking a HumanistPerspective, " Armenian Review 40:1 (1987): 69-77,and "The Armenian Genocide: Context and" Legacy,Social Education 55:2 (1991): 99-104.20. For critiques of revisionist and denial literaturesee Speros Vryonis, Jr. , "Stanford J. Shaw's Historyof the Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey. VolumeI. A Critical Analysis, " Balkan Studies 24:1 (1983),also in offprint; for the second Shaw volume, RichardG. Hovannisian, "The Critics View: Beyond Revisionism," International Journal of Middle East Studies 9(1978): 379-388, and "Rewriting History: Revisionismand Beyond in the Study of Armenian-Turkish Relations," Ararat: A Quarterly (Summer 1978): 2-10; alsoNorman Ravitch, "The Armenian Catastrophe: OfHistory, Murder & Sin, " Encounter (December 1981):69-84; Levon Marashlian, "Population Statistics onOttoman Armenians in the Context of Turkish Historiography," Armenian Review 40:4 (1987): 1-59; K. B.Bardakjian, Hitler and the Armenian Genocide (Cambridge,MA: Zoryan Institute, 1985); Edward V.Gulbenkian, "The Poles and Armenians in Hitler'sPolitical Thinking, " Armenian Review 41:3 (1988): 1-14; Vahakn N. Dadrian, "The Naim-Andonian Documentson the World War I Destruction of OttomanArmenians:The Anatomy of a Genocide, " InternationalJournal of Middle East Studies 18:3 (1986): 311-360.Chapter 5: AnnotatedBibliographyThe Participants5Talaat Pasha. "Posthumous Memoirs of Talaat Pasha. "Current History, a Monthly Magazine of The New YorkTimes 15 (November 1921): 287-295.Because he was Minister of the Interior at the timeof the deportation of the Armenians and on the basisof other incriminating evidence underscoring theprimacy of his role in carrying out of the decision toexterminate the Armenians, Talaat has been regardedas the key architect of the Armenian genocide. Hismemoirs, therefore, constitute a unique document. Noother state official accused of genocide is known tohave written a similar apologia. According to Talaatthe deportations were measures taken in response "to"the treacherous acts of the Armenians, whom hecharacterized as a disloyal population. These actsincluded sabotage, banditry, and collaboration with theenemy during a time of war. Suggesting that the reportsabout massacres were exaggerated, he maintained thatthe "atrocities" were committed by outlaws. Talaatargued that the Armenians were in a state of revolt andthat the Muslim populace reacted violently to thisemergency. He also claimed that the authorities mighthave prevented the abuses, but held the governmentblameless for any plans to destroy the Armenians.Talaat was the first articulator of the provocation thesis.* 5. 2 *Djemal Pasha. Memories ofa Turkish Statesman, 1913-1919. New York: George H. Doran Co. , 1922.Reprint. New York: Arno Press, 1973. LC 73-6295.ISBN 0-405-05328-2.As Minister of the Marine and Commander-in-Chief of the Fourth Army in Syria, Djemal was anotherof the Young Turk triumvirs governing the OttomanEmpire during World War I. Like Talaat's, his memoirsalso constitute a primary source on the Armeniangenocide. They shed considerable light on the ideologi-The Armenian Genocide: Revisionism and Denial 95

cal predispositions of Young Turk nationalism and onthe Ottoman political calculations which sanctioned thedeportations and massacres. The unusual aspect of hiswork is its mixture of admission of the substantive factsof the genocide with elaborate rationalizations framingthe events. For instance, Djemal reported that theOttoman government deported one and a half millionArmenians and that 600, 000 of them "died. " Djemaldeveloped a thesis arguing that the treatment of theArmenians, despite its summary nature, was bothepisodic and inevitable in the course of developmentsin Ottoman-Armenian relations. Armenians favoredRussian protection and Russia threatened to overrunthe Ottoman Empire.The Apologists053@Kemal, Mustafa Ataturk. A Speech Delivered by GhaziMustapha hiemal, October 1927. Leipzig: H. F. Koehler,Publisher, 1929. LC 26-14306. See pp. 409-418,496-7, 620-630.Mustafa Kemal led the Turkish Nationalist forcesin the War for Independence. In 1923 he founded theRepublic of Turkey. He remained its president untilhis death in 1938. This long speech, delivered to thecongress of the Republican People's Party, reviewedthe Kemalist struggle for Turkish independencein theaftermath of World War I and the ensuing disintegrationof the Ottoman Empire. Beyond the facts and documentsassembled by Kemal for this presentation, thespeech also had the effect of establishing the outlinesof an official history. For Kemal the Armenian genocidewas an accomplished fact that did not needdwelling upon. This form of denial simply dismisseda segment of history. Kemal saw the matter in purelypolitical terms and treated the expulsion of the Armeniansas a necessary step in the reassertion of completeTurkish sovereignty.Edib, Halide (Adivar). Memoirs of Halide Edib. NewYork and London: The Century Co. , 1926. LC 26-14306. See pp. 386-388, 428-430.Halide Edib was a major literary figure in Turkeyin the first part of the century. She was a proponentof westernization and an advocate of women's rights.She also became an ardent supporter of Kemal's reformprogram. Edib shifted the focus of discussion on thematter of the massacres by obliquely alluding to thegenocide as a consequence of "destructive"nationalism.She too repeated the charge of treason by Armenianrevolutionaries and raised the specter of the exterminationof the Turks as a consequence. She avoided thequestion of responsibility by developing what mightbe called a deflection thesis which implied that theGermans, in their desire for economic supremacy,hoped to see the Armenians eliminated. The circle ofdeflection was completed with the suggestion thatArmenians and Turks shared equal guilt since bothsides engaged in behavior characterized by mutualexcesses.5 5Emin, Ahmed. Turkey in the World War. New Haven:Yale University Press, 1930. LC 30-9837. Rev. Seepp. 217-223.Ahmed Emin Yalman was an American-trainedsociologist and journalist who worked as news editorof the Young Turk party organ during World War I.His close acquaintance with the party organization, andhis Western education — he attended Columbia University— made him a particularly perspicacious observer ofthe Armenian genocide. He developed a number oftheses which, in contradistinction to the outrightdenialsor falsifications, are more commonly repeated byequil ibrating rational izers. They include the following:a) the dispute over the exact, or approximate, figurefor the Armenian population in the Ottoman Empire,the general purpose being to demonstrate that they were"a scattered" minority, and therefore lacking demographicconcentration in any part of the state; b)because of their aspirations and sympathies the Armeniansconstituted "Enemies Within, " who were involvedin "provocations"; c) that the deportations "actuallyapplied only to the Gregorian"Armenians, (p. 217) andspared Catholics and Protestants, and thus were notnecessarily racially motivated; d) that the Armenianvolunteer divisions in the Russian army were first toengage in massacre and consequently "created anunofticial state of war between the Armenians and theTurks" (p. 219); e) attacks against the Armenians wereonly "Counter-massacres." Despite these arguments,Emin has been regarded "the most candid" of Turkishauthors on the subject because he is the only one tohave admitted the ultimate purpose of the Armeniangenocide.5 6Council on Turkish-American Relations. ?7ie Treatywith Turkey: Why It Should Be Rattjt ed. New York:Council on Turkish-American Relations, 1926. LC 26-13881.A compilation of articles and statements supportingthe American ratification of the Treaty of Lausanne andthe establishment of formal relations between the UnitedStates and Turkey, this work is a virtual encyclopediaof the apologist literature written by Americans in theearly 1920s. Some of the authors had actively raisedfunds to aid Armenian refugees and were one-time96 GENOCIDE

supporters of Armenian independence. Almost all thearguments that subsequent rationalizers, relativists,revisionists, and deniers would rely on appear in thiscollection.This work provides the best documentation on therapidly changed view of American opinion makers forwhom political pragmatism and commerical interestwere sufficient reasons to abandon any further considerationof the Armenian condition. James Barton, theSecretary of the Foreign Department of the AmericanBoard of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, themain arm of the American missionary movement inTurkey, wrote: "an Armenian national home withinthe boundary of the Turkish Empire is a closed incident... however much we may regret it. .. that the battlewas fought at Lausanne and it was lost. " (p. 23) In the"Report of the Committee on the Lausanne Treaty tothe Executive Committee of the Foreign Policy Association(May 1924), " the organized murder of Armeniansand the deaths caused by the war were already treatedas an equivalence. "No right minded American willcondone the massacre, literally by the hundreds ofthousands, of Christian minorities by the Turks. Nointellectually honest American, however, will close hismind to the fact that the Turks themselves have sufferedcruel hardships as a result of war, famine, and disease. "(p. 82)The re-interpretations of Armenian history hadalso begun. Rayford W. Alley, the president of theCouncil on Turkish-American Relations, wrote: "Inreferring to Armenia, we assume. .. the Armenian racebecause. .. Armenia is not now and never has been,except for a few isolated periods in the twelfth andthirteenth centuries, more than a geographical expression." (p. 103) Alexander E. Powell was already makingexcuses for Ottoman policies. In his opinion, "theArmenians have been the unwitting victims of European"imperialism. (p. 109) As for the "two million Armeni-"an Christians, they were "discontented, disloyal, andlonging for"independence. The justification theory isobserved here creeping into Western literature.Others invoked the impressive figure of KemalAtaturk for changing American opinion about theTurks. Lothrop Stoddard described Mustafa Kemal as"the living embodiement of that New Turkey which,like the fabled phoenix, has risen suddenly and dramaticallyfrom the ashes of what seemed to be hopelessruin. " George A. Plimpton argued for political supportfor certain types of racial policies and the suspensionof moral judgment for their consequences. Turkey "isnow a homogeneous nation, but to achieve this homogeneityit was necessary for her to drive out the Armeniansand the Greeks. These alien people were largelymerchants, business men and heavy taxpayers, but theirpresence in Turkey meant constant wars. Their expul-sion cost great suffering to them and involved financialsacrifice to Turkey herself. Whether it was right orwrong for Turkey to drive out the Armenians andGreeks is not for us to decide, but it is a fact that ithas been done and that peace now reigns within herborders. " (p. 7) In another type of equivalence, thetreatment of the Armenians and of the Greeks isdescribed as a forced exodus. The specific policy ofexterminating the Armenians is ignored.5 7Stewart, Desmond, and The Editors of LIFE. Turkey.Life World Library. New York: Time Incorporated,1965. LC 65-24361.Popular literature on Turkey published in theUnited States often whitewashed the Armenian genocide,as does this example. This beautifully designedand illustrated book, which emphasizes the modernizationand westernization of Turkey, also contains aconsiderable amount of historical narrative. In itsorganization the work reflects the perceptual changein the West since 1923. Anatolia is described as thehomeland of the Turks, whereas other once nativepeoples are characterized "Previous Tenants. " Thedisappearance of the Armenians from Anatolia is relatedin capsule form under "The Trials of"the Armenians.It explains: "Few peoples have known as many changesof fortune as the Armenians. . . Under the OttomanEmpire, Armenian merchants and financiers thrived.As the borders of the empire contracted in the 19thCentury, however, struggles broke out between Turksand Armenians for possession of Anatolian lands. ManyArmenians died; others fled abroad. " (p. 29)The Rationalizers*5. 8*Kedourie, Elie. "Minorities. " In The Chatham HouseVersion and Other Middle-Eastern Studies. New Yorkand Washington: Praeger, 1970. LC 72-97184. See pp.286-316.An authority on the Middle East; Kedourie positsthe theory that the intellectual and political developmentof Armenian society in the last decades of the Ottomanera ineluctably led the Armenians down the path tosuicide. In other words the genocide was self-inflicted.Kedourie determines that the exposure of the Armeniansto modern concepts of government was selfMestructive.He describes Armenian nationalism, imbibed fromProtestant missionaries acccording to Kedourie, as atoxin. By leaping to these kinds of generalizations andabstractions, Kedourie sidesteps the issue of thedecision made by the Young Turks to proceed with aplan of destruction. His basic argument maintains thatthere is no conscious element in history, only process-The Armenian Genocide: Revisionism and Denial 97

es, a sort of natural evolution of confl icts. The genocideof the Armenians was the result of a cycle of escalationbetween a destabilizing nationalism and the defenseconcerns of the state.59Shaw, Stanford J. , and Ezel Kural Shaw. History ofthe Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey, vol. 1,Empire of the Gazis: The Rise and Decline of theOttoman Empire 1280-1808, vol. 2, Reform, Revolution,and Republic: The Rise of Modern Turkey 1808-1975. Cambridge, New York, London and Melbourne:Cambridge University Press 1976, 1977. LC 76-9179.See vol. 2, pp. 314-317.The Shaw volumes were the first works publishedby otherwise legitimate scholars, employed at theuniversity level, to engage in the most brazen form ofdenial. In earlier works on Turkey, American academicshad preferred to overlook the subject of the Armeniangenocide. The Shaws chose to accept the availabledenial theses without any attempt to examine contraveningevidence. The Shaws couched the entire episodeof genocide through the use of euphemisms such as"evacuation""and "transportation. They also minimizedthe casualties by estimating that about 400, 000 Armenianswere moved, of whom about half perished. Theyalso claimed to have examined "the secret records ofthe Ottoman cabinet" and found no evidence that thecentral government had issued any orders to massacreArmenians. The Shaws elaborated the provocationthesis by characterizing the Armenians as murderousrevolutionaries, saboteurs, and collaborators with theenemy. To make them appear a consequence of war,the events of 1915 were described within the story ofthe Ottoman campaigns on the eastern front.~ 5. 10 *McCarthy, Justin. Muslims and Minorities: ThePopulation of Ottoman Anatolia and the End of theEmpire. New York and London: New York UniversityPress, 1983. LC 83-13165. ISBN 0-8147-5390-6. Seepp. 47-81, 117-130.Basing his work on the various types of censusregisters kept by the Ottomans, McCarthy reconstructsthe ethnic composition of Anatolia in the first part ofthe twentieth century. Entirely dismissing the deportationsas a deliberate and comprehensive state policyto alter the demography of the region, McCarthy resortsto the civil war thesis where for "both sides, the warbecame one of extermination in which the villages of"the other side were annihilated. (p. 119) The disappearanceof the Armenians is explained by the fact that theyconstituted no more than forty percent of the totalpopulation in any one province. The argument alsoposits the theory of Armenian self-induced or self-inflicted genocide. The question of the organizedkillings of Armenians is entirely bypassed. Epidemicswere the cause of a large number of deaths.~ 5. 11 *Sonyel, Salahi R. "Armenian Deportations: A Reappraisalin the Light of New Documents. " Belleten 36,no. 141 (1972): 51-69.A claim regularly made by rationalizers has beentheir continuingdiscoveryof archival documents whichbelie the genocide. Relying on British documents,Sonyel advances the disingenuous idea that, despite thedocuments demonstrating a willful plan of deportation,the Ottoman government cannot be "implicated in themassacres. " Sonyel concocts one of the strangestcombinations of argument: the partial admission of facts(i. e. , the deportations) and the absolution of theOttoman goverment for the consequences of theirmethods of implementing this policy. "Owing to theshortage of men, most of whom were fighting on thevarious fronts against the external enemies, the Ottomangovernment entrusted the guarding of the convoys ofArmenians, who were being deported, to non-combatants,usually to convicts released from prisons for thepurpose, and to local Kurds, who had old scores tosettle with the Armenians. The deportations gave theKurds the opportunity to deal severely with the Armenianswho had already lost the favour of the OttomanGovernment owing to their treachery. There is noevidence that the Ottoman Government planned themassacres, although deportations were well-plannedin order to be effective enough to diminish the greatdanger of a general Armenian uprising. " (p. 60-61)Sonyel's article also contains a particularly goodexample of a euphemism. "The whole affair [understandgenocide) was spontaneous and the result of"extreme provocation on the part of the Armenians.(p. 61) Like all rational izers, Sonyel finds no contradictionbetween the claim that the Armenian populationwas in a state of rebellion and yet the deporationsproceeded expeditiously, with little resistance, andaccording to plan.* 5. 12 *Uras, Esat. The Armenians in History and the ArmenianQuestion. Istanbul: Foundation for the Establishmentand Promotion of Centers for Historical Research andDocumentation, and Istanbul Research Center, 1988.This massive tome running into a thousand pagesis the prototype of revisionist historiography on theArmenians produced in Turkey. The translation of awork first published in 1950 in Turkish, the Urasvolume is in the main a collection of documents andlengthy quotations strung together with the sketchiestof background information. It leaves the impression98 GENOCIDE

that the history of the Armenians can be discerned byreproducing diplomatic correspondence and officialedicts. The distinguishing feature of the book is itsreliance on Armenian sources. The first section of thebook contains chapters on geography, ethnography,mythology, language, church, and population. All thesesubjects are constructed on the basis of works byFrench historians of Armenia, works which are now,in most instances, a hundred years outdated. Theprincipal concern of the Uras book is the legitimacyof Armenian rights to a homeland, a matter which hesaw as "a very serious problem in the history ofAnatolia. " (p. 219)The largest section of the book is devoted to thequestion of the Ottoman reforms in the nineteenthcentury and the Armenian Question, topics covered byproducing memorandum after memorandum supportedby quotations from participants and observers. Thechapter headed "Revolts and Relocation" covers thegenocide. For all that is said in this chapter, Urasactually devotes just a single paragraph to the genocide,attributing Armenian deaths to "hunger, epidemics,anarchy, robbery, lack of transportation, desertions,enemy occupation. ..[and] the helplessness of the"government. (p. 879). The Uras thesis on justifiablegenocide speaks for itself: "It should not be forgottenthat when the survival of a nation and of a state isthreatened, the principle of 'ends justify means' comesinto effect. " (p. 864)Despite its size, the Uras work is only the backdropto the update written by Cengiz Kiirsad whichcovers the period from 1923 to 1985, and which isplaced at the front of the publication. The sectionlargely addresses the issue of Armenian terrorism whichoccurred between the years 1975 to 1985. Armenianefforts since 1923 to gain recognition for the genocideare dismissed as propaganda. Everything ranging fromthe effort to "keep alive the identity and culture of theArmenians" in diaspora to the founding of universitychairs in Armenian studies also is labeled propaganda.(pp. 26, 79)The Revisionists~ 5. 13 ~Institute for Ataturk's Principles and the History ofTurkish Renovation. Armeniansin the Ottoman Empireand Modern Turkey (1912-1926). Istanbul: BogaziciUniversity, 1984.The book contains four articles "submitted to the17th Annual Meeting of the Middle East StudiesAssociation in Chicago, 3-6 November, 1983. " Theanonymous "Introduction" claims that the contents ofthe publication are part of the effort at a "re-evaluationof the Armenian issue. Even if it meant the re-writinghistory. . . " (p. 15) It singles[of] the entire Armenianout educators of Armenian background by suggestingthat their work is part of an effort by Armenians to venttheir "discontent in various forms of expression,scholarship and terrorism not excluded. " (p. 10) JustinMcCarthy's "The Anatolian Armenians, 1912-1922"summarizes his book on the demography of Anatolia.Bilal N. $imsir, "The Deportees of Malta and theArmenian Question, " is a condensed version of thebooklet by the same title. Heath W. Lowry's "AmericanObservers in Anatolia ca. 1920: the Bristol Papers," casts Admiral Mark Bristol, the U. S. HighCommissioner in post-war Turkey, as an objectiveobserver of the Anatolian scene because of his equalcontempt for both Armenians and Turks. By a selectivereading of information preserved in Bristol's papers,Lowry attempts to disprove the report of a massacreupon th'e capture of the city of Kars from the Armeni-ans by the Turkish Nationalist forces on 30 October1920.Mim Kemal Oke's "The Responses of TurkishArmenians to the 'Armenian Question', 1919-1926"describes the effort by Armenians in Turkey in 1920to organize the Turkish-Armenian Friendship Association.Reportedly the association sought to establishArmenian amity with Turks by "accepting the guilt oftheir revolutionary brethren. " (p. 71) Thereafter Okequotes from a "brochure" purportedly produced by thisorganization which lists all the faults of the Armeniansand justifies all the actions taken by the Turks: 1) "Theauthor considered that this extraordinary measure [ofdeportation] was taken in 'self-defence'. He furtheradded that the histories of all nations are filled withlegitimate reasons to justify such decisions" (p. 74); 2)"the real responsibility lay with the imperialist powersof the late nineteenth century" (p. 74); 3) Armenians"were brainwashed to believe in Turkish oppression"(p. 75); 4) "Armenian massacres could only be explainedin terms of the 'oppression of Armenians byArmenians'" (p. 75); 5) "Overambitious as they were,the Armenians launched a military-genocidal campaignpenetrating deep into Turkish territory" (pp. 77-78);and so on.* 5. 14 ~Lowry, Heath W. "The U. S. Congress and Adolf Hitler"on the Armenians. Political Communication andPersuasion: An International Journal 3:2 (1985): 111-140.This article by the Director of the Washington,DC-based Institute of Turkish Studies attempts todisprove that Hitler made the oft-repeated statement,"Who, after all, speaks today of the annihilation of the"Armenians. Basing his position on the argument thatthe document containing the statement was not intro-The Armenian Genocide: Revisionism and Denial 99

duced as evidence at the Nuremberg trials because ithad been leaked to the press earlier, Lowry casts doubton the authenticity of the statement. He emphasizes thefact that the statement was made, in the context ofHitler's preparations for the conquest of Poland anddid not allude to plans for the extermination of theJews. Lowry claims that the quotation is "spurious"because in other records of the speech, and there areat least three variants, no reference is made to Armenians.This attempt to revisit the Hitler quotation wasaimed at questioning the linkage between the Armeniangenocide and the Holocaust.¹ 5. 15 ¹Gunter, Michael M. "Turkey"and the Armenians. InMultidimensional Terrorism. Ed. by Martin Slann andBernard Schechterman. Boulder, CO, and London:Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1987. LC 87-4898. ISBN1-55587-030-9. See pp. 57-71.The article responds to a series of charges madeby the English-language Armenian, popular media inthe United States regarding "counterterror" by Turkeyand the "harassment" of the Armenian community inTurkey. It also recites the "Turkish response" andconcludes with the author's "synthesis:" 1) "Turkishsensitivities about minorities and a desire to have aTurkey for the Turks is understandable ... " (p. 67); 2)and reli-"Unofficial pressures to conform culturallygiously undoubtedly exist in Turkey today, but howis this different than in any other country?" (p. 67); 3)"there is no evidence that the Turkish government isdestroying historical Armenian churches and monumentsas an official policy. .. " (p. 68). He dismisses thelastmatter as specious allegations in the Armenian "diet"of disinformation.* 5. 16 ¹Sonyel, Salahi R. The Turco-Armenian 'Adana Incidents'in the Light of Secret British Documents (July1908-December 1909). Ankara: Turkish HistoricalSociety, 1988. Originally issued in'Belleten 51, no.201 (1987): 1, 291-1, 338.One of the more carefully crafted works ofrevisionism on the massacre of Armenians in the regionof Adana in 1909, the work strives to depict the seriesof killings which visited all the towns of the area asthe result of armed conflict between Armenians andTurks. Based in part on British sources, secret onlyto the extent that they constitute Foreign Office documents,Sonyel places the massacre in the context of the1909 palace counterrevolution and the consequentserious disruptions of civil society in Turkey. However,Sonyel finds that the Armenian reaction to the YoungTurk Revolution of 1908 and the counterrevolution wasso provocative that the Turks became frightened by theprospect of the Armenians overthrowing the governmentin Adana, and therefore retaliated.¹ 5. 17 ¹Corsun, Andrew. "Armenian Terrorism: A Profile. "Department of State Bulletin 82, no. 206 (August1982): 31-35.Although this article focused on the threat ofArmenian terrorism, it became the source of thelanguage used to characterize the Armenian genocidein the American media. For instance, the "massdeportation" of the Armenians is presented as fact; thedeath toll, however, is qualified as "alleged. " Sincethat time this qualification has stuck and the use of thephrase "alleged genocide" gained currency. Morecritical in enunciating the position of the Reaganadministration was the final "Note" appended to thearticle, which even further qualified the allegednessof the Armenian genocide. "Because the historicalrecord of the 1915 events in Asia Minor is ambiguous,the Department of State does not endorse allegationsthat the Turkish Government committed a genocideagainst the Armenian people. Armenian terrorists usetheir allegation to justify in part their continuing attackson Turkish diplomats and installations. .. " In theSeptember 1982 issue of theBulletin, further ambiguitywas inserted in an "Editor's Note" which stated thatthe Corsun article "does not necessarily reflect anofficial position of the Departmentof State, and theinterpretative comments in the article are solely thoseof the author. " However, the subheading of the Bulletinreads "The Official Monthly Records of United StatesForeign Policy. " Since that time the U. S. governmenthas avoided the use of the term "genocide. "¹ 5. 18 *Ankara University. Symposium on InternationalTerrorism: Armenian Terrorism, Its Supporters, theNarcotic Connection, the Distortion of History. Ankara:Ankara University Press, 1984.This is a collection of some twenty presentationswhich purportedly describes the problem of Armenianterrorism and demonstrates that it is supported by drugtrafficking and the misrepresentation ofhistorical truth.Some of the papers on terrorism by Western analystscontain useful information for understanding theproblem. These contrast sharply with the remainingpapers whose main thrust is historical revisionism underthe guise of studying a contemporary problem. Theseinclude: Heath W. Lowry, "Nineteenth and TwentiethCentury Armenian Terrorism: 'Threads of Continuity'";Justin McCarthy, "Armenian Terrorism: History asPoison and Antidote"; Michael M. Gunter, "ContemporaryAspects of Armenian Terrorism"; Turkkaya Ataov,"Procurement of Arms for Armenian Terrorism:100 GENOCIDE

Realities Based on Ottoman Documents"; and KamuranGuriin, "Causes and Prevention of Armenian Terrorism." Paul Henze, in "The Roots of Armenian Violence:How Far Back Do They Extend?, " articulatesbest the inain purpose of the above papers. He beginsby asking: "Is there something unusual about Armeniansas a people, or about their historical experience,that has made them prone to violence?" (p. 179) Hegoes back to the beginning of history to search for ananswer to this question. Henze finds it in the defectsof historiography. "Armenian history has been studiedand written almost entirely by Armenians. The samecan be said, though perhaps not to the same degree,of many other peoples, such as the Georgians, Bulgarians,and Hungarians, who have tenaciously survivedthe vicissitudes of history. But Armenians seem torepresent an extreme case, much more so than Jews,e. g. People [sic] who write their own history tend toglorify their past and avoid objective examination ofcontroversial features of it. " (p. 180)~ 5. 19 ~British Documents on Ottoman Armenians, Volume I(1856-1880), Volume Il (1880-1856). Ed. by Bilal N.$imsir. Ankara: Turkish Historical Society, 1982,1983. LC 83-217095. The introduction to volume I wasissued separately as The Genesis of the ArmenianQuestion.This publication contains a large collection ofBritish documents from the Foreign Office. It includesreports by consuls in the interior of Turkey, dispatchesby the Ambassador in Constantinople, and instructionsby the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. Thedocuments paint a good picture of the lawlessness inthe countryside, the shortcomings of the Ottomangovernment, the venality of the justice system, theextent of brigandage by Kurdish tribesmen, and thehelplessness of the unarmed Christian population ingeneral. Yet in a transparent exercise in selectivity,$imgir writes an introduction to the collection thatrelies solely on reports critical of, or unflattering to,the Armenians. In a thesis belied by the majority ofthe documents, the editor argues that the reformmeasures the British encouraged were an avenuewhereby the Christian minorities improved their loteconomically to the detriment of the Muslim majority.Still the British purposefully agitated discontent in theArmenian communities as an excuse for intervention.As a result of the War of 1877-78, the Armenians alsoentered into secret relations with the Russians. Thelatter encouraged the idea of autonomy for the Armenianswho only formed a minority in the provinces.According to $imgir, the Armenians "were a merepawn" in the "Anglo-Russian rivalry over EasternTurkey. " The Armenian leaders who advocated reformor western patronage were responsible for "bringingunrest and suffering to their own people. " (p. 22) The$imsir volumes are part of a trend in revisionisthistoriography which aspires to accomplish two things:1) to be credited with objectivity by publishing documents;and 2) to deflect attention from the genocideby widening the field of controversy to encompass theentire last century of Armenian existence in the OttomanEmpire.The Disinformers* 5. 20 *Ataov, Turkkaya. A Brief Glance at the "ArmenianQuestion". Ankara: Ankara Chambre of Commerce,1984. Hitler and the "Armenian Question". Ankara,1984. The Andonian "Documents "Attributedto TalaatPasha Are Forgeries! Ankara: Ankara Universitesi'S iyasal Bilgiler Fakultesi, 1984. A 'Statement WronglyAttributed to Mustafa Kemal Atattirk. Ankara: AnkaraUniversitesi Siyasal Bilgiler Fakultesi, 1984.This set of booklets was written by the chair ofRelations Division of the Faculty ofthe InternationalPolitical Science at Ankara University. Meant forpopular consumption, the publications revisit the themesof denial in a condensed form. They were all producedin response to the wave of Armenian terrorism and thepublicity surrounding it.The first booklet, after quickly summarizing allof Armenian history in a few pages and demonstratingthe extent of Ottoman reliance on Armenian civilservants, begins discussion of the genocide in thefollowing manner: "The events surrounding the transfer[sic] of the Armenian population in 1915 had to beexamined in the light of active Armenian collaborationwith the Tsarist Russian forces, Turkey's enemy duringthe First World War. " (p. 33)The second pamphlet disputes Hitler's statementon the extermination of the Armenians on the groundsthat Hitler was "no historian. " (p. 5) Ataov maintainsthat by using the Hitler statement "militant Armeniansare exerting every effort to make the Jews and othersbelieve that they are also another persecuted minority. "(p. 8) Thereafter Ataov attempts to demonstrate "theinclinations of"[Armenian] anti-semitism, (p. 8)including the charge that "volunteer Armenian troopsunder the wings of Hitler's Germany during the SecondWorld War were used in rounding up Jews and other'undesirables' destined for the Nazi concentrationcamps. " (p. 9)The third booklet reviews the $inasi Orel workon the same subject. In the preface, the work isdescribed by Prof. Necdet Serin, Dean of the Facultyof Political Science at Ankara University, as "the firstThe Armenian Genocide: Revisionism and Denial 101

volume of a series of books and booklets on certainaspects of Turkish-Armenian relations. " (p. 3)The fourth booklet discusses the confusion betweenMustafa Kemal Ataturk and a certain "Nemrud"Mustafa Kemal to whom a statement admitting themassacres is attributed. The error was detected by twoArmenian authors who over the years waged a struggleto halt the proliferation of the misattribution. For Ataovthe subject served as an opportunity to write a paento Ataturk and criticize the facile tendency to sensationalizequotes, or misquotations, from world leaders.~ 5. 21 *Ataov, Turkkaya. Deaths Caused by Disease inRelation to the Armenian Question. Ankara: SevinqMatbaasi, 1985. Documents on the Armenian Question:Forged and Authentic. Ankara: Barok Ofset, 1985. AnArmenian Falsification. Ankara: Sevinq Matbaasi,1985.The title of the first booklet speaks for itself. Itis Ataov's contention that the high death toll of Armeniansduring World War I can be explained by the spreadof epidemics which also affected the Turks in a similarpattern.The second booklet revisits the Andonian telegramsas forgeries and reproduces "authentic" Ottomandocuments including a 15 March 1916 original signedby Talaat Pasha ordering that "no more displacementof Armenians, on whatever reason, were to take place"(p. 20), or a 23 May 1915 document "stating that thedisplaced Armenians be re-settled to the East ofDamascus and the East and South-east of Aleppo"(p. 24), while failing to note that what lies in thedirections indicated from those two cities in Syria isin the main uninhabitable wasteland.The third booklet identifies instances of thecareless use, in works on the Armenian genocide, ofa painting done by a Russian artist in 1871 called the"Apotheosis of War, " which shows a heap of skullsin a desert, with its reproduction without properattribution resulting in a number of publicationsclaiming that the picture depicts an actual scene. Ataovthen reviews the presumably forged Andonian documentsagain with the intent of leaving the impressionthat the Armenian genocide is based on falsifiedevidence.~ 5. 22 *GQrun, KSmuran. The Armenian File: The Myth ofInnocence Exposed. London, Nicosia, and Istanbul:K. Rustem & Bro. and Weidenfeld & Nicolson Ltd,1985. LC 85-31393. ISBN 0-097-78705-5.Probably the most sophisticated work of revisionismto appear to date, The Armenian File was writtenby a former high ranking official of the TurkishForeign Ministry with extensive experience at theambassadorial level. By virtue of his background,GQrQn may be regarded formally as one of the keyarticulators of Turkish government policy. This bookpurports to trace the political history of the Armenianpeople from its beginnings until the founding of theRepublic of Turkey. Most of it is dedicated to demonstratingthat Armenians engaged in a long series ofterrorist activities and rebellions from 1860 to 1923,a period wherein virtually every new Armenianorganization is assumed to have been founded with theintention of breaking up the Ottoman Empire includingones committed to charity. The provocation thesis ismade all-ambracing. The genocide is characterized byGurun as largely an emigration policy. He finds itspecially significant therefore that the Ottoman directivesspoke only of "relocation, " of""transferring, andof "settling. " As for the deaths, besides the usualcauses, epidemics and climatic factors, Giiriin insertsan original comparison: "The Armenians were forcedto emigate because they had joined the ranks of theenemy. The fact that they were civilians does notchange the situation. Those who were killed in Hiroshimaand Nagasaki during the Second World War werealso civilians. Those who were killed during the FirstWorld War in France, Belgium, and Holland were alsocivilians. Those who died in London during the Battleof Britain were also civilians. " (p. 216) The GQrQnthesis is a rather simple one the entire Armenianpopulation of the Ottoman Empire was a casualty ofwar.* 5. 23 *Orel, $inasi. "The Fact Behind the Telegrams Attribut-"ed to Talaat Pasha by the Armenians. Turkish ReviewQuarterly Digest (Winter 1985-86): 83-102. See alsohis The Talaat Pasha Telegrams: Historical Fact orArmenian Fiction? London: K. Rustem & Brother,1986.Basing his position largely on the inherent difficultyof authenticating telegrams, Orel attempts to castdoubt on a set obtained by an Armenian named AramAndonian from an Ottoman civil servant known asNaim Bey. The telegrams in question contained ordersfor deportation and massacre. Because the documentswere obtained surreptitiously, and because Andonianhas left two differing accounts on how he came intopossession of the telegrams — first depicting Naim Beyas a man having pangs of conscience and deliveringthe telegrams to ease his guilt, and then describing himmore cynically, and accurately, as a gambler and adrunkard who sold him the telegrams — these problemshave made the documents vulnerable to questions ofauthenticity. Thus, they give Orel sufficient cause tosubmit that the telegrams are part of the "conspiracy"102 GENOCIDE

designed to falsely accuse Ottoman officials of responsibility"for the alleged Armenian-related events, " Orel'seuphemism for genocide. (p. 98)* 5. 24 ~The Assembly of Turkish American Associations.Armenian Allegations: Myth and Reality, a Handbookof Facts and Documents. 2d ed. Washington, DC: TheAssembly, 1987.In its preface, the former Ambassador of theTurkish Republic to the United States, $ukru Elekdag,describes this publication as the "first effort [by TurkishAmericans] at setting the record straight vis-a-vis awide variety of Armenian charges. ..[and as a] compilationof materials which demonstrates that no OttomanGovernment ever planned or carried out a policy ofgenocide against its Armenian or any other minority"population. (p. v) Among a range of U. S. documentsor statements outlining Turkish-Armenian relations,articles from the periodical press and selections fromthe Armenian-American media, included are also aseries of reprints: 1) Heath W. Lowry, "Nineteenthand Twentieth Century Armenian Terrorism: Threadsof Continuity"; 2) Paul Henze, "The Roots of ArmenianViolence: How Far Back Do They Extend?"; 3) JustinMcCarthy, "Armenian Terrorism: History as Poisonand Antidote;" 4) Stanford J. Shaw and Ezel KuralShaw, History of the Ottoman Empire and ModernTurkey, the chapter entitled "The Northeastern Front1914-1916"; 5) Justin McCarthy, "The AnatolianArmenians, 1912-1922;" and 6) Heath W. Lowry, "The"U. S Congress and Adolf Hitler on the Armenians. Thehandbook was issued for the purpose of bluntingcongressional support for commemorative resolutionson the Armenian genocide by claiming that they wouldendorse "a falsehood as truth," and would "reward theArmenian terrorists. " (p. ix)«5. 25 *Foreign Policy Institute. The ArmenianIssue in NineQuestions and Answers. Ankara, The Institute, 1982.LC 83-217095.This document is an official response to thehistorical debate engendered by Armenian terrorism.More important, however, is the case made by theinstitute that the terrorism was preceded by a campaignof "defamation" and "vilification. " The obligation torespond to the propaganda became compelling whenthe "propaganda identified itself with the terrorist"movements. The argument is an unintended admissionthat public discussion about the Armenian genocide inand of itself did not present a sufficient threat. Theradicalization of the issue through political violence,on the other hand, was alarming. Both the terroristthreat and the issue of the genocide associated with itrequired an answer. The standard denials about theTalaat telegrams, about a "planned and systematic"genocide, or about the number of victims are reproduced.*5. 26 ~Institute for the Study of Turkish Culture. The EasternQuestion: Imperialism and the Armenian Community.Ankara: Ankara University Press, 1987.This collection of articles covers various aspectsof Armenian-Turkish relations. Its overall purpose isto demonstrate that Armenians aligned themselves withthe Western powers that were conspiring to dismemberthe Ottoman Empire. They encouraged Armenianterrorism against the Muslim population of Anatoliaand Transcaucasia, and this resulted in the Armenianscommitting atrocities.The Distorters+527+Feigl, Erich. A Myth of Terror. Armenian Extremism:Its Causes and Its Historical Context. Freilassing andSalzburg: Edition Zeitgeschichte, 1986.Ostensibly a book on Armenian terrorism, theFeigl tome perhaps can best be described as an exten-sively illustrated attempt to distort all of Armenianhistory. Everything Armenian — history, literature, art,archaeology, geography, is subjected to revisionist reinterpretationand, according to the author, demythologized,whereby virtually nothing is left having anyresemblance to the established record of Armenianhistory. He maintains that Armenia is a geographicalname. Therefore the suggestions that the Armeniansare original inhabitants of this land is only a historicalmyth. Throughout their existence Armenians were aminor religious sect. Nationalism reached them throughProtestant missionaries and spread from the church toother organizations. There was only a relocation policyin 1915 and the Armenians murdered the Ottomanruling elite in retaliation. Feigl finally concludes withgraphic coverage of the wave of political violence inthe seventies and early eighties under "Terrorism asBloody, Real Fantasy-War." The Feigl volume integratesall the distortions pressed on Armenian historyby revisionists and deniers into a comprehensivesynthesis.*5. 28 ~Ottoman Archives. Yildiz Collection: The ArmenianQuestion, Talori Incidents. Istanbul: The Foundationfor Establishing and Promoting Centers for HistoricalResearch and Documentation, and Istanbul ResearchCenter, 1989.The Armenian Genocide: Revisionism and Denial 103

The collection contains documents from the palaceof the Sultan Abdul Hamid II relating to the Ottomanmilitary operations against a remote mountaintop clusterof Armenian villages charged with insurrection in 1894.Original Ottoman documents, dated from 19 May 1894to 6 October 1894, are reproduced, transliterated intoLatin script, translated into Turkish and English. Thedocuments are introduced by four essays, three onterrorism, two of which are reprints of earlier worksby Lowry and McCarthy. The third by Dr. CengizKurgad entitled "Armenian Terrorism, " is a sectionfrom his update to the Uras volume. The introductoryessay, wherein the aim of the foundation is given asthe prevention of "the further distortion of events" (p.xxxiii), is also in large part a reprint of the section onthis period from Uras. Under the guise of describingthe episodes of political terrorism from Armenianhistory, Kurgad's work engages in another exercise indenial. Kursad's framework, however, virtually reducesthe last hundred years of Armenian-Turkish relationsto one of terrorism inflicted by Armenians on Turks.The genocide is only "a theme in the campaign ofpropaganda and psychological warfare. " (p. 21) TheOttoman-Russian campaigns during World War I werea war by Armenians against Turks. Besides describingthe "resettlment""policy as a "countermeasure,Kurgad, taking his cue from Guriin, is adamant on thematter of the deportations. "Not a single Armenian wasdeported. " (p. 25)¹ 5. 29 ¹Sonyel, Salahi R. "How Armenian Propaganda Nurtureda Gullible Christian World in Connection withthe Deportations and 'Massacres'. " Belleten 51, no.161 (1977): 157-175."The betrayal of the relatively prosperous Armenianpeople of the Ottoman Empire by their own selfseeking,self-centered and foreign-inspired leaders, andin return, the treachery of some of the Armeniansagainst their own country, Turkey, when that countrywas engaged in a life-and-death struggle against itsenemies during the First World War and after. . . " isthe opening sentence of this article. Apart frombetrayal, Sonyel asserts that Armenian leaders wereskillful in the use of propaganda, themselves "indulgedin a wide campaign of terror and massacre against theMuslims and then persuaded the West that it was theArmenians who were massacred. " Sonyel cataloges allthe different kinds of treachery the Armenians engagedin: espionage, collaboration with enemy powers,propaganda, and atrocities. The journal Belleten ispublished by the Turkish Historical Society.¹ 5. 30 ¹Sonyel, Salahi R. Displacement of the ArmeniansDocuments. Ankara: Turkish Historical Society, 1978.This collection of Ottoman documents — reproducedin facsimile and translated into English, French, andTurkish, including a number of telegrams from 1915signed by Talaat — shows that the displacement of theArmenians was a well-organized, closely monitored,and carefully implemented policy. The documents givethe semblance that the entire process was peaceful,"orderly, and with no harm brought to the "immigrants.According to Sonyel the evidence verifies that "theOttoman Empire planned to displace some of theArmenian citizens temporarily to other parts of thecountry taking the most humane measures. .. " (preface)The editor fails to note that, without geographicalspecification, instructions for "transport" are virtuallymeaningless. For example, one communique fromTalaat reads: "The Armenians within the provinceshould be transported to the areas previously determined." (p. 1) Another signed by the Chief of GeneralStaff glumly states: "It is decided that the Armeniansshould be moved to the interior of the country. " (p.1) Virtually all the instructions are equally vague aboutthe destination of"the people "transported. Nor arethere any indications of the scope of the measures, orthe numbers of persons supposedly relocated. All thedirectives produced refer to the province of Hudavendigar,the area around Bursa which saw no fightingduring World War I. This detail is overlooked by theeditor as it contradicts one of the main arguments byrationalizers and revisionists which insists that onlyArmenians from the "war zones" were deported.¹ 5. 31 ¹Sonyel, Salahi R. The Ottoman Armenians: Victims ofGreat Power Diplomacy. London and Nicosia: K.Rustem & Brothers, 1987.Sonyel attributes the disintegration of Turkish-Armenian relations to the interventionist policies ofEngland and Russia. As they alternated in their sponsorshipof "reforms" on behalf of the Armenians, theEuropean Powers only propelled Armenian nationalism.Consequently, they contributed to the emergence ofArmenian revolutionary organizations. Sonyel characterizesthe massacres from the 1890s on as episodesof civil war, and the genocide of 1915 is called a"Turco-Armenian tragedy. " He maintains that Armenianextremists "succeeded in deceiving the public of theChristian world simply because they posed as a 'martyred'nation in the cause of Christ and clamoured thatthey had been 'massacred. '" Sonyel advances theinteresting notion of a double irrationality as the reasonbehind the suggestion of genocide: Armenian distortion104 GENOCinE

and Western gullibility and predilection to believe otherChristians.~ 5. 32 ~$imgir, Bilal N. The Deportees of Malta and theArmenian Question. Ankara: Foreign Policy Institute,1984.During the Allied occupation of Constantinopleafter World War I, the British arrested over a hundredformer Young Turk leaders. Originally incarceratedin the city, they were moved to Malta to prevent theirescape. The intention of the British government wasto try these individuals for crimes against civilianArmenians and British prisoners of war. The reluctanceof British jurists to try the accused because of the legaldifficulties involved with the case of foreign nationals,the disagreement among the Allies about prosecution,and hostage-taking by the Kemal ists unraveled the effortto haul the Young Turks to court. $imsir uses thefailure of the Allied effort to affix criminality asevidence of the absence of proof, the falsehood of thecharges, the innocence of the accused, and vindicationof the denial that intentional violence had been inflictedon the Armenian population. $imsir fails to point out,however, that some of the accused were turned overto the Turkish courts, which tried them on the basisof government evidence and which delivered guiltyverdicts to a number of them. The key CUP figurestried in absentia were given death sentences.~ 5. 33 ~McCarthy, Justin, and Carolyn McCarthy. Turks andArmenians: A Manual on the Armenian Question.Washington, DC: Committee on Education, Assemblyof Turkish American Associations, 1989."There was no genocide, unless one considerswhat transpired in Anatolia to have been a genocidecarried out by both sides on each other. " (p. 98) Thiscontradictory conclusion is one of the main argumentsof this book. Once again the specter of "mutualextermination" is elaborated upon at some length. Moreattention is paid to developing the argument that themassacre stories were a propaganda ploy. Throughout,a great deal of emphasis is placed on the suppositionthat there was so much prejudice against Turks in theWest that Christians were apt to believe every stereotypeunfavorable to the Turks and favorable to theArmenians. As is common practice with the proponentsof the mutuality theory, the role of the Young Turkregime is thoroughly minimized and the Ottomangovernment is excused by depicting it as inept ordistracted.05340Documents on Ottoman-Armenians, 2 vols. Ed. by BilSN. $imsir. Ankara: Prime Ministry Directorate Generalof Press and Information, 1982, 1983. LC 85-183095.A collection of Ottoman documents from theTurkish Military History Archives which are reproducedin facsimile and translated into English, it coversthe period 1914-1918, when, according to the editor,Armenians engaged in two series of "aggressions"against Turks in 1915 and from 1917 on. Sixty-threeof the one hundred and forty-two documents date from1918 when the collapse of the Russian front pitted theOttomans against armed Russian-Armenians fightingon their own. The entire warfare of that period ischaracterized in the cables from the front as a seriesof massacres by Armenian "gangs" against civilianTurks. The internal inconsistency of the informationprovided in the cables dated 1915, however, is moreinteresting. Reportedly they convey an idea of theextent of Armenian infiltration and sabotage. Yet thecontext of the war with Russia is not provided, nor isindication given of the Ottoman military's response tothe specific instances of infiltration or desertion whichare reported in such detail. Instead these reports areused, for instance, to justify taking summary actions"to disperse the Armenians." Similarly, contradictionsare concealed in the reports on the rare cases ofresistance. One dispatch dated 15 June 1915 talks of"500 Armenian bandits" who had sealed themselvesin the castle of Shabin-Karahisar. Another dated 18-19June reports "500 Armenians" including women andchildren. There is no mention of the deportation orderwhich had been issued earlier, though the first reportsays that "security forces were burning down all theArmenians' houses around the castle, " without givinga reason. Lastly, a cable dated 28 July reports that "allremaining Armenian bandits in Karahisar have been"punished. The form of punishment is not explained.However, no one is known to have survived the siegeof the castle. No documents are reproduced, incidentally,on the course of the deportations. The selection ofdocuments therefore is designed to provide ex postfacto justification for Ottoman actions by comparing1915 with 1918. According to Nicati Ozkaner, theDirector General of Press and Information, who writesin his preface, the documents show "the hostilityprovoked by the Armenian militants and the atrocitiescommitted by them toward the Ottoman State and theTurkish Muslims of Anatolia during the First WorldWar years. "The Armenian Genocide: Revisionism and Denial 105

Chapter 6THE UKRAINIANFAMINEby Lyman H. LegtersIn the mind of Stalin, the problem of theUkrainian peasants who resisted collectivizationwas linked with the problem of Ukrainiannationalism. Collectivization was imposed on theUkraine much faster than it was on other partsof the Soviet Union. The resulting hardship inthe Ukraine was deliberately intensified by apolicy of unrelenting grain procurement. It wasthis procurement policy that transformedhardship into catastrophe. Famine by itself is notgenocide, but the consequences of the policy wereknown and remedies were available. Theevidence is quite powerful that the famine couldhave been avoided, hence the argument turns onStalin's intentions.On the eve of the Bolshevik Revolution, EuropeanSocial Democrats, including their Russian branch, heldgenerally to two items of received doctrinal wisdomthat would bear ultimately on the calamity of the early1930s in the Ukraine. One of these was the belief thatthe rural agricultural economy, along with its associatedsocial order, was to undergo capitalist kinds of developmentas a necessary prelude to the introduction ofsocialism in the countryside. That expectation couldbe traced directly back to Marx and Engels. The otherbeliefhad been fashioned more recently in the multinationalempires of Habsburg and Romanov and taughtthat ethnic diversity, presumed to be a vestigial socialfact that would eventually disappear, might be accommodatedin a centralized political systemby permitting,perhaps even encouraging, cultural autonomy. 'In the Russian case, the first of these propositionswas confounded initially in two ways. Capitalistdevelopment had not occurred to any significant degreein rural areas, so a socialist program could only bepremature at the time of the Bolshevik seizure ofpower. And, more decisively, Lenin's revolutionarystrategy was based in part on appealing to the immediateinterests of the peasantry, and the peasants for theirpart responded by simply seizing the land, making ineffect a smallholder's revolution. Consequently, theBolsheviks in power, at least as soon as initial socializingfervor had abated, could contemplate socialism inthe countryside only as a long-term development.The matter of ethnic diversity, the nationalityproblem, was also complicated by tension between theproclaimed principle of self-determination and theThe Ukrainian Famine 107

ambition to retain as much of Russian territory aspossible for the impending socialist experiment. Theresult, which was attained only with Bolshevik successin the Civil War of the post-revolutionary period, wasthat self-determination gave way to territorial expansion.The urge to secure the greatest possible terrainfor the socialist cause was thwarted in such places asPoland and Finland, but not so in other peripheral landsof the USSR such as the Ukraine. 'Once the boundarieswere secure and the party apparatus in place throughoutthe federation, however, policy could revert to a lesscontentious approach to nationality, except of coursein places where active resistance continued.Lenin's New Economic PolicyBroadly speaking, then, most of the decade of the1920s, characterized by Lenin's New Economic Policy(NEP), featured a comparatively permissive attitudeon the part of the Bolshevik leadership toward bothpeasants and the nationalities in their respectiverepublics. As between these two strands of thinkingand policy, the nationalities problem seemed the moresettled in this period. The Ukraine, for example,enjoyed a veritable flowering of its national cultureunder the program of "Ukrainization" led by partyleader Mykola Skrypnyk from 1927 to 1933. ' On theother hand, there was a more or less continuous debateabout economic policy, notably between those favoringthe abandonmentof NEP for the sake of socializationof the countryside and the defenders of a very gradualdeparture from NEP, thereby making it clear that therespite of NEP for the peasantry would be reversedsooner or later. 4 At the same time, some party leaders,Stalin prominent among them, regarded the two issuesas indissolubly linked, suggesting that measuresdesigned to cope with the peasantry and agriculturalsector would address the nationality question also.Even the defenders of NEP could not deny thecontinuing problem of grain procurement in thecountryside, a problem the intensity of which variedwith success or failure ofharvest and with the uncertaintractability of the peasants. A downward trend inprocurements in 1927-28, sufficiently drastic to threatensupplies to the cities and to other sectors of the economy,set in motion a campaign to extract the neededagricultural products, employing techniques that werereminiscent in their severity of the Civil War period.Peasants found to be withholding surplus grain weretreated as speculators and their supplies subject toconfiscation. The rhetoric accompanying the campaigntended to be couched in the terms of class struggle,focusing on allegations that the more favored agriculturalproducers were profiting at the expense of poorerpeasants and of urban workers. This made the procure-ment struggle a kind of preview of, and dress rehearsalfor, the collectivization drive that Stalin launched thefollowing year."Primitive Accumulation"The argument for proceeding with measures ofsocialization in the countryside had so far come mainlyfrom elements of the party usually referred to as theLeft and associated with opposition to Stalin's increasingcontrol over the party. Preobrazhensky in particularhad advocated a deliberate exploitation of the peasantry,what in Marxian terms would be called "primitive"accumulation, as the best way to finance economicdevelopment in general. His ideas had been renouncedby the party officially, and Stalin was supposed to beamong those rejecting such measures. By the time ofthe procurement crisis, Stalin's dominance within theparty had been secured, as demonstrated by thereluctance of party leaders to do or say anything thatmight identify them as defenders of the kulaks, themore prosperous peasants who now figured as theenemy in this phase of class struggle. And Stalin's shiftin position by 1928-29 was perhaps less abrupt thanit seemed.That shift revealed itself as a sudden adoption ofthe Preobrazhensky line, whereby peasants would beunderpaidfor their output while paying excessive pricesfor the purchases they had to make, the whole enterprisemasked as an attack on the kulaks for theirexploitation of less favored segments of the peasantpopulation. The emergency measures of 1928 produceda deepening division within the party, Bukharin joinedby Tomsky, Rykov, and others in advocating moderationwhile Molotov and Kaganovich supported Stalinin his draconian approach to procurement.' The splitbecame more evident toward the end of the year andearly in 1929 as Stalin took an increasingly explicitstand on rapid industrialization at the expense ofagriculture, as reflected in the upward movement ofthe targets stipulated in the Five Year Plan, drafted in1927 and intended to run through 1931-32. At the sametime, he intensified his effort to isolate the oppositionand mobilize the party behind his program. Yet as lateas April 1929, the crucial Sixteenth Party Conferenceappeared to maintain the essence of NEP with respectto agriculture. Though the socialized sector, state andcollective farms, was to be developed further, ninetypercent of agricultural production was still expectedfrom individual farmers. Given the renewed emphasison industrial development, this cautious outlook foragriculture contained a serious contradiction.108 GENOCIDE

CollectivizationThe contradiction began to be resolved late in 1929as the party moved to a more coercive campaign ofcollectivization. Until then, although collectivizationhad been favored officially, it had been largely voluntaryand involved mostly the poorer peasants. But asthe campaign of dekulakization intensified, largernumbers joined the collective farms out of fear that theymight be labeled kulaks and become subject to dispossession.At this stage, too, the "encouragement" ofcollectivization fell increasingly to police organs andto the brigades of militant workers sent out to thecountryside from the cities. ' The result, in whichpolitical motives and perceived economic requirementscan scarcely be disentangled, was a massive overfulfillmentof Five Year Plan goals for collectivization andthe effective destruction of the NEP orientation ofagricultural policy. Stalin appeared to acknowledge theshortcomings of the campaign with his "Dizzy withSuccess" article of March 1930, in which he deploredcertain excesses and, in effect, introduced a pause inthe process of collectivization. In the confusion thatfollowed for most of 1930, and in the face of uncertaintyamong the agents of collectivization who had notbeen warned of Stalin's shift, Stalin's admissions wereconfirmed as to the shallowness of peasant "conversion"by the movement of vast numbers out of the kolkhozes.Nevertheless, after this interlude the drive for furthercollectivization resumed.Peasantry and NationalityFrom the Ukrainian point of view, there was muchto confirm Stalin's linkage of peasantry and nationalityas problems to be addressed. Indeed, despite theautonomy that the Ukraine continued to enjoy in thecultural realm, it was very possible to view the policiespronounced in Moscow as twin onslaughts on Ukrainiannationality and peasantry. The percentage of Ukrainianfarms collectivized rose from 8. 6 in December 1929to 65. 0 in March 1930 to 70. 0 in mid-1932; correspondingpercentages for Russia were 7. 4, 59. 0, and59. 3. The 90 percent mark was reached by 1935 in theUkraine, not until late 1937 in Russia. Moreover, theurban workers sent forth to implement collectivizationintroduced an ethnic issue; many came from outsidethe Ukraine, and even in Ukrainian cities many workerswere Russian, or at any rate non-Ukrainian. Withcollectivization taking priority over Ukrainization, theUkrainian party organization was profoundly affected.Skrypnyk's regime was undermined, and lower partyechelons were transformed as party secretaries werepurged, often for real or imagined opposition tocollectivization. At the same time, Ukrainian resistanceseems to have been exceptionally strong, as indicatedby numbers of punishable offenses.Questionable as the forced collectivization programmay have been from an economic point of view, byitself it would not necessarily have led to famine.Enormous hardship was inflicted on the peasantry inthe course of it, especially in the winter of 1929-1930,and of course not only in the Ukraine. Enormous losseswere also recorded as the peasants responded withsabotage, destruction of grain and livestock. Furthermore,the impact was by no means restricted to thekulaks, for the sheer scale and recklessness of the driveinflicted severe damage on whole regions, includingmany middle and even poor peasants who were caughtup in the "dizziness" of unchecked coercion. Nevertheless,famine was not inevitable.UnrelentingGrain ProcurementA policy of unrelenting grain procurement madethe critical difference between hardship and catastrophe.The Ukrainian harvest of 1930 was exceptionally goodand could meet the quota (of about one-third) imposedby Moscow with no great difficulty. The same 7. 7million ton quota for 1931 could not be met, however,because of the poorer harvest, and central authorities,while applying great pressure, began to attribute theshortfall to deliberate withholding of grain. The 1932harvest was poorer still but, even with a modestreduction in the quota, Moscow demanded nearly halfof the total — which by itself would have met barerequirements in the Ukraine for people and livestock.Ukrainian party officials issued numerous warningsabout the dire consequences to be expected if Moscowdid not relent, recounting stories of villages wherenothing had been left for the populace to eat, and thisat a time when the Soviet Union was exporting grain.The official response to all warnings was indifferenceor disbelief, coupled with new regulations imposingstern penalties for withholding or pilfering. InNovember 1932 the Ukrainian Soviet regime prohibitedthe distribution of food and the creation of reserves(seed grain) until quotas were met. Even so, effectivecontrol over the Ukraine was transferred to Stalin'snon-Ukrainian lieutenant, Pavel Postyshev, who ruledagainst the provision of aid to the starving countrysideand sent brigades to collect what little was left of graindistributed to collective farm members. At the sametime, Postyshev brought the nationality issue into playby blaming shortfalls in collections on Skrypnyk andother Ukrainian "nationalist wreckers. "'The Ukrainian Famine 109

Terror-FamineMemoir literature and interviews conducted longafter provide a grim picture of the consequences:corpses in the streets of the villages, deliberate crueltyby enforcement authorities, starving children, cannibalism,in short, all of the accompaniments of deep andprolonged famine. ' Demographic evidence yields lessgraphic but no less startling demonstration of theterrible outcome of Stalin's policies. One estimate, byMaksudov, arrives at a figure of 4. 5 million deaths inthe Ukraine as a result of famine, a bit over half of thepremature deaths he estimates for the Soviet Union asa whole. ' Noting that this estimate disregards theresettlement of depopulated villages by non-Ukrainians,Mace suggests the higher figure of 7. 5 million."Demographic evidence also helps to locate the areasof greatest suffering, the Ukraine ranking first accordingto most accounts. Also telling is a comparison oftwo districts facing each other across the Russian-Ukrainian boundary, the Ukrainian side showingextreme devastation and the Russian side roughlynormal mortality."Terror-famine" is the term Robert Conquest usesfor the whole episode, suggesting not just the natureof the events but also the deliberate intent that pushedthe misery associated with collectivization across' theline to outright devastation. " Famine by itself is ofcourse not a genocide, nor is massive loss of life. Butby demonstrating that the consequences of policy wereknown and remedies available, the argument turns onthe intentions of those responsible. The evidence isquite powerful that the famine could have been avoided;it is overwhelming that the worst consequences couldhave been ameliorated at least. It is equally hard todisregard the evidence, not least from the statementsof Stalin and other party leaders, that the entire policyhad a nationality dimension as well as an economic one.The Ukraine would have suffered terribly, by its verynature as an agricultural stronghold, from collectivizationand the manner of its imposition. But there is noadequate explanation, apart from the nationalityquestion, for the singling out of the Ukraine forexceptionally dire consequences."The UN Definition of GenocideIt can be argued that the UN definition of genocideis deficient in its failure to allow for murderousonslaughts on strata — such as the kulaks — of a givenpopulation, whether real or invented." Were thisextension to be admitted, then the program of dekulakization,given the extreme loss of life that its implementationentailed, would count as a genocide. In anyevent, what is beyond doubt is that the Ukrainianfamine does fall within the UN definition as an attemptto destroy the basis for continued existence of anationality. The Ukraine survives as a self-consciousethnic community, but a genocidal policy does not haveto succeed in its final aim before it can be counted asa genocide.NOTES1. In the Marxian tradition the classic treatment ofthe subject is Otto Bauer, Die NationalitQtenpage unddie Sozialdemokratie (Wien: I. Brand, 1907); JosephStalin, Marxism and the National-Colonial Question(New York: International Publishers, 1935) is atheoretically inferior effort, partly derived from andpartly at odds with Bauer; for a modern study, see IanCummins, Marx, Engels and National Movements (NewYork: St. Martin's Press, 1980).2. On these events, see Richard Pipes, 7heFormationof the Soviet Union; Communism and Nationalism,191 7-1923 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press,1954).3. James E. Mace, "Famine and Nationalism inSoviet Ukraine, " Problems of Communism1984): 41 ff.(May-June4. M. Levin, Russian Peasants and Soviet Power(New York: W. W. Norton, 1975), 148-158.5. The episode is described in detail against thebackground of the leadership struggle in Stephen F.Cohen, Bukharin and the Bolshevik RevolutionYork: A. A. Knopf, 1973), 270 ff.(New6. Lynne Viola, 7he Best Sons of the Fatherland;Workers in the Vanguard of Soviet Collectivization(New York: Oxford University Press, 1987).7. The foregoing account relies heavily on James E.Mace, Communism and the Dilemmas of NationalLiberation (Cambridge, MA: Harvard UkrainianResearch Institute, 1983) and Robert Conquest, 77IeHarvest of Sorrow (New York: Oxford UniversityPress, 1986).8. For example, Miron Dolot, Execution by Hunger(New York: W. W. Norton, 1987).9. Cited in Mace, "Famine, " 38.10. Mace, "Famine, " 38.110 GENOCIDE

11. Conquest, 322-330.12. Conquest, 272.13. An argument made in Lyman H. Legters, "TheSoviet Gulag: Is It Genocidal?" in Toward the Under-standing and Prevention of Genocide, ed. by Israel W.Charny (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1984). Thediscussion is pursued further in Frank Chalk and KurtJonassohn, The History and Sociology of Genocide(New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1990), 12-23.Chapter 6: AnnotatedBibliography~ 6. 1 ~Allworth, Edward, ed. Soviet Nationality Problems.New York and London: Columbia University Press,1971. LC 77-166211. ISBN 0-231-03493-8.The nine papers that make up this volume wereoriginally presented to the Seminar on SovietNationality Problems, which was held at ColumbiaUniversity during the academic year of 1968-1969. Inthe context of understanding Ukrainian nationalism,Mare Raeff's paper, "Patterns of Russian Imperial"Policy Toward the Nationalities, is both the mostilluminating and the least dated by recent events in theSoviet Union.The traditional methods of Imperial territorialexpansion were 1) conquest or acquisition of non-Russian territories; 2) incorporation; and 3) assimilation.This three-fold process is unexceptionably applicableto the Ukraine. In 1654 Ukrainian leaders turnedto Petersburg in an appeal for protection against theaggressive designs of Poland. Thus at first the Ukrainewas a protectorate of Imperial Russia. In one hundredtwenty-oneyears, Russia was able to consummate theUkraine's incorporation into the Czardom of Muscovy.Raeff sets forth the steps which led to eventual incorporation:...[I]n the Ukraine the Cossack Host managedto preserve its autonomy and organizationat least until 1709, and it even lingeredon in a limited way until 1775. In 1709, asa consequence of Hetman's Mazepa's sidingwith Charles XII [of Sweden] at Poltava, theautonomy of the Dnieper Cossack Host wasdrastically curtailed. In 1775 — following thePugachev rebellion — Catherine II abolishedthe Zaporozhian Sich altogether.The Czars sought to assimilate the Ukrainethrough policies of Russification. Of primary importancefor Russification was the imposition of theRussian language on the Ukrainians, along with theprohibition of the Ukrainian language as a publishingvehicle. Russians have persisted in what is a delusion,namely, that the Ukrainian language is only a peasantdialect. In the 1820s, folklorists and poets, amongothers, mounted a successful effort to transform the"peasant dialect" into a fully developed literary language,a language that could claim equality withRussian in all respects. It will be recalled that in thelate 1920s, Strypnyk, the Ukrainian commissar ofeducation, called a conference to rid the Ukrainianlanguage of Russianisms. This is a measure of theextent to which Ukrainian was not a mere peasantdialect.Conquest, Robert. 7he Great Terror, a Reassessment.London, Sydney, Auckland, and Johannesburg:Hutchinson, 1990. ISBN 0-09-174293-5.In Chapter 10 of this revised edition of his 1968publication, Conquest designates the era of the GreatTerror as "a holocaust of the things of the" spirit. By"things of the spirit, " he refers to the cultural andscientific institutions, and their representatives, thatflourished in pre-1917 Ukraine. The Stalinist purposewas to purge and then to destroy the Ukrainian intelligentsia,universities, and publishers. The Stalinistmethod consisted of widespread arrests, interrogations,and torture. Conquest also examines the horror of laborcamps as ideological re-education centers for ideologicallyunsound peasants and intellectuals.+ 6. 3 +Conquest, Robert. 7he Harvest of Sorrow; SovietCollectivization and the Terror-Famine. New York:Oxford University Press, 1986. LC 86-2437. ISBN 0-19-504054-6.Conquest makes use of a wide range of evidenceto substantiate claims, including testimonies fromsurvivors and primary demographic data. He identifiestwo distinct Stalinist policies that, being merged,resulted in the decision to impose famine and ethnocideon the Ukraine in 1932-33. Dekulakization and collectivizationfrom 1929-1932 was a policy in agriculturalproduction designed to achieve socialism in the countrysidein accordance with Marxist-Leninist doctrine; thesecond policy was put in place to reverse Stalin'sprevious leniency toward the renewal and revitalizationof Ukrainian nationalism. The famine, preceded by theconspiracy trial in 1931, was imposed to destroy theThe Ukrainian Famine 111

independence and viability of the Ukrainian language,culture, intelligentsia, and autocephalous church.Ukrainian nationalism has had a long history. Thebirth of the Ukrainian people, as distinct from theRussian people, can be dated from 1240 when Kiev,the capital of all the East Slavs, fell to the advancingMongols. Those of the east Slavs who were pushedwest became Ukrainians while those who lived Northof Kiev became the great Russians.Stalin succeeded in his designs to crush Ukrainiannationalism, but only temporarily. "With the extirpationof so many of its natural leaders and adherents at everylevel, " national feeling was numbed during the remainingyears of the 1930s. Yet ultimately the Stalinist drivefailed, as events in 1990 and 1991 have unmistakablyrevealed.644Dolot, Miron. Execution by Hunger; the HiddenHolocaust. New York and London: W. W. Norton,1985. LC 84-16568. ISBN 0-393-30416-7.Execution by Hunger is his horrifying memoir ofthe Ukrainian famine. Dolot, a survivor of the famine,strongly suggests that it was artificially induced as aspecial Stalinist measure to eradicate Ukrainian nationalaspirations.465kKingston-Mann, Esther. Lenin and the Problem ofMarxist Peasant Revolution. New York and Oxford:Oxford University0-19-503278-0.Press, 1985. LC 82-14314. ISBNKingston-Mann offers a scholarly and theoreticallysophisticated examination of the relationship betweenLeninist and Bolshevik thought and the role and statusof the peasantry. The book is useful background forthe collectivization strategy Stalin adopted at a laterstage.* 6. 6 ~Koestler, Arthur. "Soviet Myth and Reality." In TheYogi and the Commissar and Other Essays. New York:Macmillan, 1945. LC 45-4437.Koestler was in Kharkov during the winter of1932-33, as he tells us in "Soviet Myth and Reality."He was appalled to discover the grotesque incongruitythat existed between anyone's observation of massstarvation in the streets and what the local newspaperswere reporting about life in the Ukraine. Koestler notesthat Stalin's control of the press was total, in contrastto Hitler's, which was only partial. Hence the localnewspapers were boasting of over-fulfillment ofeconomic plans. They were filled with pictures ofsmiling, happy peasants who praised Comrade Stalinon his accomplishments. Koestler contrasts this prettyfantasy with the unspeakably ugly truth:4674Travelling through the countryside was likerunning the gauntlet: the stations were linedwith begging peasants with swollen handsand feet, the women holding up to the carriagewindows horrible infants with enormouswobbling heads, sticklike limbs, swollen,pointed bellies.Kravchenko, Victor. I Chose Freedom: 7he Personaland Political Life of a Soviet Official. New York:Scribners, 1946. LC 46-2999 rev.Kravchenko was a young communist official inthe Ukraine at the time of the famine. In Chapter 10,"Harvest in Hell, " he explains the decision to deploytrusted communist cadres in the Ukrainian countrysideto safeguard the new harvest:Everything depended on the new harvest.Would the starving peasantry have thestrength and the will to reap and to threshin the midst of millionfold death. To makesure the crops would be harvested, to preventthe desperate collective farmers from eatingthe green shoots, to save the kolkhozes frombreaking down under mismanagement, tofight against enemies of collectivization,special Political Departments were set up inthe villages, manned by trusted communists— militarymen, officials, professionals,N. K. V. D. men, students. An army of morethan a hundred thousand stalwarts, selectedby the Central Committee of the Party, wasthus deployed through the collectivized areas,charged with the duty of safeguardingnew harvest.He then describes the consequences of "safeguardingthe harvest" as they affected the most vulnerable partof the Ukrainian population:theThe most terrifying sights were little childrenwith skeleton limbs dangling from balloonlikeabdomens. Starvation had wiped everytrace of youth from their faces, turning theminto tortured gargoyles; only in their eyesstill lingered the reminder of childhood.Everywhere we found men and women lyingprone, their faces and bellies bloated, theireyes utterly expressionless.112 GENOCIDE

In 1943, Kravchenko was assigned to duty in theUnited States as a member of the Soviet PurchasingCommission. In 1944, he defected while on a trip toNew York. He says that he began to lose faith in theParty when he was ordered to safeguard "the harvestin hell. "~68~Legters, Lyman H. "The Soviet Gulag: Is It Genocidal?"In Toward the Understanding and Prevention ofGenocide. Ed. by Israel W. Charny. Boulder, CO:Westview Press, 1984. LC 84-15241. ISBN 0-86531-843-3.Legters argues that the Gulag meets the UNdefinition of genocide by reason of its disproportionateinvolvement of national minority groups, but also thatthe UN definition is deficient when applied to a societythat uses class categories, such as kulaks, as a basisfor differential, murderous treatment of citizens:~ 6. 9 ~If an allegedly socialist society, whoseprimary form of classification is that of class,either targets or invents a class with exterminationin prospect, that program must countas genocide lest the term lose its continuingpertinence for the contemporary world in all .of its variety.Lewin, M. Russian Peasants and Soviet Power, a Studyof Collectivization. New York: W. W. Norton A Co. ,1975. ISBN 0-393-00752-9.Based to a considerable extent on Soviet sources,Lewin's careful and highly detailed study examines thedecision for collectivization and the process of itsexecution in 1928-1929. Despite the fact that he doesnot single out the Ukraine and though he ends thetreatment before the onset of famine, this is an essentialtext for the prelude to the famine.~ 6. 10 ~Mace, James E. Communism and the Dilemmas ofNational Liberation: National Communism in SovietUkraine, 1918-1933. Cambridge, MA: HarvardUkrainian Research Institute, 1983. LC 83-4361. ISBN0-916458-09-1.Mace's book is the fundamental scholarly investigationof the Ukrainian problem in the Soviet Union.He lays the groundwork for an assessment of thegenocidal implications of collectivization and theensuing famine.* 6. 11 *Mace, James E. "Famine and Nationalism in SovietUkraine. " Problems of Communism 33:3 (May-June1984): 37-50.Mace argues that Stalin had singled out theUkraine for especially harsh treatment because of thesecessionist threat it posed for the Soviet Union. Macereminds us that during the 1918 German occupationof the Ukraine:Even Mennonite German communities welcomedtheir co-nationals and provided volunteersto fight the Bolsheviks, despite oldpacifist traditions. ... The Ukrainians not onlyformed their own nation-state but after theirmilitary defeat and incorporation into theUSSR, became what Poland would becomein the Soviet bloc after World War II: thatpart of the larger entity that was most consciousof its national distinctiveness, mostassertive of its prerogatives, and least willingto follow Moscow's model in arranging itsown affairs.In 1923, Moscow permitted a certain. limitedUkrainization, a policy designed to give the SovietUkrainian state a veneer of national legitimacy. Stilllater in the 1920s Mykola Skrypnyk became theUkrainian party leader, he being a strong advocate ofhis Republic's national interests. With respect to thenational language, "one of his first acts as educationcommissar was to chair an orthography conference. "He brought experts from Europe, Russia, and theUkraine together "to standardize Ukrainian spelling andpurge the language of"Russianisms.Evidently the movement toward Ukrainian nationalistlegitimacy went far beyond what Stalin had everintended or authorized; it also went far beyond whathe would tolerate. The "terror-famine" of 1932-33 wasthe result of Stalin's decision to reverse his previouspolicies favoring limited Ukrainization.~ 6. 12 ~Mace, James E. "The Man-Made Famine of 1933 inthe Soviet Ukraine: What Happened and Why?" InToward the Understanding and Prevention of Genocide.Ed. by Israel W. Charny. Boulder, CO: WestviewPress, 1984. LC 84-15241. ISBN 0-86531-843-3.Mace depicts the Ukrainian famine in which fiveto seven million perished as a del iberate Stal inist assaulton the Ukraine as a center of nationalism and as apotential threat to Moscow's centralizing authority. Todocument this charge, Mace describes the indictmentsmade in a conspiracy trial held in the Ukraine in 1930:The Ukrainian Famine 113

So many members of the All-Ukraine Academyof Sciences were placed in the dock thatwhole institutions had to be closed. TheUkrainian Autocephalous Church was alsotied into the alleged plot and forced to proclaimits own I iquidation. ...[T]he defendantswere accused not only of engaging in aterrorist plot to assassinate top Soviet leadersand lead a kulak uprising to establish anindependent fascist state with capitalistsupport, but also with activities labelled"cultural wrecking, " consisting of interpretingUkrainian history as national history,advocating the adoption of non-Russian termsin the Ukrainian language, or establishingan orthography with spelling rules differentfrom Russian.* 6. 13 ~S. "Losses Suffered by the Population ofMaksudov,the USSR in 1918-1958. " Cahiers du Monde Russe etSovietique 18:3 (1977): 223-265.The author's demographic study sheds light onthe consequences of collectivization and famine forpopulation levels in the Ukraine and elsewhere.Maksudov estimates the number of deaths caused bythe famine to be 4. 5 million. This estimate is low.Mace places the number of deaths at 7. 5 million.~ 6. 14, ~Medvedev, Roy A. Let History Judge; the Origins andConsequences of Stalinism. Trans. by Colleen Taylor.New York: Vintage Books, 1971, 1973. LC 75-5843.ISBN 0-394-71928-X.Medvedev says that Stalin gave evidence ofhaving, from the earliest days of his career as arevolutionary leader, many grave faults of character.According to Medvedev, among Stalin's negative traitswere "boorishness and self-importance, pathologicalconceit and callousness; mistrust and stealth, aninability to take the criticism of his comrades, and acraving for influence and power. " All or most of thesetraits came into play in Stalin's handling of the criticismof the Ukrainian party leader, Strypnyk. Thus at theTenth Party Congress, held in March of 1921, Strypnykroundly criticized Stalin's speech on the nationalityproblem, calling it "inane and abstract" and offeringno solution to the problem whatsoever. Instead ofengaging Strypnyk in serious argumentation, Stalinlaunched a smear campaign against his opponent; hevirtually accused him of giving conscious support toclass enemies . on "the cultural front. " Twelve yearslater, in 1933, Strypnyk committed suicide.Medvedev writes as a reform-minded communist.In commenting on Stalin's performance as a dictator,he constantly juxtaposes Stalin's "mistakes" and Stalin's"crimes, " with mistakes being construed as errors ofcalculation or reasoning. In the example given above,Medvedev does not say that Stalin's views on nationalitieswere wrong, but only that one particular speechon the subject was poorly expressed and inadequatelyargued. Stalin's crime in this instance was to vengefullycrush Strypnyk, his critic, rather than to refute him inopen debate. Thus Medvedev sees the criminality ofthe Stalinist period as arising not from the communistsystem, not from an absolute dictatorship, but from thedeep character flaws of Stalin the man.* 6. 15 *Mitrany, David. Marx Against the Peasant; a Studyin Social Dogmatism. Chapel Hill, NC: University ofNorth Carolina Press, 1951. LC 61-18128.Mitrany examines the position of peasantries intraditional Marxian thought, setting Soviet policies,including collectivization, within that context. Hesuggests that the revolutionary wave of the twentiethcentury has been primarily agrarian and that Marxismhas been both hostile to and exploitative of it.* 6. 16 *Pipes, Richard. TiIe Formation of the Soviet Union;Communism and Nationalism, 1917-1923. Cambridge,MA: Harvard University Press, 1954. LC 54-5183.Harvard University Press published a revised editionin 1964.Although Pipes examines nationalisms in theUkraine and Belorussia, the Moslem Borderlands, andthe Caucasus, his elucidation of the nationalist movementin the Ukraine during the period of 1917 to 1923is what concerns us here. From February 1917 to early1920 when the Soviet conquest was complete, theUkrainian national movement entered into, and withdrewfrom, a succession of tentative alliances with theKerensky government, with the Ukrainian Bolsheviks,with Lenin's government, with the military rule of theWhite armies, and even, during 1918, with the Germanand Austro-Hungarian armies that occupied the country.Over these three years, as Pipes says, "no fewer thannine governments attempted to assert their authorityover the land. " None was successful in a struggle inwhich the main protagonists were the Ukrainiannationalists and the Russian communists.The Ukrainian nationalists were strong in thevillages but weak in the cities, like Kiev and Kharkov,which meant that they were dependent on the "politicallydisorganized, ineffective, and unreliable village. "Moreover they were politically immature and inexperienced,not having had any practice in the art ofadministration. The fate of the Ukraine, therefore, wasdecided in the cities where the culture was predominant-114 GENOCIDE

ly Russian and where there was an active hostility toUkrainian nationalism. Nonetheless the Ukrainianmovement which emerged in the course of the RussianRevolution was, despite its ultimate failure, a politicalexpression of genuine interests and loyalties. Its rootswere manifold; a specific Ukrainian culture, restingon peculiarities of language and folklore; a historictradition dating from the seventeenth-century Cossackcommunities; an identity of interests among the membersof the large and powerful group of well-to-dopeasants of the Dnieper region; and a numerically smallbut active group of nationally conscious intellectuals,with a century-old heritage of cultural nationalismbehind them.Briefly AnnotatedWorks* 6. 17 +Bellis, Paul. Marxism and the U. S. S. R. ; the Theoryof Proletarian Dictatorship and the Marxist Analysisof Soviet Society. Atlantic Highlands, NJ: HumanitiesPress, 1979. LC 79-11801. ISBN 0-391-01007-7.Bellis provides background on Soviet Marxismand its theoretical and ideological justifications foreconomic measures and policies, including the policyof collectivization.~ 6. 18 *Bettelheim, Charles. Class Struggles in the USSR;Second Period: 1923-1930. New York: MonthlyReview Press, 1978. LC 76-28976. ISBN 0-85527-9.Applying Marxian categories critically to theSoviet experience of the later 1920s, Bettelheim offersa trenchant analysis of the prelude to, and processesof, collectivization which he views as a species ofappropriation.~ 6. 19 ~Carr, Edward Hallett, and R. W. Davies. Foundationof a Planned Economy, 1926-1929 Vol. 1, Parts 1 and2, of A History of Soviet Russia. New York: Mac-Millan Co. , 1969. LC 71-80789.The continuation of the monumental history begunby Carr alone, this is the history of the period immediatelypreceding collectivization; it details the circumstancesthat led up to Stalin's decision to collectivizethe rural economy.~ 6. 20 *Carrere d'Encausse, Helene. Decline of an Empire;the Soviet Socialist Republics in Revolt. New York:Harper Colophon, 1981. ISBN 0-06-090844-0.An important examination of relations betweenSoviet central authority and the constituent republicsin the post-Stalinist era, this book treats. the Ukrainealongside the other republics. The focus is not only ondiscontent and other centrifugal factors but also on theimplications of contemporary demographic trends.+ 6. 21 ~Carynyk, Marco, Luyblubomyr Y. Luciuk, and BohdanS. Kordan, eds. The Foreign Office and the Famine:British Documents on Ukraine and the Great Famine.Kingston, Ontario, and Bestal, NY: Limestone Press,1988. ISBN 0-919642-29-2.The British Foreign Office documents in thiscollection afford a useful external perspective on thecharacter of the famine.+ 6. 22 *Chalk, Frank, and Kurt Jonassohn. The History andSociology of Genocide. New Haven and London: YaleUniversity Press, 1990. LC 89-27381. ISBN 0-300-04445-3.By means of comparison and synthesis, Chalk andJonassohn seek to refine the definition of genocide andour understanding of the phenomenon.~ 6. 23 *Davies, R. W. The Industrialization of Soviet Russia,Vol. 1, The Socialist Offensive; the Collectivization ofSoviet Agriculture, 1929-1930, and Vol. 2, The SovietCollective Farm, 1929-1930. Cambridge, MA: HarvardUniversity Press, 1980. LC 79-15263, 79-15273. ISBN0-674-81480-0 v1, 0-674-82600-0 v2.The author's continuation of Carr's History ofSoviet Russia, these books trace the drive for collectivization,in the Ukraine and elsewhere, in the frameworkof shifting policies and with the status of the collectivefarm that resulted.~ 6. 24 ~Dmytryshyn, Basil. Moscow and the Ukraine, 1917-1953. New York: Bookman Associates, 1956. LC 57-1284.Dmytryshyn offers a general history of relationsbetween the Soviet center and the Ukrainian periphery.He includes the shifting policies designed to addressthe nationality problem.+ 6. 25*Ellison, Herbert J. "The Decision to Collectivize"Agriculture. In Russian Economic Development. Ed.by William L. Blackwell. New York: New Viewpoints,1974. LC 73-11162. ISBN 0-531-06363-1.Ellison examines the decision of the FifteenthParty Congress of 1927 to collectivize agriculture,emphasizing the interplay of forces within the partythat conditioned the decision.The Ukrainian Famine 115

~ 6. 26 ~Heller, Mikhail, and Aleksander M. Nekrich. Utopiain Power; the History of the Soviet Union Pom 1917to the Present. New York: Summit Books, 1986. LC86-5792. ISBN 0-671-46242-3.In Chapter 5 of their history, two Soviet-trainedscholars deal extensively with collectivization and theensuing famine, including a summary of estimatedpopulation losses. They do not single out the Ukraineor address the question of genocide.~ 6. 27 ~Millar, James R. "Mass Collectivization and theContribution of Soviet Agriculture to the First FiveYear Plan. " Slavic Review 33 (1974): 750-766.Millar offers an economist's examination of theperformance of the agricultural sector during thecollectivization that was a salient part of the First FiveYear Plan.~ 6. 28 ~Solomon, Susan Gross. 1he Soviet Agrarian Debate;a Controversy in Social Science, 1923-1929. Boulder,CO: Westview Press, 1977. LC 77-21555. ISBN 0-89158-339-4.Soloman details the debate among Marxist andnon-Marxist economists concerning appropriate policiesto be pursued in the countryside to promote agriculturalproduction. The debate led up to, and was terminatedby, the decision to collectivize rapidly and, in theevent, brutally.+ 6. 29 ~Viola, Lynne. The Best Sons of the Fatherland;Workers in the Vanguard of Soviet Collectivization.New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987.LC 86-17987. ISBN 0-19-504262-X.Viola examines the employment of workers asmilitant agents of collectivization in the period leadingup to the resulting famine in the Ukraine and elsewhere.116 GENOCIDE

CHAPTER 7GENOCIDE AND MODERN WARby Eric MarkusenINTRODUCTIONIt is the governments of the world that eithercarry out or condone genocide, modern war, andother forms of mass killing. Although genocideand warfare are often regarded as distinctlydifferent phenomena, there are in fact a numberof important connections and commonalitiesbetween them, among which are severalpsychosocial facilitating factors. Markusen givesspecial attention to three of these:dehumanization of the victims, the systematic useof euphemistic language in describing theviolence that is inflicted on victims, andbureaucratic organization of the overall effort.These three factors are of approximately equalimportance in the waging of both wars andgenocides. "The scale of man-made death is thecentral moral as well as material fact of ourtime. " In the light of this fact, it is particularlyunfortunate that the energy and resourcesdevoted to understanding and preventing masskilling have been negligible. .Four generalizations emerge from a review of thescholarly literature on genocide, warfare, and otherforms of mass killing that governments have conductedor condoned: 1) the twentieth century is the mostviolent and murderous in history; 2) genocide andwarfare are by no means the only significant forms ofgovernmental mass killing; 3) although genocide andwarfare are often regarded as distinctly differentphenomena, there are in fact a number of importantconnections and commonalities between them; 4) thescholarly attention devoted to these issues is negligiblerelative to their significance.TIIE VIOLENCE OF TIIE TWENTIETII CENTURYThe discussion of genocide and modern war must,at the outset, be placed in the overall context ofcollective violence and mass killing. As William Jamesobserved in his 1910 essay, "The Moral Equivalent ofWar, " "History is a bath of blood. "' Likewise, in hispioneering study, Taking Lives: Genocide and StatePower, sociologist Irving Louis Horowitz asserts:"Mass murder and warfare among peoples is anever-present truth of"'humankind. And in an articleon human cruelty throughout history, another sociologist,Randall Collins, concludes that "The prevailingreality of world history is violence. "'According to a number of scholars, the violenceof past centuries pales before the violence and murder-Genocide and Modern War 117

ousness of the present one. In his pioneering work,Twentieth Century Book of the Dead, Scottish sociologistGil Elliot estimated that more than 110, 000, 000people were killed by their fellow human beingsbetween 1900 and 1972. "To set such a figure againstthe scale of violence in previous times, " he stated,"involves the difficulties of comparing like periods andallowing for population increase. However, everyattempt to do so shows the twentieth century to beincomparably the more violent period. "4 Such findingsled Elliot to conclude that "the scale of man-made deathis the central moral as well as material fact of ourtime. "'Efforts to compare the magnitude of "man-madedeath" in the twentieth century with that in priorcenturies confront serious methodological obstacles.Among them is the fact that the number of people — particularlycivilians — killed in wars, massacres, and otherforms of collective violence have seldom been recordedwith precision. Also, many deaths caused by warfareresult from delayed or indirect effects of the conflict,such as destruction of crops, economic collapse, anddisruption of medical care. And, as acknowledged byElliot in the preceding paragraph, evaluation of theassertion that the twentieth century is the most violentrequires that population trends be taken into consideration.This, in turn, requires not only estimates ofcasualties of violence but also estimates of the populationfor the place and time in which the violenceoccurred. Thus, comparisons of the scale of twentiethcentury violence with violence in previous centuriesare necessarily imprecise. The reader should bear'thiscaveat in mind as the followirig studies are reviewed.Sociologist Pitirim Sorokin was one of the firstmodern scholars to trace quantitative trends in collectiveviolence over the centuries. 'After a lengthy discussionof the numerous methodological difficulties entailedin such a study, he used historical materials to estimatethe casualties, that is, both deaths and injuries, ofEuropean wars from the eleventh century through 1925.He also used population estimates to calculate thenumber of war casualties per 1, 000 in the populationfor each century in each of the ten European nationsunder study. He found that the estimated war casualtiesper 1, 000 population during the first twenty-five yearsof the twentieth century, fifty-four casualties, wereconsiderably higher than in any other entire century.For example, the war casualties per 1, 000 of 'thepopulation for the twelfth, eighteenth, and nineteenthcenturies ' were two, thirty-three, and fifteen respectively.On the basis of such trends, Sorokin concluded that"the curse or privilege to be the most devastatingor most bloody war century belongs to the twentieth;in one quarter century it imposed upon the populationsa 'blood tribute' far greater than that imposedby any of the whole centuries combined. " [emphasisin original]' In a later book, in which he extended thescope of his comparative study farther back andforward in time, he confirmed his earlier results,finding the twentieth century to be "the bloodiest andmost belligerent of all the twenty-fivecenturies underconsideration."'The recent work of William Eckhardt supportsSorokin's conclusions. Eckhardt has continued theeffort to quantify the human costs of collective violence." In a recent study, he compared the number ofwars and the number of war-related deaths from 3000B. C. "through the first half of the twentieth century.For estimates of the global population, the number ofwars, and the number of people killed in wars duringeach century, he reviewed a wide range of sources,including world population histories and militaryhistories. While acknowledging the limitations of suchdata, particularly in earlier centuries, Eckhardt arguesthat rough estimates are nonetheless possible. Hisfindings for recent centuries are summarized in table1.It is evident that the number of people killed inwars, per each 1, 000 of the population, has increasedsteadily over the past centuries, culminating in anunprecedented number during the first half of thetwentieth.Summarizing his research, Eckhardt states that"war-related deaths have been increasing over the pastfifty centuries. When death estimates were divided bypopulation estimates, this measure was significantlycorrelated with centuries, so that population growthalone could not explain the increase in war deaths overthese fifty centuries. In other words, war-relateddeaths were increasing significantly faster thanpopulation growth. " [emphasis added)'4 In an earlierstudy, Eckhardt eliminated the death tolls of WorldWars I and II from the estimate of war-deaths duringthe twentieth century and still found that the rate ofwar-deaths has been increasing faster than the rate ofpopulation growth."These studies, and others," focused their quantitativehistorical comparisons on warfare, but they do notconsider genocide as another, ostensibly different, formof governmental violence. Unfortunately, the field ofgenocide studies has not yet produced its counterpartto Sorokin or Eckhardt. Indeed, as is discussed below,genocide scholars are still engaged in debate over thevery definition of "genocide. " Nonetheless, it isnoteworthy that some researchers have suggested that,during the twentieth century at least, the death toll fromwarfare, as high as it has been, may be significantlylower than the death toll from genocide and genocidalkilling. Political scientist R. J. Rummel, for example,11SGENOCIDE

Table 1: War-Related Deaths per 1, 000 of the GlobalPopulation, by Century, between 1000 and 1950 A. D. "global pop.(millions)Century (A. D. )11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20*320 360 360 350 425 500 545 720 1200 2500¹ of wars~~47 39 67 6292 123113 115 164 120war deathsper 1000of the globalpopulation. 18 . 36 1. 14 1. 432. 07 3. 2311. 21 9. 72 16. 19 44. 37Eckhardt computed figures only for the first half of the twentiethcentury.*~ He defined "war" as "any armed conflict, involving at least one government, and causing "" at least 1, 000 civilianand military deaths per year, including war-related deaths from famine and disease.has estimated that, while more than thirty-five millionpeople "have died in this century's international anddomestic wars, revolutions, and violent conflicts, " morethan 100 million have been killed "apart from thepursuit of any continuing military action or campaign, "mainly at the hands of "totalitarian or extreme authoritariangovernments" in "massacres, genocides and massexecutions of "" [their] own citizens. Similarly, HelenFein has estimated that genocides between 1945 and1980 killed more than twice as many people as did warsduring the same period."Thus, it appears that, despite serious methodologicallimitations, there is in fact evidence to support theassertion that our present century is very probably themost violent and lethal in history. When the nuclearweapons currently deployed by several nations are takeninto consideration, there can be no doubt that thiscentury has the potential to be unequivocally the mostmurderous. Nuclear weapons are so destructive thata nuclear war could, in a very real sense, "end history"by destroying civilization.STRUCTURAL VIOLENCEWhile the literature on collective violence focusespredominantly on genocide and warfare, it is importantto note that there are other forms of governmental masskilling. One important, though insufficiently appreciated,means by which governmental policies result inlarge numbers of deaths is the creation or tolerance ofharmful social conditions. According to WilliamEckhardt and Gernot Kohler, "While one group ofscholars in the field restricts the term, 'violence' tomean armed violence in wars and revolutions, otherstake a broader view and subsume both armed andstructural components under the term 'violence. 'Structural violence is the violence created by social,political, and economic institutions and structures whichmay lead to as much death and harm to persons as doesarmed violence. "" Horowitz mentions a relatedconcept, benign neglect, in his important essay,"Functional and Existential Visions of Genocide;"where he alludes to "one shadowy area of genocide thatpermits the state to take lives by indirection, forexample by virtue of benign neglect, or death due todemographic causes. " Unfortunately, he does notdevelop this intriguing concept beyond commenting thatthe efforts a government makes to reduce deaths frommalnutrition, disease, and other "natural" causesconstitute a "central indication of how a society valueslife. "~As devastating as armed violence has been duringthe twentieth century, structural violence has resultedin many more deaths. In fact, on the basis of carefuldemographic analysis, Eckhardt and Kohler concludethat "about ninety-five'percent of the total violence inthe first three quarters of the twentieth-century couldbe attributed to structural violence. "" More recently,Eckhardt has estimated that, during the twentiethcentury, structural violence "has caused a total of some1600 million deaths, or approximately nineteen milliondeaths per year. ""This form of governmental mass killing requiresurgent attention, not only because of the sheer scaleof the death tolls, but also because it is directly relatedto armed violence in at least two ways. First, structuralviolence, by causing suffering and death as the resultGenocide aiid Modern War. 119

of structured social inequality, creates conditionsconducive to the outbreak of overt violence, particularlyin the form of revolution and civil war. Second, bydiverting societal resources from programs to meethuman needs and by destroying portions of the economicinfrastructure, armed violence tends to aggravate theeconomic and social conditions that cause structuralviolence.THE PREPARATIONSFOR NUCLEAR OMNICIDENo discussion of governmental mass killing ingeneral, and genocide and modern war in particular,can be complete without reference to the preparations,by a diverse group of nations, for a war waged withnuclear weapons. For nearly fifty years, the UnitedStates and the Soviet Union held the world under thethreat of nuclear holocaust by their policies of deterrencethrough the threat of mutually assured destruction,a threat that was backed up by the deploymentof more than 50, 000 nuclear weapons. As this bookgoes to press in 1992, the United States and the newleaders of the former Soviet Union, particularly BorisYeltsin, the president of the Russian Republic, haveentered a period of unprecedented cooperation and havemade preliminary agreements to dramatically reducethe size of their nuclear stockpiles. ~ There is no doubtthat the risk of a massive nuclear war between the U. S.and the former Soviet Union has significantly diminished.However, complacency is by no means warranted.There are still tens of thousands of nuclear warheadsin the arsenals of the United States, Russia, Ukraine,Belarus, and Kazhakstan. These weapons collectivelypossess the explosive equivalent of more than onemillion atomic bombs like those that destroyed theJapanese cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in theclosing days of World War II. Ambitious plans toreduce these arsenals could founder if the currenteconomic chaos in the former Soviet Union provokesthe overthrow of the democratically elected governmentsand their replacement by militaristic hardliners.Yeltsin himself, in a meeting with President Bush earlyin 1992, warned that the Cold War could return ifimprovements in the lives of Russians and other formerSoviets are not made so'on. He was quoted by the WallStreet Journal as telling President Bush, "if reform inRussia goes under, that means there will be a coldwar — the cold war will turn into "" a hot war — this isagain going to be an arms race.In addition to the United States and the formerSoviet Union, several other nations have acquirednuclear weapons capability, including China, France,Great Britain, India, Israel, Pakistan, and South Africa;and other nations, like Libya, Iraq, and North Korea,are striving to obtain nuclear weapons. ~ Indeed, oneof the reasons the United States gave for the use ofmilitary force against Iraq in the Persian Gulf War of1991 was the fear that the Iraqis would soon possessnuclear weapons. ~As yet, these nuclear arsenals pose only a potentialthreat to humankind; those nations that possess nuclearweapons do so in order to deter the use of nuclear and,in some cases, non-nuclear, weapons against them.However, in order for such deterrence to be credible,the nuclear-armed nations must be ready and willingto actually use the weapons. In recent years, a numberof authorities, including retired military officers andformer government officials, have warned that presentnuclear deterrence arrangements are dangerouslyunstable. They cite the likely spread of nuclear weaponsto additional nations in some of the most crisis-proneregions of the world and possibly to terrorist groups";the growing numbers of so-called first strike weaponsdesigned more for fighting nuclear wars than simplydeterring them"; the existence of nuclear policy makerswho argue that it is possible to fight, win, and survivea nuclear war"; and serious problems in arrangementsfor maintaining control over nuclear weapons in theevent that deterrence fails and nuclear war breaks out. ~If even a fraction of the existing nuclear arsenalswere used in combat, it is likely that more peoplewould die than in any genocide or war in history. Onestudy by the United States Congressional Office ofTechnology Assessment estimated that a "large" Sovietattack on the United States could cause as many as160, 000, 000 deaths." A study by the World HealthOrganization calculated that a war fought with aboutone-half of the existing Soviet and American nuclearweapons would promptly kill as many as 1, 100, 000, 000and that another billion would die within the first yearas a result of radiation exposure, untreatedburns andother injuries, the lack of food and water, and otherdeprivations." This statement, made in the mid-1980s,is still valid in 1992.In addition to directly-caused deaths and injuries,nuclear war would cause great damage to the environment.For example, the smoke and soot from firesstarted by nuclear detonations are likely to drift intothe higher levels of the earth's atmosphere and reducethe amount of sunlight and heat that reaches thesurface. This would create what scientists have calleda "nuclear winter" and drastically reduce the survivalchances for anyone who survived the initial effects ofthe war. " Reputable scientists have even warned thatthe possibility of human extinction cannot be ruled outas a consequence of nuclear war and nuclear winter."Some scholars have questioned the appropriatenessof the term "war" when used in connection with nuclear120 GENOCIDE

weapons, given their unprecedented destructiveness.As an alternative to the misleading concept of "nuclearwar, " philosopher John Somerville has proposed theterm "nuclear omnicide, " to convey the probability thata war fought with nuclear weapons would constitutea categorically new dimension of mass killing."Somerville coined omnicide from the Latin words omnimeaning "all" and cide meaning "to kill. " In recognitionof the uniquely destructive nature of nuclearweapons, and the fact that they are deeply embeddedin the national security arrangements of several nations,Lifton and Markusen have suggested the concept of anuclear "genocidal system. " "A " genocidal system, theywrite, "is not a matter of aparticular weapons structureor strategic concept so much as an overall constellationof men, weapons, and war-fightin plans which, ifimplemented,could end human civilization in minutesand the greater part of human life on the planet withinhours. . . . "~GENOCIDE AND MODERN WAR AS FORMSOF GOVERNMENTAL MASS KILLINGSome scholars regard genocide and war as quitedifferent phenomena. For example, sociologist Horowitzasserts that "it is operationally imperative todistinguish warfare from genocide, " and politicalscientist R. J. Rummel has stated that "There are nocommon conditions "" or causes of domestic and foreignconflict behavior. Similarly, in their discussion ofdefinitions of genocide, Frank Chalk and Kurt Jonassohnemphasize that it is "essential. .. to exclude fromour analysis the casualties of war, whether military orof the available"" civilian. In her recent critiqueliterature on this question, Helen Fein asserts that "Thequestion of whether killings of civilians in war are warcrimes, consequences of acts of war admissable underthe war convention, or acts of genocide has beenclouded by the fact that genocide-labelling of warstoday is often a rhetorical strategem for politicaldelegitimation of specific wars which the labelleropposes. "" However, it is important to note thatgenocide and modern war are not as distinct andseparate as some have asserted them to be; otherscholars have discerned important connections betweenthem. ~GENOCIDEAccording to political scientist Roger Smith, thetwentieth century "is an age of genocide in which sixtymillion men, women, and children, coming from manydifferent races, religions, ethnic groups, nationalities,and social classes, and living in many different countries,on most of the continents of the earth, have hadtheir "" lives taken because the state thought it desirable.A partial listing of twentieth century genocidesincludes the killing of more than 1, 000, 000 Armeniansby the Turks in 1915; the Holocaust in which6, 000, 000 Jews and 4, 000, 000 members of other victimgroups were killed by the Nazis between 1939 and1945; the slaughter of approximately 3, 000, 000 Ibotribesmen by other Nigerians between 1967 and 1970;the massacre of more than 1, 000, 000 Bengalis by thethe army of East Pakistan in 1971; and the killing ofas many as 2, 000, 000 Cambodians by the KhmerRouge between 1975 and 1979. " An analysis ofgenocides and closely-related forms of mass killingsince 1945 found forty-four "episodes" of genocidalviolence that, collectively, took the lives of "betweenseven and sixteen million people, at least as many whodied in all international and civil wars in the period. "4'Recent scholarship has indicated that death tollsfrom past cases of genocidal killing may be far greaterthan has been thought. In a meticulous analysis of justone case — the Soviet Union between 1917 and1987 — R. J. Rummel estimates that during that seventyyear period, "Probably 61, 911, 000people, 54, 769, 000of them citizens, have been murderedby the Commu-nist party, the government of the Soviet Union. "~The basic act of defining genocide is problematicand controversial. Despite a plethora of recent scholarshipon definitional issues, a widely accepted definitionof genocide continues to elude scholars. 4' The definitionaldilemma has been complicated by the misapplica-tion of the term. As Jack Nusan Porter notes, the labelof "genocide" has been applied, inappropriately, to thefollowing practices: racial integration, methadonemaintenance programs, certain features of the medicaltreatment of Irish Catholics, and the closing of synagoguesin the Soviet Union. ~Raphael Lemkin coined the term "genocide" inhis 1944 book, Axis Rule in Occupied Europe, whichcontainedone of the first detailed accounts of Nazipersecution of Jews and other groups. Lemkin derivedthe term from the Greek word genos, which means"race" or "tribe, " and the Latin word cide, meaning"to " kill. Thus, he defined genocide "" as "the destructionof a nation or ethnic group. In addition to directmass killing, such "destruction" could assume otherforms, including destruction of cultural heritage andprevention of procreation. Lemkin's definition servedas the basis for the first formal, legal definition ofgenocide, which was codified in 1948 in the UnitedNations Convention on the Prevention and Punishmentof the Crime of Genocide. According to the Convention,genocide refers to "acts committed with intent todestroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial,Genocide and Modern War 121

or religious group, as such. "" The UN definition, whilegenerally acknowledged as an important milestone ininternational jurisprudence, emerged from a contentiousprocess of political compromise and deliberatelyexcluded social and political groups, for example, themillions of Soviet civilians identified as "class enemies"and murdered by the Stalin government between 1920and 1939. Many scholars of genocide decry thisomission."In comparison with the legal definition of genocideembodied in the Genocide Convention, social scienceand other scholarly definitions encompass a wider arrayof targeted groups, destructive actions, and actual cases.For example, Horowitz defines genocide as "a specialform of murder: state-sanctioned liquidation againsta collective group, without regard to whether anindividual has committed any specific and punishabletransgression."~ Another definition, based on in-depthstudy of more than thirty cases of genocide, is offeredby Chalk and Jonassohn: "Genocide is a form ofone-sided mass killing in which a state or other authorityintends to destroy a group, as that group andmembership in it are defined by the""perpetrator.Genocide scholar Israel Charny has proposed a "humanistic"definition that greatly expands the range oftargeted groups: "the wanton murder of human beingson the basis of any identity whatsoever that theyshare — national, ethnic, racial, religious, political,geographical, ideological. " [emphasis in originalJ"-More recently, Charny has proposed an even broader,"generic, " definition of genocide: "mass killing ofsubstantialnumbers of human beings, when not in thecourse of military action against the military forces ofan avowed enemy, under conditions of the essentialdefenselessness and helplessness of ""the victims.From the welter of competing definitions offeatures.genocide, we can discern several commonFirst, genocide is a crime of governments, eitherdirectly, as when a government officially undertakesa campaign of extermination against a targeted group,or indirectly, when a government permits a subnationalgroup to slaughter members of another subnationalgroup. Put in different terms, genocide is a nationalsecurity policy. '4 Second, the victims are selected fordeath on the basis of group membership, rather thanany transgressions against the killers. Third, whiledirect killing is the most characteristic form of destruction,for example, mass shooting or burning alive,many deaths result from starvation and disease. Finally,the victims are far less powerful than the perpetrators.MODERN (TOTAL) WARJust as the twentiethcentury has been describedas "an age of genocide," so has it been labeled "thecentury of total war. "" William Eckhardt has estimatedthe death tolls of 471 wars that have occurred since1700 and arrived at a total of 101, 550, 000 fatalities. "Ruth Leger Sivard, on the basis of Eckhardt's data,notes that "With twelve years to go, this moderncentury in which we live will account for over ninetypercent of the deaths in wars since 1700. "" In just oneyear, 1987, Eckhardt counted twenty-two wars underway— more than in any other year in recorded history.In that single year of fighting, an estimated 244, 000people were killed; the overall death toll of the twentytwowars since their inceptions is more than 2, 200, 000.Civilians accounted for eighty-four percent of thedeaths."As is the case with the concept of "genocide, "there is no single, widely-accepted definition of "war. "Indeed, it is not uncommon to find books on the subjectof war in which the term itself is left undefined. Amongthose who do formally define war, there is muchvariance among definitions. A common starting pointfor contemporary discussions of war is the 1832 book,On War, by the Prussian general and military theoretician,Karl von Clausewitz. Clausewitz saw war as "anact of violence intended to compel our opponent tofulfill our will" and as "an act of violence pushed toits utmost bounds. " He also referred to war as a "merecontinuation of ""politics (or policy) by other means.Clausewitz identifies two key dimensions of war. Thefirst is violence since war is violence by definition. Thesecond is more implicit, that is, at least one of thecombatants is a government whose foreign or domesticpolicy goals are served by violence. These two dimensionsof war are also featured in contemporary definitions.For example, William Eckhardt, as noted in table1 above, defines war as "any armed conflict whichincludes one or more governments, and causes deathsof 1, 000 or more people per year. "~ Ronald Glossopsimilarly states that "War is large-scale violent conflictbetween organized groups that are or that aim toestablish governments."" And Arthur Westing defineswar as "armed conflict "" between nations or betweengroups within a nation.Traditionally, there have been two principle typesof war: international war, in which two or more nationsengage directly in armed conflict, and civil war, inwhich a government fights against a subnational groupor two or more subnational groups fight against eachother. In the post-World War II era, a third type ofwar — proxy war — has become increasingly common.In this type of war, nations, particularly the UnitedStates and the Soviet Union, avoid direct conflict withl22GENOCmE

each other but instead fight each other indirectlythrough each other's allies, as was the case with theUnited States in Vietnam. Thomas M. Franck hasdescribed proxy wars as "wars of agitation, infiltration,and subversion carried on by proxy through nationalliberation movements.""Each of these types of war can develop either orboth of the two features associated with the conceptof total war. The first feature of total war — extensivemobilization of the warring nations — is accomplishedin several ways, including the conscription of citizensto serve in mass armies, the use of propaganda tomaintain morale and support for the war, and theexploitation of large sectors of the national economyfor the war effort. The second feature of total war — anextremely high level of death and destruction in generaland deliberate targeting of civilians in particular— reflects both advances in weapons technology anda steady expansion in the types of targets consideredlegitimate by military and political leaders. ~The actual term "total war" was invented in 1918and inspired by the Napoleonic wars of the late 1700sand the early months of World War I, both of whichfeatured mass armies raised by conscription and theapplication of science to develop highly destructiveweapons." No recent war, even World Wars I and II,has been completely "total" in the sense that all of theavailable resources of the combatant nations have beendevoted to the conflict or that the destruction of theenemy has been complete. Rather, as Marjorie Farrarhas suggested, "totality can be interpreted as oneextreme in a spectrum of possibilities. Distinction isthen made among degrees of totality. .. war is total inthe degree to which it approaches the extreme oftotality. " Thus, in practice, the term "total war" isapplied to conflicts in which extensive societal involvementand/or indiscriminate destruction are evident.While many wars in history have been characterizedby one or both dimensions of total war, a numberof features of modern war have created an especiallystrong tendency in the direction of totality. In his studyof historical and modern war, Quincy Wright emphasizedthe following trends in modern war: the increasedsize of military force, primarily as the result of conscription;the mechanization of society in general andwarfare in particular, with the latter resulting inescalating destructiveness of weapons; and the breakdownof the distinctionbetween soldiers and civilians."The lethality of weapons has increased tremendouslyduring the modern era. Whereas in World WarI, about three people were killed by each ton of bombsdropped on London by German airplanes, during WorldWar II, the American use of fire bombs against Japanraised the deaths per ton to about fifty. By the end ofWorld War II, the invention of the atomic bomb raisedthe rate far higher, up to "about 10, 000 persons killedper ton of normal bomb load for the B-29 that madethe raid. "" According to sociologist Hornell Hart, "Thefive centuries from 1346 to 1875 saw several times asmuch increase in explosive power as had been achievedin the previous million years. The seventy years from1875 to March 1945 saw several times as muchincrease in explosive power as the previous fivecenturies. ""Also, the targeting of population centers with verydestructive weapons, for example the Nazi bombardmentof London and Belgium with V-1 buzz bombsand V-2 ballistic missiles, and the British and Americanincendiary bombing campaigns against German andJapanese cities during World War II, greatly heightenedthe risk to civilians. In World War I, civilians account-ed for only one in twenty deaths; by World War II,in contrast, approximately two-thirds of the deaths wereof civilians." This trend has continued and increasedsince 1945. According to Sivard, "By the 1970s,civilians accounted for seventy-three percent of wardeaths; thus far in the 1980s, civilians have accountedfor eighty-five percent of war deaths. ""The destructive power of modern weapons,combined with the fact that many people are crowdedinto cities, can mean that even when efforts are madeto avoid direct attacks against civilians, many noncombatantsmay nonetheless be killed or injured. A casein point is the recent Persian Gulf War of 1991, inwhich the United States and about thirty other nationsfought against Iraq in order to end the Iraqi occupationof Kuwait and destroy the Iraqi projects to develop anddeploy nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons ofmass destruction. Although the U. S. and allied forcesasserted a clear policy of targeting only military targets,many civilians were killed when bombs went off courseand when nearby buildings, including homes, weresmashed and burned. The U. S. Air Force, as reportedin the New York Times, estimated that seventy percentof bombs dropped missed their targets. ~No official U. S. estimate of the number ofcivilians killed has been announced to date, but oneunofficial estimate put the toll at between 5, 000 and16, 000 Iraqi civilians killed during the war and anadditional 4, 000 to 6, 000 who died in the monthsimmediately following the war as the result of untreatedwounds and the lack of medical attention." So greatwas the destruction of the capital city, Baghdad, andother cities, that a United Nations report issued inMarch 1991 described the damage as "near apocalyptic"and stated that Iraq had been moved back to a "pre-industrialage. "'4 Further evidence of the toll on civilianswas gathered in May 1991 by a medical team fromHarvard University that visited several Iraqi cities.They estimated that the destruction ofhospital facilitiesGenocide and Modern War 123

and the general degradation of public services werelikely to cause the deaths of tens of thousands of Iraqiinfants in the coming months."CONNECTIONS AND COMMONALITIESBETWEEN GENOCIDE AND MODERN WARAlthough, as noted above, there has been atendency to differentiate between genocide and warfareas distinct forms of collective violence, there are in facta number of connections between them. First, modernwar often creates political, organizational, and psychologicalconditions that are highly conducive to theoutbreak of genocide. Second, the techniques of modernwar — specifically, the targeting of noncombatants withvery destructive weapons — tend to blur the line betweengenocide and war. Third, there is evidence that similarpsychological and social processes operate in bothforms of mass killing. Each of these connections isbriefly examined below.MODERN WAR EXPEDITES GENOCIDELeo Kuper has noted that "international warfare,whether between 'tribal' groups or city states, or othersovereign states and nations, has been a perennialsource of "" genocide. Referring to the Armeniangenocide of 1915 and the Nazi Holocaust against theJews, Vahakn Dadrian observes that "It is no accidentthat the two principal instances of genocide of thiscentury coincided with the episodes of two globalwars. "~ Civil wars also create the potential for genocide,as was the case with "auto-genocide" in Cambodiabetween 1975 and 1978. "Several dimensions of modern war expeditegenocide. First, by posing a dire threat to the society,war serves, according to Dadrian, as "a cataclysmicagent of disequilibrium entailing manifold crises. . . . ""The threat of disruption not only is blamed on theexternal enemy but also can be blamed on membersof a minority group within the society. The minoritygroup may be accused of collaborating with the enemyor used as a scapegoat for the frustrated aggression. , ofthe dominant group, especially when the war beginsto go badly. Second, during modern war, the government,whether democratic or totalitarian, becomes morecentralized and powerful, using censorship and propagandato increase support for its belligerent policies. ~This can diminish popular resistance to intensifiedruthlessness against enemies, both external and internal.Third, the government at war can utilize the militaryforces — men who have been trained to kill in theservice of their nation — for the perpetration of geno-cide. This occurred in both the Armenian genocide"and the Holocaust. ~ Fourth, just as conditions of warsignificantly increase the power of the genocidalgovernment, they also tend to increase the vulnerabilityof the targeted victim groups, which tend to be, asDadrian notes, "isolated, fragmented, and nearly totallyemasculated through the control of channels of communication,wartime secrecy, the various sections of thewartime apparatus, police, and secret services, and theconstant invocation of national security. "~ Finally,modern war creates a climate of moral and psychologicalnumbing or desensitization that increases populartolerance of cruelty, whether directed against anexternal or internal enemy. '4BLURRING OF TIIE LINE BETWEENWAR AND GENOCIDEGenocide and warfare have been differentiated ona number of grounds. Morally, genocide is universallyregarded as unequivocally evil, while warfare is widelyregarded as a necessary and valid "continuation ofpolitics, " to paraphrase Clausewitz. Also, the two formsof mass killing may be distinguished with respect tothe relation between ends and means. While both usesimilar means — mass killing — the end or goal is quitedifferent. Genociders aim to kill for the sake of killing;in war, killing is done in order to end the war. Hadthe Nazis not lost World War II, for example, theywould have continued their genocide against the Jews.In contrast, the Allies immediately discontinued thepractice of firebombing cities when the enemy surrendered.Finally, there is an apparent difference in thenature of the victims. The victims of genocide areusually defenseless members of a minority group, whilethe victims of war are generally citizens of a societyengaged in armed conflict.Nonetheless, on close examination these differencesbecome narrower or blurred. With respect to themoral dimension, one of the traditional criteria for a"just war" has been the careful discrimination betweensoldiers and civilians." The deliberate targeting ofcriterion. As Lewiscivilians violates this importantMumford has observed, "in principle, the exterminationcamps where the Nazis incinerated over six millionhelpless Jews were no different from the urban crematoriumsour air force improvised in its attacks bynapalm bombs on Tokyo. .. our aims were different, butour methods were those of ""mankind's worst enemy.Leo Kuper, in a discussion of "the changing nature ofwarfare, " notes how, in the Second World War,"Germany employed genocide in its war for domination." He goes on to say, however, "but I think theterm [genocide] must also be applied to the atomic124 GENOCIDE

ombing of the Japanese cities of Hiroshima andNagasaki by the U. S. A. and to the pattern borribingby the Allies of ""such cities as Hamburg and Dresden.It should be noted that some scholars strongly disagreewith such a comparison."Also, in certain cases of war and genocide, thedistinction between ends and means also breaks down.Some genocide scholars suggest that not all genocidesaim to destroy the entire victim group as the primarygoal, but that killing part of the group may be used todeter the survivors from resisting oppression by theperpetrators; in other words, killing is the means toan end other than total annihilation. Dadrian, forexample, discusses retributive genocide, in which aportion of a minority group is killed as a warning tothe remainder of the consequence of non-compliancewith dominant group policies, and utilitarian genocide,in which part of a group is decimated in order toconfiscate their property or to exploit the labor of thedemoralized survivors." Modern total war, by slaughteringenemy civilians, also seeks to exploit the survivors,in this case by inducing them to withdraw theirsupport from their government's war effort and therebyhasten surrender.Finally, the distinction based on the nature of thevictims is often blurred. In many cases of total war, .the victims, despite being citizens of an armed s'overeignstate, are every bit as defenseless and helpless asthe victims of genocide. The majority of victims ofmodern war are civilians — including the elderly,women, and children — who have. scant chance ofescaping bombs dropped from airplanes or highexplosives or chemical weapons shot from heavyartillery.PSYCI IOSOCIAL FACILITATING FACTORSCOMMON TO BOTII GENOCIDE AND MODERN WARA further connection between genocide andmodern war is that similar psychological and socialprocesses facilitate both. These psychosocial facilitatingfactors operate at all levels of the killing projects toneutralize potential'moral qualms, minimize empathywith the victims, and negate doubts that might otherwiselogically interfere with smooth, guilt-free, even enthusiastic,performance of tasks. They help account for the fact,observed by a number of scholars of collective violence,that the vast majority of perpetrators andimplementors of mass killing are not sadistic orpsychopathic, but are, instead, quite "normal" psychoy.~There are several psychosocial factors commonto both genocide and modern war. The healing/'illingparadox, a concept developed by Robert Jay Lifton inhis study of Nazi doctors, refers to the justification ofmass killing as being in the service of a noble, and evenheroic, cause. Thus, at the Auschwitz death camp,Lifton found that "killing was done in the name ofhealing. .. For the SS doctor, involvement with the"" killing process became equated with healing. IsraelCharny has observed a similar process in other genocides:"Incredible as it may seem, " he writes, "virtuallyevery genocide is defined by its doers as being onbehalf of the larger purpose of bettering human life. "~Historian Ronald Schaffer has observed a comparableprocess in the justification of strategic bombing of citiesduring World War II: the advocates of city bombingargued that such attacks would demoralize the civilianpopulation and thus hasten the end of the war, therebysparing high casualties on the battlefields. ~ It shouldbe emphasized in this context that both genocide andmodern war are national security policies authorizedby the highest government officials. Many, if not most,of those who follow the orders to engage in masskilling are likely to regard themselves, therefore, asdedicated patriots serving their nation by assuming agrim but necessary responsibility.Dehumanization of the victims of the violence isan extremely important contributing factor in masskilling projects. Kuper defines dehumanization as "therelegation of the victims to the level of animals or ofobjects. "~ Dehumanization dramatically reducesinhibitions against kil ling by destroying moral concernsand empathy. It can take at least two forms — ideologicaland technological — both of which operate in genocideand modern war. "Ideological dehumanization relies on governmentpropaganda and indoctrination to portray the targetsof violence as subhuman and evil, thereby deservingof any degree of ruthlessness. For example, Liftonpoints out that in the Holocaust, the Jewish victimswere frequently characterized as "bacteria" and "vermin."~ And Dower notes that in World War II, theAmericans and Japanese engaged in what could becalled reciprocal dehumanization. Thus, "the Japanese"" were perceived as animals, reptiles, or insects. TheJapanese, in turn, stereotyped their American enemiesas "unclean and wrong-hearted men, as beasts, andultimately — in the most prevalent Japanese idiom ofall — ""as demons.Technological dehumanization erases the individualidentity of the victims by imposing physical distancebetween them and the killers. Thus, in the Holocaust,the psychological stress on the killers was greatlyreduced when the Nazis shifted from the earliertechnique of face-to-face mass shooting of victims tothe far more impersonal technique of huge gas chambers.~ Likewise, Lee Kennett has observed of WorldWar II that "The escalation of the air war was madeGenocide and Modern War 125

easier by the fact that those who'directed the bombingoffensives and those who carried them out remainedcuriously insulated and detached from the consequencesof their work. Photographs taken at thirty thousand feetgave no clue to the human effects of a raid, nor didother sources. "'~Euphemistic language plays an important role inenabling ordinary people to be involved in killingprojects. "' As Kelman has noted, "Moral inhibitionsare less easily subdued if the functionaries, in their ownthinking and in their communication with each other,have to face the fact that they are engaged in organizedmurder. . . The difficulty is handled by the well-knownbureaucratic inventiveness in the, use of language. "'~In the Holocaust, for example, deportation to the deathcamps was code-named "evacuation to the East, " andthe actual killing was termed "'special action" and"special treatment."'~ In World War II, likewise, thedeliberate fire bombing of cities crowded with civilianswas known as "strategic bombing, " and the specificattacks on neighborhoods filled with German factoryworkers, which killed thousands and women andchildren, was intended, in the official jargon, to"de-house" those workers. '~ The Persian Gulf War of1991 was no exception to the tendency to "sanitize"the killing by the use of euphemisms. Hence, bombingraids were called "sorties"; inadvertent killing ofcivilians was "collateral damage"; bombs of variouskinds were referred to as "ordnance"; and the accidentalkilling of American and British soldiers by theircompatriots was termed "death by friendly fire. "'"The bureaucratic organization of modern genocidesand wars plays an extremely important role infacilitating the participation of psychologically normalindividuals in projects designed to mass murderinnocent men, women, and children. As RichardRubenstein has observed: "Usually the progress indeath-dealing capacity in the twentieth century has beendescribed in terms of technological advances in weaponry.Too little attention has been given to the advancesin social organization that allowed for the effective useof the new weapons. In order to understand how themoral barrier was crossed that made massacre in themillions possible, it is necessary to consider theimportance of bureaucracy in modern political organization.Four features of bureaucratic organizations serveto promote the overall efficiency of modern genocideand warfare as well as to enable individual contributorsto carry out their tasks with a minimum of questioningor doubt. These four features are: hierarchical authority,division of labor, amoral rationality, and organizationalloyalty.Hierarchical authority refers to the formal,top-down decision-making arrangements ofbureaucra-cies which enable people at lower levels to have areduced sense of personal responsibility for either thepolicy they are helping to implement or its finaloutcome. They are, after all, only "following orders"that have descended through all the levels of theorganization above their own.'"Division of labor involves the breaking down ofcomplex tasks into compartmentalized sub-tasks. Associologist Fred Katz observes, "Bureaucracies aresocial machineries for accomplishing complex objectivesin relatively orderly fashion. . . The individualbureaucrat typically focuses on a particular task,without considering the wide implications, includingbroader moral issues. "'"Amoral rationality involves preoccupation withthe best means of attaining a particular goal, orcompleting a given task, while tending to ignore moralor human implications of the goal or task. Bureaucra-,cies deliberately strive to render moral and humanconsiderations irrelevant with respect to the task athand. ' As sociologist Helen Fein suggests, "Bureau-cracy is not itself a cause of the choice of destructiveends, but it facilitates their accomplishmentby routiniz-ing the obedience of many agents, each trained toperform his role without questioning the ends ofaction. "'"Finally, organizational loyalty refers to thetendency for members of bureaucratic organizationsto become preoccupied with maintaining or expandingtheir particular organization as an end in itself. Suchconcerns may obscure moral and human implicationsof given policies. Markusen has examined the role oforganizational loyalty in both the Holocaust and theBritish and American strategic bombing campaigns inWorld War II, as well as in the preparations for nuclearIn closing this section, it should be emphasizedthat all of the psychological and organizational forcesdiscussed above can mutually reinforce each other tocreate a powerful momentum toward genocidal killingCONCLUSIONSGil Elliot, one of the pioneers in the study ofcollective violence, was quoted above as saying that"the scale of man-made death is the central moral aswell as material fact of our time. " Unfortunately, theenergy and resources devoted to understanding andpreventing mass killing have been negligible. As IsraelCharny has written, "At this point in its evolution,mankind is deeply limited in its readiness to experienceand take action in response to genocidal disasters. Mostevents of genocide are marked by massive indifference,126 GENOCIDE

silence, and inactivity. "'" Our understandingof thiscrucial realm of human behavior, despite the effortsof a relative handful of dedicated scholars and activists,remains rudimentary and dangerously inadequate.'"Finally, in view of the fact that the preparationsfor nuclear omnicide could well lead to the worstcatastrophe of human history, it is extremely importantto note that psychological and social factors similar tothose operating in more "ordinary" forms of masskilling, like genocide and modern war, have beenobserved in the individuals and organizations responsiblefor inventing, building, operating, and planning forthe use of nuclear weapons. '" Thus, some of the sameprocesses that have accounted for mass killing in thepast, and that have made the present century the mostlethal ever, are also at work in creating the potentialend of history.NOTEs1. William James, "The Moral Equivalent of War, "in War and Morality, ed. by Richard A. Wasserstrom(Belmont, CA: Wadsworth,originally published in 1910.1970), 4. James' essay was2. Irving Louis Horowitz, Taking Lives: Genocideand State Power, 3d ed. (New Brunswick, NJ: TransactionBooks, 1982), 2.3. Randall Collins, "Three Faces of Cruelty: Towardsa Comparative Sociology of Evil, " Theory and Society1 (1974): 32.4. Gil Elliot, Twentieth Century Book of the Dead(New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1972), 1.5. Elliot, 6.6. Pitirim Sorokin, Social and Cultural Dynamics,V. III: Fluctuations of Social Relationships, War, andRevolution (New York: The Bedminister Press, 1962),37. Originally published in 1937.7. Sorokin's data are summarized in Quincy Wright,A Study of War V. l. (Chicago: University of ChicagoPress, 1942), 656.8. Sorokin, 342.9. Pitirim Sorokin, The Crisis of Our Age (NewYork: E. P. Dutton, 1954), 203.10. William Eckhardt and Gernot Kohler, "Structuraland Armed Violence in the 20th Century:-Magnitudesand Trends, " International Interactions 6, no. 4 (1980):347-375 and William Eckhardt, "Civilian Deaths inWartime, " Bulletin of Peace Proposals 20, no. 1(1989): 89-98.11. William Eckhardt, "War-Related Deaths Since3000 BC, " a paper presented to the 1991 annualmeeting of the International Society for the ComparativeStudy of Civilizations, Santo Domingo, theDominican Republic.12. Table derived from data in Eckhardt, "War-Related Deaths, " 7.13. Eckhardt, "War-Related Deaths, " 1.14. Eckhardt, "War-Related Deaths, " 2.15. Eckhardt, "Civilian Deaths, " 90.16. See, for example, Roy L. Prosterman, Survivingto 3000: An Introduction to the Study of Lethal Conflict(Belmont, CA: Duxbury Press, 1972).17. R. J. Rummel, "War Isn't This Century's BiggestKiller, " Wall Street Journal (7 July 1986): Op-Ed page.18. Helen Fein, "Genocide: A Sociological Perspective," Current Sociology 38, no. 1 (1990): 83.19. Eckhardt and Kohler, 348.20. Horowitz, 34.21. Eckhardt and Kohler, 365.22. Eckhardt, "Civilian Deaths, " 97; see also R. J.Johnston, et al. , "The Geography of Violence andPremature Death: A World-Systems Approach, " in TheQuest for Peace, ed. by Raimo Varyrnen, et al.(London: Sage Publications, 1987), 241-259.23. Russell Watson, "A Farewell to Arms?" Newsweek(10 February 1992): 32-33.24. Quoted in Michael McQueen, "Bush and Yeltsin,at Camp David, Forge Closer Ties but Reach NoSpecific Pacts, " Wall Street Journal (3 February 1992):A-12.25. Leonard S. Spector, 7he Undeclared Bomb: TheSpread of Nuclear Weapons, 1987-88 (Cambridge, MA:Ballinger Publishing Co, 1988).Genocide and Modern War 127

26. William Safire, "Object: Survival, " 7he New YorkTimes (11 November 1990): Op-Ed page.27. Tom Harkin, with C. E. Thomas, Five Minutesto Midnight: Why the Nuclear Threatls Growing Faster7han Ever (New York: Carol Publishing Group, 1990);see also Spector.28. Robert Aldridge, First Strike. The Pentagon'sStrategy for Nuclear War (Boston: South End Press,1983); see also Michio Kaku and Daniel Axelrod, ToWin a Nuclear War: 7he Pentagon 's Secret War Plans(Boston: South End Press, 1987).29. See, as examples: Colin Gray and Keith Payne,"Victory Is Possible, " Foreign Policy 39 (1980): 14-27;Morton Halperin, 7he Nuclear Fallacy: Dispelling theMyth of Nuclear Strategy (Cambridge, MA: BallingerPublishing Co. , 1987); Desmond Balland Robert Toth,"Revising the SIOP: Taking War-Fighting to DangerousExtremes, " International Security 14, no. 4. (1990):65-92.30. Daniel Ford, 7he Button: 7he Pentagon's Commandand Control System (New York: Simon &Schuster, 1985); Ashton Carter, John D. Steinbrunner,and Charles Zraket, eds. , Managing Nuclear Operations(Washington, DC: Brookings, 1986).31. U. S. Office of Technology Assessment, 7hesects of Nuclear War (Washington, DC: U. S. Govern-ment Printing Office, 1979).32. World Health Organization, Effects of Nuclear Waron Health and Health Services (Geneva: World HealthOrganization, 1984).33. Carl Sagan and Richard Turco, A Path Where NoMan 7hought: Nuclear Winter and the End ofthe ArmsRace (New York: Random House, 1990).34. Paul Ehrlich, et al. , "Long-Term BiologicalConsequences of Nuclear War, " Science 222 (1983):1, 293-1, 330.35. John Somerville, "Nuclear 'War' Is Omnicide,"in Nuclear War: Philosophical Perspectives, ed. byMichael Allen Fox and Leo Groarke (New York: PeterLang Publishing Company, 1985), 4.36. Robert Jay Lifton and Eric Markusen, 7heGenocidal Mentality: Nazi Holocaust and Nuclear7hreat (New York: Basic Books, 1990), 3.37. Horowitz, 32; Rummel quoted in Horowitz, 32.38. Frank Chalk and Kurt Jonassohn, 7he History andSociology of Genocide: Analyses and Case Studies(New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990), 23.39. Fein, 22.40. See, for example, Vahakan N. Dadrian, "ATypology of Genocide, " International Review ofModern Sociology 5, no. 2 (1975): 201-212; LeoKuper, Genocide: Its Political Use in the TwentiethCentury (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1981),46; Leo Kuper, "Other Selected Cases of Genocide andGenocidal Massacres: Types of Genocide, " in Genocide:A Critical Bibliographic Review, V. I. , ed. byIsrael W. Charny (London: Mansell and New York:Facts on File, 1980), 158; Eric Markusen, "Genocide"and Total War: A Preliminary Comparison, inGenocide and the Modern Age: Etiology and CaseStudies of Mass Death, ed. by Isidor Wallimann andMichael Dobkowski (New York: Greenwood Press,1987), 106-117; Eric Markusen, "Genocide, Total War,and Nuclear Omnicide, " in Genocide: A CriticalBibliographic Review, V. II. , ed. by Israel W. Charny(London: Mansell and New York: Facts on File, 1991),236-243; Eric Markusen and David Kopf, 7he Holocaustand Strategic Bombing: Genocide and Total Warin the Twentieth Century (Boulder, CO: WestviewPress, forthcoming).41. Roger Smith, "Human Destructiveness andPolitics: The Twentieth Century as an Age of Geno-cide, " in Genocide and the Modern Age: Etiology andCase Studies of Mass Death, ed. by Isidor Wallimannand Michael Dobkowski (New York: Greenwood,1987), 21.42. Barbara Harff, "The Etiology of Genocides, " inGenocide and the Modern Age: Etiology and CaseStudies of Mass Death, ed. by Isidor Wallimann andMichael Dobkowski (New York: Greenwood, 1987),46.43. Barbara Harff and Ted Robert Gurr, "TowardEmpirical Theory of Genocides and Politicides:Identification and Measurement of Cases since 1945, "International Studies Quarterly 32 (1988): 359.44. R. J. Rummel, Lethal Politics: Soviet Genocideand Mass Murder since 1917 (New Brunswick, NJ,and London: Transaction Books Publishers, 1990), 1.45. See, for example, Ward Churchill, "Genocide:Toward a Functional Definition, " Alternatives 11(1986): 403-430; Henry R. Huttenbach, "Locating theHolocaust on the Genocide Spectrum: Towards a128 GENOCIDE

"Methodology of Definition and Categorization,Holocaust and Genocide Studies 3, no. 3 (1988):289-303; Chalk and Jonassohn, 12-27.46. Jack N. Porter, ed. , Genocide and Human Rights:A Global Anthology (Washington, DC: University Pressof America, 1982), 9-12.47. Raphael Lemkin, Axis Rule in Occupied Europe(New York: Columbia University Press, 1944), 79.48. Cited in Kuper, Genocide: Its, 210.49. Kuper, Genocide: Its, 93-94 and Chalk andJonassohn, 10-12.50. Horowitz, 1-2.51. Chalk and Jonassohn, 23.52. Israel W. Charny, "The Study of Genocide," inGenocide: A Critical Bibliographic Review, vol. 1, ed.by Israel W. Charny (London: Mansell and New York:Facts on File, 1980), 4.53. Israel W. Charny, "A Proposal for a New EncompassingDefinition of Genocide: Including New LegalCategories of Accomplices to Genocide, and Genocideas a Result of Ecological Destruction and Abuse. " Apaper prepared for the First Raphael Lemkin Symposiumon Genocide, Yale University Law School,February 1991.54. Markusen, "Genocide and Total War, " 237-238.55. Raymond Aron, The Century of Total War(Boston: Beacon Press, 1954).56. World Military and Social Expenditures, 1987-88,ed. by Ruth Leger Sivard (Washington, DC: WorldPriorities, 1987), 28.57. World Military, 28.58. World Military, 28.59. Karl von Clausewitz, Vom Krieg. (Bonn, Germany:Ferd. Diimmlers Verlag, 1966), Section no. 24.First published in 1832. The pertinent sentence in theGerman original reads: "Der Krieg ist cine blosseFortsetzung der Politik mit anderen Mitteln. " Thesentence is to be literally translated as: War is a merecontinuation of politics (or policy) by other means.Politics seems to us to be a better translation of Politikthan policy. More idiomatic, perhaps, would be thephrase foreign policy. Hence the sentence in Englishprobably should read: War is a mere continuation offoreign policy by other means.60. Eckhardt, "War-Related Deaths, " 1.61. Ronald Glossop, ConPonting War: An Examinationof Humanity's Most Pressing Problem, 2d. ed.(Jefferson, NC: MacFarland, 1987), 7.62. Arthur Westing, "War as Human Endeavor: TheH igh-Fatal ity Wars of the Twentieth Century, " Journalof Peace Research 3 (1982): 261.63. Thomas M. Franck, "Who Killed Article 2(4)?Or: Changing Norms Governing the Use of Force byStates, " American Journal of International Law 64(1970): 812.64. Markusen, "Genocide and Total War, " 103-105and Markusen and Kopf.65. Berenice A. Carroll, "'Total War, ' the Self-FulfillingProphecy?" in Design for Total War: Arms andEconomics in the Third Reich, ed. by Berenice A.Carroll (The Hague: Mouton, 1968), 17-36.66. Marjorie Farrar, "World War II as Total War, "in War: A Historical, Political, and Social Study, ed.by L. L. Farrar, Jr. (Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-Clio,1978), 171.67. Quincy Wright, A Study of War, with a Commentaryon War since 1941. 2d ed. (Chicago: Universityof Chicago Press, 1942, 1965), 75.68. Hornell Hart, "Acceleration in Social Change, "in Technology and Social Change, ed. by Francis R.Allen, et al. (New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts,1957), 42-43.69. Hart, 42-43.70. Gordon Wright, "The Impact of Total War, " inThe Ordeal of Total War, 1939-1945 (New York:Harper and Row, 1968), 236 and Elliot, 88.71. World Military, 28.72. "The Damage Was Not Collateral," New YorkTimes (24 March 1991): Op-Ed page.73. George Lopez, "The Gulf War: Not So Clean, "Bulleti n of the Atomic Scientists 47, no. 7 (1991): 32.Genocide and Modern War 129

74. Quoted in Paul Walker and Eric Stambler, ". . . andthe Dirty Little Weapons, " BulletinScientists 47, no. 4 (1991), 22.of the Atomic75. Patrick Tyler, "Health Crisis Said to Grip Iraqin Wake of War's "Destruction, New York Times (22May 1991): A6.76. Leo Kuper, The Prevention of Genocide (NewHaven: Yale University Press, 1985), 157.77. Vahakn N. Dadrian, "The Structural-FunctionalComponents of Genocide: A Victimological Approachto the Armenian Case, " in Victimology: A New Focus,vol. IV. edited by Israel Drapkin and Emilio Viano(Lexington, MA: Lexington books, 1975), 123; seealso Helen Fein, Accounting for Genocide (New York:The Free Press, 1979), 25-30; and James J. Reid, "TheConcept of War and Genocidal Impulses in the OttomanEmpire, 1821-1918, " Holocaust and Genocide Studies4, no. 2 (1989): 175-191.78. David Hawk, "The Cambodian Genocide," inGenocide: A Critical BibliographicReview, vol. 1, ed.by Israel W. Charny (London: Mansell and New York:Facts on File, 1988), 137-154.79. Dadrian, "The Structural-Functional,80. Farrar, 175.81. Reid, 175-191." 129.82. Arno Mayer, Why Did the Heavens Not Darken?:The "Final Solution "in History (New York: Pantheon,1988).90. See, for example, Israel W. Charny, "Genocideand Mass Destruction: Doing Harm to Others as aMissing Dimension"in Psychopathology, Psychiatry49, no. 2 (1986): 144-157 and Eric Markusen, "Professions,Professionals, and Genocide, " in Genocide: ACritical Review, vol. II, ed. by Israel W. Charny(London: Mansell and New York: Facts on File, 1991),264-298.91. Robert Jay Lifton, The Nazi Doctors: MedicalKilling and the Psychology of Genocide (New York:Basic Books, 1986), 456.92. Israel W. Charny, in collaboration with ChananRapaport, How Can We Commit the Unthinkable?Genocide, the Human Cancer (Boulder, CO: WestviewPress, 1982), 113.93. Ronald Schaffer, Wings of Judgement: AmericanBombing in World War Il (New York and Oxford:Oxford University Press, 1985), 80-106.94. Kuper, Genocide: Its, 86. See also Herbert C.Kelman and V. Lee Hamilton, Crimes of Obedience:Toward a Social Psychology of Authority and Responsibility(New Haven and London: Yale University Press,1989), 19-20; and Fein, Accounting, 4.95. Markusen, "Genocide and Total War, " 111-112and Markusen and Kopf.96. Lifton, 16.97. John W. Dower, War without Mercy: Race andPower in the Pacific War (New York: Pantheon Books,1986), 81.83. Dadrian, "The Structural-Functional," 132. 98. Dower, 216.84. Yehuda Bauer, A History of the Holocaust (New 99. Lifton and Markusen, 126.York: Franklin Watts, 1982), 58.100. Lee Kennett, A History of Strategic Bombing85. Michael Walzer, Just and Unjust Wars (New (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1982), 187.York: Basic Books, 1977).101. Herbert Hirsch and Roger Smith, "The Language86. Lewis Mumford, "The Morals of"Extermination, of Extermination in Genocide, " in Genocide: A CriticalThe Atlantic 204, no. 4 (1959): 39.Review, vol. II, ed. by Israel W. Charny (London:Mansell and New York: Facts on File, 1991), 386-403.87. Kuper, Genocide: Its, 46.88. See, as a good example, Huttenbach, "Locating, " 102. Herbert Kelman, "Violence without MoralRestraint: Reflections on the Dehumanization of292-293.Victims and Victimizers, " Journal of Social Issues 29,no. 4 (1973): 48.89. Dadrian, "The "Structural-Functional, 206-207.103. Lifton, 445.130 GENOCIDE

104. Max Hastings, Bomber Command (New York:The Dial Press, 1979), 122-140.105. Jeremy Iggers, "Euphemisms Can Impair ClearThinking about War, " Minneapolis Tribune (6 February1991): 1E, 2E; for a critical analysis of the mediacoverage of the Gulf war, see Daniel Hallin "TV'sClean Little War, " Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists 47,no. 7 (1991): 17-19.106. Richard L. Rubenstein, The Cunning of History:The Holocaust and the American Future (New York:Harper Colophon, 1978), 22.107. Kelman and Hamilton, 103-105.108. Fred E. Katz, "A Sociological Perspective tothe Holocaust, " Modern Judaism 2 (1982): 274. Seealso: Zygmunt Bauman, Modernity and the Holocaust(Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1989), 98-107.109. Max Weber, "Bureaucracy, " in From MaxWeber: Essays in Sociology, ed. by H. H. Gerth andC. Wright Mills (New York: Oxford University Press,1958), 215-216.110. Fein, Accounting, 22.111. Markusen, "Genocide, Total War, " 241-244 andMarkusen and Kopf.112. Lifton and Markusen, 156-191.113. Charny, How Can We Commit, 284.114. Kuper, Genocide, Its, 40; for some of thereasons for the neglect of these issues, see: Chalk andJonassohn, 40-42."115. Lisa Peattie, "Normalizing the Unthinkable,Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists 40, no. 3 (1984):32-36; Kuper, The Prevention, 235; Lifton and Markusen;Markusen, "Genocide, Total War, " 236-243.CHAPTER 7: ANNOTATEDBIBLIOGRAPHYThe bibliography that follows is divided into fivesections. The first section contains materials on trendsin collective violence and mass killing during thetwentieth century. Sections two, three, and four focuson genocide, modern war, and nuclear omniciderespectively. The fifth section contains materials onconnections and commonalities among the three typesof governmental mass killing projects.The Murderousness of the Twentieth Century*71~Dando, William A. The Geography of Famine. NewYork: John Wiley and Sons, 1980. LC 80-11145. ISBN0-470-26956-1.In the modern era, famine increasingly reflectsgovernmental policy choices, either to allow people tostarve or to deliberately create conditions that resultin famine. This book is a primer on mass starvationfrom 4000 B. C. to 1978.~ 7. 2 +Eckhardt, William, and Gernot Kohler. "Structuraland Armed Violence in the 20th Century: Magnitudesand Trends. " International Interactions 6, no. 4 (1980):347-375.The authors explore the important concept ofstructural violence, which refers to deaths caused bysocial and economic conditions that impair the healthand reduce the life expectancy of vast numbers ofdisadvantaged people throughout the world. Armedviolence, in contrast, involves overt destruction, andis caused primarily by warfare. The authors concludethat "structural violence was about seventeen timesgreater than behavioral, that is, armed, violence in thetwentieth century. ... " (p. 365) The essay containsseveral useful tables and charts, as well as a goodbibliography. See also 7. 36.7 3Elliot, Gil. Twentieth Century Book of the Dead. NewYork: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1972. LC 72-7584.ISBN 0-684-13115-3.Anyone seriously concerned about the subject ofgovernmental mass killing should read this bookcarefully. "The aim of this work, precisely, is toidentify, against a background of knowable fact, theviolent dead of the twentieth century. ... " (p. 11) Asnoted in the narrative above, Elliot estimated that morethan one hundred million human beings were victimsof "man-made death" in the first seven decades of thiscentury; he compares this scale "with the scale onwhich a modern nation operates and lives. The obviousreason for the comparison is simply that the figure ofa hundred million represents the size in population ofa large modern nation, and as a familiar image it mayhelp us to visualize the scale and complexity ofman-made death. " (p. 6) In Book One, titled, "Sketch-Genocide and Modern War 131

es: People in the Machines of Death, " Elliot examines that for any reason can find no viable role in the societya number of cases, including "The European Soldierin the First World War, " in which it is domiciled. Because such people can"The Russians in the TwentiethCentury, " "China in the Twentieth Century, " expect none of the normal rewards of society, govern-"TheJews of Europe, " ments tend to regard them as potential sources of"The Rest of the Second WorldWar, " and "Other Twentieth Century Conflicts. " disorder and have often attempted to control them orInBook Two, titled, "Analyses: Parts of the Machine, " to remove them from the mainstream of societyaltogether. " (p. l) Rubenstein examines several casehe explores how ideology, technology, and other factors studies, including the Irish Potato Famine, the Holohavecontributed to the shocking death tolls. The book caust, and the genocide in Cambodia in order toends with a detailed statistical appendix in which the explicate his controversial thesis. His concludingauthor documents the sources for his figures and chapter, titled "Is There a Way Out?," advocatesassumptions. For a useful review of Elliot's book which fundamental changes in social values and economiccriticizes its flaws while acknowledging its contribu- arrangements.tions, see Victor Marshall, "Notes on a New Necrology." Omega 4, no. 4 (1973): 267-273.+ 7. 7a +Rummel, R. J. Lethal Politics: Soviet Genocide and0744Mass Murder since 1917. New Brunswick, NJ, andLeviton, Daniel, ed. Horrendous Death, Health, and London: Transaction Books, 1990. LC 89-28836. ISBNWell-Being. New York: Hemisphere Publishing Corp, 0-88738-333-5.1991. LC 90-4652. ISBN 1-56032-033-8.Leviton's collection makes an important contribu- ~ 7. 7b ~tion to the recognition and understanding of the Rummel, R. J. China 's Bloody Century: Genocide andproblem of collective violence. It contains excellent Mass Murder since 1900. New Brunswick, NJ, andarticles on homicide, genocide, terrorism, war, destruc- London: Transaction Books, 1991. ISBN 0-88738-417-tion of the enviroment, poverty and unemployment, X.hunger, and the threat of nuclear war.In these two volumes in a projected three-volumeseries on governmental mass killing during the twenti-4750eth century, Rummel uses the concept of "democide"Rhodes, Richard. "Man-Made Death: A NeglectedMortality. " to refer to cases where governments deliberatelyJournal of the American Medical Associa- slaughter masses of civilians. He concludes that "Suchtion 260 (1988): 686-687.democide has been far more prevalent than people haveIn this succinct article, Rhodes makes a persuasive believed, even several times greater than the numbercase for allocating more resources to the understanding, killed in all of this century's wars. " (p. ix) Anotherand prevention, of man-made death. Citing Gil Ell iot's important conclusion is that democracies are much lesspioneering work [7. 3], as well as recent statistical likely to engage in democide and related froms of massanalyses of the deathtolls of modern war, the author killing than are totalitarian governments.concludes that "The scale of public man-made deathin modern times is comparable with the scale of deathin former times from epidemic disease. " 78(p. 686) Stohl, Michael, and George A. Lopez, eds. GovernmentRhodes suggests that the public health movement that Violence and Repression: An Agenda for Research.dramatically reduced the toll of epidemic disease may New York: Greenwood Press, 1986. LC 85-24741.provide an analogue, or model, for efforts to bring IS BN 0-313-24651-3.man-made death under rational control.The contributors to this important study ofgovernmental violence argue that terrorism is practiced+ 7. 6 ~not only by non-governmental groups, but also byRubenstein, Richard L. The Age of Triage: Fear and governments. Thus, Barbara Harff, in "Genocide asHope in an Overcrowded World. Boston: Beacon Press, State Terror, " argues that "genocide is the most1983. LC 82-9407. ISBN 0-8070-4376-1.extreme policy option available to policymakers bentIn an important, provocative, and disturbingstudy on state terror, and is likely to be used to eliminateof govermental mass killing, Rubenstein argues that opposition groups. " (p. 183) Equally provocative arean important underlying motive for oppression and George Lopez's chapter on "National Security Ideologygenocidal violence is the elimination of "surplus as an Impetus to State Violence and State Terror" and"populations, which are increasing in numbers and Ted Gurr's chapter on "The Political Origins of Statesignificance in recent decades of the twentieth century. Violence and Terror: A Theoretical Analysis. "According to the author, "A surplus population is one132 GENOCIDE

0790Westing, Arthur H. , ed. Environmental Warfare: ATechnical, Legal, and Policy Appraisal. New York:Taylor and Francis, 1984. LC 84-8895. ISBN 0-85066-278-8.The ancient practice of deliberately destroying the"enemy's" habitat has become vastly more harmful dueto modern technology. For a focused case study ofenvironmental warfare as a form of governmental masskillingsee Weisberg, Barry. Ecocidein Indochina: TheEcology of War. San Francisco: Canfield Press, 1970.Genocide~ 7. 10 ~Chalk, Frank, and Kurt Jonassohn. The History andSociology of Genocide. New Haven: Yale UniversityPress, 1990. LC 89-2738. ISBN 0-300-04445-3 pa.Part I of Chalk and Jonassohn presents theconceptual framework and includes a detailed discussionof the concept of genocide, a review of scholarlyliterature on genocide, the authors' own definition andtypology of genocide, and a brief historical survey ofgenocides from antiquity through the twentiethcentury. Part II features succinct case studies ofgenocides, ranging from the Roman destruction ofCarthage in 176 B. C. to the Turkish-Armenian genocide;the U. S. S. R. under Stalin; the Holocaust; andpost-World War II genocides in Indonesia, Burundi,Bangladesh, Cambodia, East Timor, and the Amazonjungles of South America. Of particular note are thereadings on the slaughter of Indians in North America.Part III consists of non-annotated bibliographies onconceptual and background issues as well as each ofthe case studies examined in Part II. This book canserve as a core text for courses on the genocide.~ 7. 11 ~Charny, Israel W. , ed. Toward the Understanding andPrevention of Genocide. Boulder, CO: Westview Press,1984. LC 84-15241. ISBN 0-86531-843-3.Comprising a selection of papers that werepresented at the International Conference on theHolocaust and Genocide in Israel in 1982, the bookis divided into five parts. Part I, "Scenarios of GenocidePast and Future, " features two important articles:Helen Fein's "Scenarios of Genocide: Models ofGenocide and Critical Responses" and Leo Kuper's"Types of Genocide and Mass Murder. " Part II includesa number of case studies, including Pol Pot's Cambodia,the Soviet Gulag, the Armenian genocide, theHolocaust, and genocidal killings in Tibet. Part IIIfocuses on "Dynamics of Genocide"; Part IV on "Arts,Religion, and Education"; and Part V on "Toward"Intervention and Prevention.+ 7. 12 +Charny, Israel W. , ed. Genocide: A Critical BibliographicReview. London: Mansell and New York: Factson File, 1988. ISBN 0-7201-186-X (Mansell).Charny has compiled a vital contribution toresearch and education about genocide and genocidalkilling. Scholars from a wide range of disciplines havewritten the thirteen critical reviews and accompanyingbibliographies. Their topics include the psychology ofgenocidal killing; specific genocides, the Holocaust,the Armenian genocide, genocide in the U. S. S. R, theCambodian genocide, and other selected cases; andphilosophical aspects of mass killing.* 7. 13 ~Charny, Israel W. , ed. Genocide: A Critical BibliographicReviewV. II. London: Mansell and New York:Facts on File, 1991. ISBN 0-7201-2053-5 (Mansell).The second volume contains critical reviews andannotated bibliographies on subjects not covered in thefirst. There is a special section on denial of the Holocaustand the Armenian genocide that includes aremarkable article by Vahakn Dadrian, "Documentationof Armenian Genocide in Turkish Sources, " as wellas sections on "Law and Genocide" and "Educatingabout the Holocaust and Genocide. " Another sectioncontains articles on a comparative analysis of genocide,war, and the preparations for nuclear omnicide; the roleof professions and professionals in genocidal killing.Other topics are the memorialization of the Holocaust;first person accounts of genocide; contributions ofrescuers in the Holocaust; and the role of language ingenocide.~ 7. 14 ~Churchill, Ward. "Genocide: Toward a FunctionalDefinition. " Alternatives 11 (1986): 403-430.In this helpful review of earlier attempts to definegenocide, Churchill states, "While it can be said withvirtual certainty that genocide today exists on a widespreadand possibly growing basis, it cannot be correspondinglycontended that the phenomenon is understood." (p. 403) As contributions toward such understanding,the author points out how political issuesintrude on the study of genocide, offers useful reflectionson the concept of "cultural genocide, " andproposes his own typology of genocide.* 7. 15 *Dadrian, Vahakn N. "A Typology of Genocide. "International Review of Modern Sociology 5, no. 2(1975): 201-212.Genocide and Modern War 133

¹ 7. 16 ¹Dadrian, Vahakn N. "A Theoretical Model of Genocidewith Particular Reference to the Armenian Case. "Soci ologi ca Internati onalis 14, no. I/2 (1976): 99-126.¹ 7 17 ¹Dadrian, Vahakn N. "The Convergent Aspects of theArmenian and Jewish Cases of Genocide: A Reinterpretationof the Concept of Holocaust. " Holocaust andGenocide Studies 3, no. 2 (1988): 151-170.¹ 7. 18 ¹Dadrian, Vahakn N. "The Anticipation and Preventionof Genocide in International Conflicts: Some Lessonsfrom History. " International Journal of Group Tensions18, no. 3 (1988): 205-214.Dadrian is a sociological pioneer who has contributedto the conceptual and theoretical understandingof genocide and has demonstrated important parallelsbetween the Holocaust and the Armenian genocide of1915.¹ 7. 19 ¹Fein, Helen. "Genocide: A Sociological Perspective. "Current Sociology 38, no. 1 (1990): 1-126.Fein's analysis of the important scholarly literatureon genocide is comprehensive. Among the issues thatshe surveys and comments on are "social recognitionand criminalization of genocide"; "defining genocideas a sociological concept"; and "explanations ofgenocide. " She also includes two sections on "contextualand comparative studies, " in which she addressessuch issues as the alleged uniqueness of the Holocaust,misuses of genocide comparisons, relationships betweengenocide and other forms of mass killing, and the roleof helpers and rescuers. Her final section examinesliterature on punishment and prevention and ends witha research agenda for sociology.¹ 7. 20 ¹Harff, Barbara, and Ted Robert Gurr. "Toward EmpiricalTheory of Genocides and Politicides: Identificationand Measurement of Cases since 1945. " InternationalStudies Quarterly 32 (1988): 359-371.After critically reviewing previous definitions andtypologies of genocide, the authors propose a typology"which distinguishes between two categories of genocide,in which victim groups are defined primarily interms of communal characteristics, and four types ofpoliticide, in which victim groups are defined in termsof their political status or opposition to the state. "(p. 359) They then identify, and estimate the death tollsof, genocides and politicides since World War II.* 7. 21 *Horowitz, Irving Louis. Taking Lives: Genocide andState Power. 3d ed. New Brunswick, NJ: TransactionBooks, 1982. LC 79-66341. ISBN 0-87855-751-2 pa.After decrying the neglect of genocide by thesocial science community, Horowitz examines a numberof definitions of genocide and presents a valuablediscussion of "eight basic types of societies that canbe defined on a measurement scale of life and death"(p. 43), that is, the extent to which they resort to masskilling, torture, and other forms of violence as meansof social control. Horowitz is one of the sociologicalpioneers in this field.¹ 7. 22 ¹Huttenbach, Henry R. "Locating the Holocaust on theGenocide Spectrum: Towards a Methodology ofDefinition"and Categorization. Holocaust and Geno-cide Studies 3, no. 3 (1988): 289-303.The author examines the concept of genocide, perse, as well as the question of the uniqueness of theHolocaust as an example of genocide. He advocatesand initiates the development of "a spectrum of genocide.... within which the Holocaust will occupy adistinct niche, flanked in proximity by those events withwhich it shares the greatest similarity. .. " (p. 291)¹ 7. 23 ¹Katz, Steven T. "Essay: Quantity and Interpretation— Issues in the Comparative Historical Analysis ofthe Holocaust. " Holocaust and Genocide Studies 4, no.2 (1989): 127-148.Katz addresses the issue of the uniqueness of theHolocaust by comparing it with several other cases ofgovernmental violence, including the witch hunts ofthe 15th, 16th, and 17th centuries; black slavery andthe slaughter of Indians in the United States; and theNazi persecution of Gypsies, homosexuals, and othergroups. He concludes that "fundamental distinctions,elemental differences, mark off the Holocaust phenomenologicallyfrom these other, similarly immoral andabhorent, cases. " (p. 127)¹ 7. 24 ¹Kuper, Leo. Genocide: Its Political Use in the TwentiethCentury. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1981.LC 81-16151. ISBN 0-300-02795-8.In what is perhaps the definitive social scientificanalysis of genocide currently available, Kuper reviewsthe literature on theories of genocide and provides anumber of succinct case histories of specific genocidesand related atrocities. He argues that decolonizationcan create preconditionsfor genocide when ethnic andtribal rivalries that had been suppressed by the colonizingpower are permitted to flare into violence, a thesis134 GENOCIDE

that augurs ill for several nations in newly-independentEastern Europe, like Romania and Yugoslavia. Anotherof his conclusions, one that has provoked considerablecontroversy as indicated above, is that the highlydestructive nature of modern weapons, combined withthe willingness to target civilians in war, has blurredthe line between genocide and warfare. His criticismsof the inability of the United Nations to prevent orinterrupt genocide, and his concluding chapter on "TheNon-Genocidal Society, " set the stage for 7. 25.* 7. 25 *Kuper, Leo. The Prevention of Genocide. New Haven:Yale University Press, 1985. LC 81-16151. ISBN 0-300-02795-8.Kuper builds on his 1981 book. He suppliesadditional cases and examines in detail the prospectsfor early recognition, intervention, and prevention ofgenocidal violence. His main argument is that theinternational community in general, and the UnitedNations in particular, have been disgracefully negligentand weak when confronted by cases of genocidalkilling, for example, Cambodia between 1975 and1978. After reviewing the inadequacies of the UnitedNations response in Cambodia and elsewhere, Kuperpresents a number of suggestions for strengthening theUN's capacity for effective intervention.* 7. 26 *Lang, Berel, ed. "Philosophy and the Holocaust. " ThePhilosophical Forum 16, nos. 1-2 (1984-85): 1-140.This special issue devoted to the Holocaust andgenocide contains a number of provocative essays.Among these are "The Concept of Genocide, " by BerelLang, on the meanings of the term "genocide" and thepsychological processes that operate among the perpetrators;"The Origins of Extermination in the Imagination," by William Gass; and "Measuring Responsibility," by A. Zvie Bar-On.~ 7. 27 +Lifton, Robert Jay. The Nazi Doctors: Medical Killingand the Psychology of Genocide. New York: BasicBooks, 1986. LC 85-73874. ISBN 0-465-04904-4.Basing his detailed case study on extensiveinterviews with former Nazi doctors as well as severaldozen Auschwitz survivors, Lifton examines the roleof the German medical profession in the Holocaust.The final section of the book, titled "The Psychologyof Genocide, " develops a number of psychological andhistorical concepts to explain how "ordinary" mencould become implicated in "demonic" actions. . Liftonargues that genocides like the Holocaust may be seenas desperate attempts to find a "cure" to massivepsychological and social upheavals, and that violenceagainst designated victim groups may give the perpetratinggroup the illusion of security and safety. Liftonalso demonstrates the roles of euphemistic language,bureaucractic compartmentalization of tasks, and thedistancing effects of technology in facilitating genocidalkilling.~ 7. 28 ~Markusen, Eric. "Professions, Professionals, andGenocide. " In Genocide: A Critical BibliographicReview, V. 11. Ed. by Israel W. Charny. London:Mansell and New York: Facts on File, 1991. ISBN 0-7201-2053-5 (Mansell).Markusen examines how members of such professionsas medicine, law, education, the church, and themilitary have contributed to the Holocaust, the Armeniangenocide, and other types of mass killing as bystanders,accomplices, and perpetrators.* 7. 29 *Mazian, Florence. Why Genocide? The Armenian andJewish Experiences in Perspective. Ames, IA: IowaState University Press, 1990. LC 89-15268. ISBN 0-8138-0143-5.The author states that the purpose of the book is"to answer a very basic question: Why is genocide,rather than any other alternative, selected by a peopleor state as the solution to a real or imagined problem?"(p. ix) In order to answer this question, Mazian analyzes,in a comparative mode, two major genocides of thetwentieth century by means of a conceptual frameworkconsisting of six determinants: 1) the creation of"outsiders"; 2) internal strife in the perpetrating group;3) destructive uses of communication, including theuse of propaganda to promote an aggressive ideology;4) powerful leadership; 5) organization of the destructionprocess (i. e. , recruitment and training of the perpetrators);and 6) the "failure of multidimensional levelsof social control. " (p. ix)7 30Rubenstein, Richard L. The Cunning of History: TheHolocaust and the American Future. New York: Harperand Row, 1975, 1978. LC 75-9334. ISBN 0-06-067013-4.Rubenstein argues that "we are more likely tounderstand the Holocaust if we regard it as the expressionof some of the most profound tendencies inWestern civilization in the twentieth century. " (p. 21)Among these tendencies, according to Rubenstein, aresecularization, rationality, bureaucracy, and growingnumbers of politicaly stateless and economicallysuperfluous people. His chapters on "The Modernizationof Slavery" and "The Health Professions andGenocide and Modern War 135

Corporate Enterprise at Auschwitz" are particularlynoteworthy.+ 7. 31 +Wallimann, Isidor, and Michael M. Dobkowski, eds.Genocide and the Modern Age: Etiology and CaseStudies of Mass Death. New York: Greenwood Press,1987. LC 86-9978. ISBN 0-313-24198-8.The editors have divided their valuable collectionof essays into two major parts. The first contains essaysthat conceptualize, classify, define, and explain genocide.The second contains case studies, such as theHolocaust, the Armenian genocide, and the killing ofaboriginal peoples in Australia. Richard L. Rubensteinprovides a provocative afterword entitled "Genocide"and Civilization.Modern War~ 7. 32 +Adams, James. Engines of War: Merchants of Deathand the New Arms Race. New York: Atlantic MonthlyPress, 1990. LC 90-197. ISBN 0-87113-352-0.In a sobering survey of the global arms traffic,Adams shows how some of the most unstable regionsof the world are acquiring large arsenals of nuclear,chemical, and biological weapons.+ 7. 33 +Carroll, Berenice A. "'Total War, ' the Self-FulfillingProphecy?" In Design for Total War: Arms andEconomics in the Third Reich. Ed. by Berenice A.Carroll. The Hague, Netherlands: Mouton, 1968. LC68-15527.Carroll offers a useful survey of the origins of theterm "total war, " as well as its precursors in thewritings of Clausewitz and others. Another valuablediscussion is Richard Hobbs' "The Growth of the Ideaof Total War" that appears in his book, The Myth ofVictory: What is Victory in War? (Boulder, CO:Westview Press, 1979).& 7. 34 ~Dyer, Gwynne. War. New York: Crown Publishers,1985. LC 85-5704. ISBN 0-517-55615-4.War is a readable, richly illustrated historicaloverview of warfare from primitive conflict throughcontemporary proxy wars and nuclear deterrence.Dyer's chapters, "The'Road to Mass Warfare" and"Reductio Ad Absurdum: Total War, " as well as histwo chapters on nuclear war, are particularly noteworthy.* 7. 35 *Dower, John W. War without Mercy: Race and Powerin the Pacific War. New York: Pantheon Books, 1986.LC 85-43462. ISBN 0-394-50030-X.Racism and "race hate" were important in the warbetween the United States and Japan. Noting that "itwas a common observation of Western war correspondentsthat the fighting in the Pacific was more savagethan in the European theater, " Dower suggests that"Race hate fed atrocities, and atrocities in turn fannedthe fires of race hate. The dehumanization of the Othercontributed immeasurably to the psychological distancingthat facilitated killing, not only on the battlefieldbut also in the plans adopted by strategists far removedfrom the actual scene of combat. .. The natural response... was an obsession with extermination on bothsides — a war without mercy. " (p. 11) In his finalchapter, Dower explores possible reasons for the "speedwith with which a war of seemingly irreconcilablehatred gave way to cordial relations once the fightinghad ceased. " (p. 31 1)~ 7. 36 ~Eckhardt, William. "Civilian Deaths in Wartime. "Bulletin of Peace Proposals 20, no. 1 (1989): 89-98.Eckhardt succinctly summarizes war casualtiesduring the last three centuries. He concludes that "warshave increased in frequency, duration, and deaths fromthe 18th to the 20th centuries. The increase in deaths"was four times the increase in world population. (p. 97)His discussions of "hunger-related deaths in wartime"and "structural violence" are notable.+ 7. 37 +Farrar, Marjorie. "World War II as Total War. " InWar: A Historical, Political, and Social Study. Ed. byL. L. Farrar, Jr. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-Clio, 1978.LC 77-16620. ISBN 0-87436-221-0.Among Farrar's conclusions in this useful essayis that total wars, like World War II, tend to blur thedistinction, both politically and morally, betweendemocratic and totalitarian governments that wagethem. "The " war, asserts Farrar, "pushed Westerncivilization toward"totalitarianism. (p. 179)+ 7. 38 *Fetter, Steve. "Ballistic Missiles and Weapons of MassDestruction: What Is the Threat? What Should BeDone?" International Security 16, no. 1 (1991): 5-42.Fetter examines the proliferationof highly destruc-tive weaponry to nations in unstable, violence-proneregions of the world. He provides technical informationon such weapons, a discussion of why nations may seekto acquire them, and suggestions for impeding suchacquisition.136 GENOCIDE

~ 7. 39 ~Fuller, J. F. C. The Conduct of War, 1789-1961. NewBrunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1961. LC61-1026.In this widely-cited book, Fuller argues that theera of modern, total war began with the use of themilitary draft to raise mass armies during the Napoleonicwars of the late 1700s. He traces the evolution oftotalistic tendencies in subsequent wars, particularlythe breakdown of the distinction between soldiers andcivilians. He includes a fascinating discussion of theAmerican Civil War as an example of total war.~ 7. 40 ~Gabriel, Richard. The Painful Field: The PsychiatricDimension of Modern War. New York: GreenwoodPress, 1989. LC 87-31785. ISBN 0-313-24718-8.The vulnerability of the human mind to the stressesof military combat is a crucial, yet all too frequentlyignored or under-appreciated, aspect of modernwarfare. Pointing out in detail how mental breakdownsamong soliders have been very common throughouthistory, Gabriel argues that modern war, with its vastlymore destructive weapons, is far more likely to causepsychiatric casualties than its precursors. In his finalchapter, Gabriel examines efforts by U. S. and Sovietresearchers to develop drugs that "will prevent orreduce anxiety while allowing the soldier to retain hisnormal and vitally needed acute levels of mentalawareness. " (p. 168) However, according to Gabriel,"The real horror lurking behind the attempt to usechemical means for preventing psychiatric collapse inbattle is that in order for a soldier to function in theenvironment of modern war, he must be psychicallyreconstituted in a manner precisely identical to whatwe have traditionally defined as being mentally ill: Hemust be chemically made over to become a sociopathicpersonality in the clinical sense of the term. " (p. 172)~ 7. 41 *Gander, T. J. Nuclear, Chemical, and BiologicalWarfare. London: Ian Allen, Ltd. , 1987. ISBN 0-7110-1722-0.Gander presents, clearly and succinctly, the basicfacts about these three types of weapons of massdestruction, and includes a great many excellentphotographs, of which those depicting aspects of=hemical warfare are particularly striking.* 7. 42 *Hartigan, Richard Shelly. The Forgotten Victim: AHistory of the Civilian. Chicago: Precedent Publishing,1982. LC 83-134732. ISBN 0-913750-19-0.The author asks: "Is the idea of the civilian ananachronism? Have nuclear weapons and guerillawarfare forever obliterated the distinction betweencombatant and noncombatants?" (p. l) Reluctantly,Hartigan answers in the affirmative and then proceedsto trace the history of the erosion of this crucialdistinction.~ 7. 43 *Keegan, John. The Face of Battle. New York: TheViking Press, 1976. LC 76-10611. ISBN 0-670-30432-8.Keegan examines the changing nature of warfareby means of a detailed portrayal of three battles:,Agincourt, in 1415; Waterloo, in 1815; and theSomme, in 1916. A central theme is that advances indestructive technology have made warfare progressivelymore lethal and impersonal. In his concluding chapter,titled "The Future of Battle, " Keegan notes that,"Impersonality, coercion, deliberate cruelty, alldeployed on a rising scale, make the fitness of modernman to sustain the stress of battle increasingly doubtful." (p. 325) See also 7. 40.* 7. 44 *Kennett, Lee. A History of Strategic Bombing. NewYork: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1982. LC 82-10673,IS BN 0-684-17781-1.Kennett succinctly reviews the evolution ofstrategic bombing. The final two chapters, "Japan:Ordeal by Fire, " and "The Bombing War in Retrospect," are especially recommended.* 7. 45 *Lifton, Robert Jay. Deathin Life: SurvivorsofHiroshima.New York: Random House, 1967. LC 67-22658.Reissued in 1984.Based on extensive interviewswith seventy-fivesurvivors of the Hiroshima bomb, Lifton's study of thepsychological, cultural, and social impacts of the atomicbombings is the definitive one. In the final chapter,Lifton extends his analysis to other cases of masskilling and mass death and introduces such seminal"concepts as "death guilt" and "psychic numbing.* 7. 46 *Lopez, George. "The Gulf War: Not So Clean. "Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists 47, no. 7 (1991):30-35.The author argues that, despite public claims anda sincere effort to avoid direct targeting of civiliansby the U. S. and its allies in the Persian Gulf War of1991, "collateral damage" and civilian deaths werenonetheless very widespread.Genocide and Modern War 137

* 7. 47 +Nolan, Janne E. , and Albert D. Wheelon. "ThirdWorld Ballistic Missiles. " Scientific American 274, no.2 (1990): 34-40.Missiles capable of delivering nuclear, chemical,and biological warheads have spread rapidly to suchnations as Israel, Egypt, Iran, Iraq, Libya, SouthAfrica, and Argentina. The authors warn that "TheThird World military buildup is perhaps even moreworrisome than its First World prototype, for it is farmore likely to find expression in war. " (p. 34)~ 7. 48 ~O' Connell, Robert L. Of Arms and Men: A History ofWar, Weapons, and Aggression. New York andOxford: Oxford University Press, 1989. LC 88-19526.ISBN 0-19-505359-1 pa.O' Connell offers an eloquent account of theevolution of weapons and warfare from antiquitythrough the nuclear age. Among the important themesthat pervade this chronologically organized survey aredehumanization; increased distance between killers andkilled; and the breakdown of the traditional distinctionbetween soldiers and civilians during wars of thetwentieth century. O' Connell exemplifies the meaningof dehumanization in this statement, "new armamentswere most easily employed if their victims could beconceptualized, however implausibly, as belonging toanother species. " (p. 190)~ 7. 49 ~Sallagar, Frederick. 7he Road to Total War. NewYork: Van Nostrand Reinhold, 1969. LC 74-22389.ISBN 0-442-25074-6."What characterizes an all-out, or total, war isthat it is fought for such high stakes that the belligerentsare willing, or compelled, to employ, not all weaponsthey possess, but any weapons they consider appropriateand advantageous to them. " (p. 3) Sallagar assertsthat "It was the adoption of indiscriminate air warfarewhich signaled the transition to total war. ... " [in WorldWar II) (p. 4) After tracing the process by whichmisunderstandings, as well as deliberate decisions, ledto a policy of bombing cities by Germany, GreatBritain, and the United States, he concludes withspeculations on the implications of his study for futurewars.~ 750 ~Schaffer, Ronald. Wings of Judgment: AmericanBombing in World War Il. New York and Oxford:Oxford University Press, 1985. LC 85-4861. ISBN 0-19-503629-8.In an outstanding examination of the Americanpractice of bombing cities during World War II,Schaffer reviews the shift from an initial aversion toattacks against cities in Europe to the policy of direct,incendiary attacks against Japanese cities. He includestwo valuable chapters on moral dimensions of thebombing of cities and concludes with an epilogue inwhich he asserts that, "despite enormous qualitativechanges in the potential of weapons [with the inventionof nuclear weapons], the thinking of American militaryleaders, scientists, and statesmen in the postwar yearscontained important vestiges of earlier views about airwarfare and its"moral consequences. (p. 190) In fact,the men responsible for the planning and implementationof the incendiary raids against Japanese cities wereamong those in charge of early American nuclearweapons policy.* 7. 51 ~Sherry, Michael S. ?he Rise of American Air Power:17ie Creation of Armageddon. New York and London:Yale University Press, 1987. LC 86-19003. ISBN 0-300-03600-0.Sherry delves deeply into the historical, political,ideological, cultural, and social-psychological dimensionsof the embrace of the policy of attacking cities.The chapters on "The Sociology of Air War, " "TheSources of Technological Fanaticism, " and "TheTriumph of Technological Fanaticism" are ofparticular interest. Like Schaffer [7. 50], Sherryconcludes with important reflections on early U. S.nuclear weapons policy, which evolved from strategicbombing policies and practices. While the Schaffer andSherry books inevitably contain considerable commoninformation, differences in focus make them usefullycomplementary, rather than redundant. Together withRichard Rhodes' The Making of the Atomic Bomb[7. 76], they provide a solid historical foundation foran understanding of the early evolution of Americannuclear weapons policy.* 7. 52 *Stockholm International Peace Research Institute.Incendiary Weapons. Cambridge, MA, and London:The MIT Press, 1975. LC 75-11515. ISBN 0-262-19139-3.This SIPRI volume examines the uses of fire asa military weapon throughout history; fire weaponsinclude flamethrowers and incendiary bombs in WorldWar II and napalm in Vietnam. There is a summaryof existing international laws that purport to limit theuse of such weapons. Also several harrowing chaptersrelate the effects of incendiary weapons on humanbeings.138 GENOCIDE

* 7. 53 ~Van Creveld, Martin. Technology and War: From 2000B. C. to the Present. London: Collier MacmillanPublishers and New York: The Free Press, 1989. LC88-16405. ISBN 0-02-933151-X.That "war is completely permeated by technologyand governed by it" is Van Creveld's basic thesis. Theauthor, whose other books on warfare are required textsin military academies throughout the world, dividesboth his book and the history of warfare into fourperiods, each characterized by the nature of thetechnology that dominated it. Thus, during the firstperiod, from 2000 B. C. to 1500 A. D. , human andanimal muscle-power constituted the chief means ofwaging war. The second period, which the author labels"the Age of Machines, " extended from the Renaissanceto about 1830. Key technological developments duringthis period were the exploitation of gunpowder and thewidespread use of firearms. Third, from 1830 to 1945,such inventions as the railway and the telegraph, andthe rise of complex bureaucratic organizations, gaverise to "the Age of Systems. " Fourth and finally, theinvention of nuclear weapons and computers createdthe present age, which Van Creveld terms "the Age"of Automation. Van Creveld concludes with a usefulbibliographic essay. Compare with 7. 94 below.* 7. 54 *Walker, Paul, and Eric Stambler. ". .. and the DirtyLittle Weapons. " Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists 47,no. 4 (1991): 21-24.Media coverage of the Persian Gulf War of 1991created "the impression that the war was a bloodless,push-button battle in which only military targets weredestroyed. "(p. 21) The reality, according to the authors,was very different. In addition to providing details ofthe destructive power of some of the weapons that wereused against Iraq, they note that "of the 88, 500 tonsof bombs dropped, only 6, 520 tons — 7. 4 percent — wereprecision-guided ordnance, according to officialPentagon figures. "(p. 22)~ 7. 55 *Williams, Peter, and David Wallace. Unit 731: Japan 'sSecret Biological Warfarein World War ll. New York:The Free Press, 1989. LC 88-39072. ISBN 0-02-935301-7.At the end of the war, the United States governmentagreed not to prosecute the responsible Japaneseas war criminals in return for their cooperation inproviding American scientists with technical informa-tion that was used to develop American biologicalweaponry. The authors have based their account ofJapan's use of biological warfare on long-secretdocuments obtained through the Freedom of Informa-tion Act. For a brief account, see: John W. Powell,"A Hidden Chapter in History." Bulletin ofthe AtomicScientists 37, no. 8 (1981): 44-52.+ 7. 56 *World Military and Social Expenditures. 1974-. A. Ed. :Ruth Leger Sivard. Washington, DC: World Priorities.ISSN 0363-4795. 1991 edition has ISBN 0-918281-07-5.Sivard's annually published compendium comparesexpenditures of national governments around the worldfor war and armaments with those for the social needsof education, medical care, and housing, among others.It also provides key indicators of a nation's quality of1 ife such as the infant mortal ity rate. A consistent themeof the series has been the great disparity between theprodigious resources devoted to the military and therelatively scanty funds committed to human needs. Theannual editions are an excellent resource for studentsof collective violence, both behavioral and structural.~ 7. 57 *Wright, Gordon. "The Impact of Total War." In TheOrdeal of Total War, 1939-1945. New York: Harperand Row, 1968. LC 68-28221.In the final chapter of his important study ofWorld War II, Wright examines the political, social,and psychological impacts of the war on Westernsociety. A major conclusion is that there is a tendencyfor democratic political institutions to weaken whenthey are engaged in a war against totalitarian powers.* 7. 58 *Wright, Quincy. A Study of War. With a commentaryon war since 1941. 2d ed. Chicago: University ofChicago Press, 1965. LC 65-5396.Wright coordinated this vast compendium of dataon trends in warfare throughouthistory at the Universityof Chicago. This edition, in 1, 637 pages, is a onevolume,updated abridgement of the work that wasoriginally published in two volumes in 1942.Nuclear Omnicide~759~Ball, Desmond, and Jeffrey Richelson, eds. StrategicNuclear Targeting. Ithaca, NY, and London: CornellUniversity Press, 1986. LC 85-48195. ISBN 0-8014-1898-4.In the preface to this truly remarkable collectionof authoritative articles on American, Soviet, British,and French nuclear targeting plans, the editors statethat "Declassified U. S. nuclear war plans of the late1940s and early 1950s showed that the target planningprocess had frequently been arbitrary and inefficientGenocide and Modern War 139

and sometimes irrational. " (p. 7) The chapters that ~ 7. 62 ~follow indicate that later American nuclear war plans Ford, Danieh?he Button: ?he Pentagon's Commandare by no means free of such problems; nor are those and Control System. New York: Simon & Schuster,of other nuclear-armed nations. Of particular impor- 1985. LC 84-27616. ISBN 0-671-50068-6.tance are the chapters by David Rosenberg, "U. S.On the basis of extensive interviews with keyNuclear War Planning, 1945-1960;" Ball, "The policymakers and decision makers, Ford identifies manyDevelopment of the SIOP, 1960-1983;" Richelson, fundamental problems in the arrangements for maintain-"Population Targeting and U. S. Strategic Doctrine;" ing control over nuclear weapons during both intenseand David Cattell and George Quester, "Ethnic Targeting:Some Bad Ideas. " international crises and actual conflict. He asserts that"Ethnic targeting" refers to the there is a sizeable "gap between official rhetoric anddeliberate targeting of specific population groups in theSoviet Union, notably the "Great Russians, " Pentagon plans" for nuclear war. (p. 17) The rhetoricas opposed calls for the use of American nuclear weapons only into members of other Republics. This approach, note retaliation for an enemy attack, but the actual plansthe authors, was advocated by key advisors to the involve the capacity for a pre-emptive, first strike withCarter and Reagan administrations. Cattell and Quester U. S. nuclear weapons. Ford also exposes the tendencyassert that the employment of such a targeting schemewould constitute "genocide. " of presidents to be quite ignorant of the nuclear(p. 281)weapons and war plans for which they are responsibleas Commander in Chief of all U. S. military forces.* 7. 60 *(p. 89-90) And he critically examines the "technologicalBundy, McGeorge. Danger and Survival: Choices illiteracy" of senior military officers responsible forAbout the Bomb in the First Fifty Years. New York: nuclear weapons: "The military commanders' lack ofRandom House, 1988. LC 88-42824. ISBN 0-394- knowledge about the new technology at their disposal52278-8.makes it very difficult for them to make sensibleA well-informed former presidential advisor relates choices. ... " (p. 186)the history of the nuclear age, from the decisions tobuild and then use the first atomic bombs to the present + 7. 63 *period. Bundy not only examines key actions hy the Gay, William C. , and Michael Pearson. 1he NuclearUnited States and the Soviet Union, but also explores Arms Race. Chicago and London: The Americanwhy other nations, like Great Britain and Israel, decided Library Association, 1987. LC 86-32087. ISBN 0-to acquire their own nuclear weapons.8389-0467-X.The authors have written excellent essays on the~ 7. 61 ~history of the arms race, consequences of nuclear war,Carter, Ashton, John D. Steinhrunner, and Charles A. and alternatives to present policies. They have providedZraket, eds. Managing Nuclear Operations. Washington,DC: Brookings, 1986. LC 86-32655. ISBN '0-annotated bibliographies on a wide range of issues, andappended a helpful section on how to obtain additional8157-131-4 pa.information. Their chapter on "The Probability ofLike 7. 59, this startling book goes beyond the Nuclear War" is particularly noteworthy.verbiage and rhetoric of much of the writing on nuclearstrategy to focus on details about actual arrangements * 7. 64 *for the weapons, both during peace and in the event Gay, William C. , and Ronald E. Santoni. "Philosophyof war. The editors, in their introduction, assert that and Contemporary Faces of Genocide: Multiple"All the widely accepted notions about the role of Genocide and Nuclear Destruction. " In Genocide: Anuclear weapons in security make strong, but frequently Critical Bibliographic Review. V. I. Ed. by Israel W.tacit and sometimes unjustified, assumptions about the Charny. London: Mansell and New York: Facts onability of the command system to manage nuclearweapons. " File, 1988. ISBN 0-7201-186-X (Mansell).(p. 2) Indeed, an important theme runningThe authors begin this essay on the philosophicalthrough the hook is the doubtful ability of maintaining dimensions of mass killing in the nuclear age by notingcontrol over nuclear weapons in the event that a nuclear that "For the first time in human history, the issue ofwar breaks out. The titles of some of the chapters give whether or not human beings possess the capacity toan idea of the array of issues that are examined:"Alerting in Crisis and Conventional War, " destroy all life on the planet Earth is heing debated. ""War"(p. 172) They then examine a number of topics,Termination, "Delegation of Nuclear Command including the possibility"of human extinction in a"Authority, "Targeting, "The Psychological Climate nuclear holocaust and traditional moral criteriaof Nuclear"forCommand, and "Sources of Error and so-called "just-wars. " The"essay is followed by anUncertainty. See also 7. 62. excellent annotated bibliography that will be useful to140 GENOCIDE

anyone, not just philosophers, seriously concernedabout the nuclear threat.~ 7. 65 ~Halperin, Morton. ?he Nuclear Fallacy: Dispelling theMyth of Nuclear Strategy. Cambridge, MA: BallingerPublishing Co. , 1987. LC 86-32255. ISBN 0-88730-114-2.A former deputy assistant secretary of defense haswritten a strong critique of past and present U. S.policies on nuclear weapons. Halperin identifies whathe sees as many fallacies in recent strategic thinkingand suggests that the most important fallacy is thetendency to think of "nuclear explosive devices" asweapons that can actually be used in war.~ 7. 66 ~Harkin, Tom, with C. E. Thomas. Five Minutes toMidnight: Why the Nuclear Threat Is Growing Faster?ban Ever. New York: Birch Lane Press — CarolPublishing Group, 1990. LC 90-19405. ISBN 1-5597-042-5.Although the recent improvement in U. S. -Sovietrelations and the presumed end of the Cold War mayhave induced some observers to dismiss the nuclearthreat to a low priority concern, these authors, thesenior of whom is a Democratic U. S. Senator fromIowa, argue persuasively that the danger posed bynuclear weapons is still all too real and urgent. In theirchapter, "The Growing Threat of" Nuclear War, Harkinand Thomas expose the continuing dangers posed bythe spread of nuclear weapons to additional nations.In addition to sounding a warning, they also includeseveral provocative chapters in a section titled "AlternativeNational Security Strategies. " See. also 7. 80.+ 7. 67 ~Herken, Gregg. Counsels of War. Expanded ed. NewYork: Oxford University Press, 1987. LC 86-31296.ISBN 0-19-504986-1.Herken conducted interviews with dozens of keypolicymakers and delved through many primary andsecondary documents in order to create this revealing,and frequently disturbing, historical study. Like Fordin 7. 62, he exposes the fact that, while our leaders havestated publicly that American nuclear weapons wouldbe used only in retaliation for a nuclear attack againstus, the actual war plans have called for U. S. tirststrikes. Herken also documentsthe role of "inter-ser-vice rivalry, " where the several branches of the U. S.military forces compete for shares of the defense budgetand for new weapons technologies, in driving thenuclear arms race forward.* 7. 68 *Kaku, Michio, and Daniel Axelrod. To Win a NuclearWar: The Pentagon 's Secret War Plans. Boston: SouthEnd Press, 1987. LC 86-. 27974. ISBN 0-89608-321-7pa.Recently declassifed Pentagon documents, manyobtained through the Freedom of Information Act, arethe basis of the authors' examination of secret U. S.nuclear plans from 1945 through the mid-1980s. Kakuand Axelrod assert that "These secret documentsdemonstrate in detail that, contrary to public statementsand widespread popular belief, in periods of crisis thePentagon has indeed threatened the use of nuclearweapons against Third World nations and has seriouslyconsidered launching a first strike against the SovietUnion. " (p. 3)*7. 69 ~Kaplan, Fred. 1he Wt'zards of Armageddon. New York:Simon & Schuster, 1983. LC 83-369. ISBN 0-671-42444-0.This is perhaps the best single historical narrativeof the development of American nuclear weapons policyfrom the end of World War II through the early 1980s.In-depth interviews with dozens of key figures, rangingfrom former secretaries of defense through retiredgenerals to still-active nuclear policymakers, enabledKaplan to produce a fascinating, intimate portrait ofthe key individuals and organizations responsible fornuclear war plans that reads almost like a novel. Ofparticular note is his account of the continuity inpersonnel and philosophy between the firebombing ofJapanese cities during World War II and early post-waratomic warfare policy. (p. 33-50) Kaplan also revealshow the ostensibly "scientific" basis of nuclear policymaking often masks personal bias and organizationalinterests; for example, claims that the United Stateswas dangerously behind the Soviet Union with respectto bombers and missiles, the so-called "bomber gap"of the 1950s and "missile gap" of the 1960s, respectively,were based on demonstrably weak and even deliberatelydistorted evidence, but led nonetheless to increasesin defense spending and nuclear weapon deployments.(p. 155-173)*7. 70 ~Kolkowicz, Roman, ed. The Logic of Nuclear Terror.Boston: Allen & Unwin, 1986. LC 86-22317. ISBN0-04-497032-3 pa.During the last few years, there has been aplethora of books published on the subject of nucleardeterrence. This is one of the very best. Kolkowicz,in a chapter titled "Intellectuals and the DeterrenceSystem, " traces the evolution of a new academicspeciality, "nuclear strategists, " which purported to beGenocide and Modern War 141

able to evaluate various nuclear weapons policies inobjective, nonpolitical, scientific terms, a claim whichKolkowicz finds debatable. (p. 26) The essay by KenBooth, "Nuclear Deterrence and 'World War III': HowWill History Judge?" emphasizes the disastrous consequencesof the actual use of nuclear weapons andforcefully reminds the reader that deterrence, to becredible, rests on the ability and willingness to slaughtermillions of innocent people. Also noteworthy arethe essays by Robert Jervis, "Strategic Theory: What' sNew and What's True;" and Joseph Nye, "TheLong-Term Future of Nuclear Deterrence. "¹7, 71 ¹Kovel, Joel. Against the State of Nuclear Terror.Boston: South End Press, 1983. LC 84-50942. ISBN0-89608-219-9 pa.In an impassioned, but carefully-documented,attack on American nuclear weapons policies, Kovelexplores the psychological, cultural, and politicalreasons that the American public has been so passivein the face of threatened annihilation. Among hisimportant conclusions are that nuclear weapons areantithetical to democracy, and that "nuclear states"utilize a variety of methods to "terrorize" their citizensinto compliance with national security policies. In PartII, he explores the provocative theme of technocracy,"domination projected through science, " as an importantfactor in. the nuclear predicament. Finally, hesuggests principles and directions for anti-nuclearpolitics.¹ 7. 72 ¹Kramer, Ronald C. , and Sam Marullo. "Toward aSociology of Nuclear Weapons. " ?he SociologicalQuarterly 26, no. 3 (1985): 277-292.The authors criticize recent neglect of the nuclearthreat by sociologists, review earlier contributions thatsociologists did make toward understanding it, andsuggest directions for further research. Theirs is thelead article of a special section of four pieces on "TheSociology of the Nuclear Threat. "¹ 7. 73 ¹Kurtz, Lester R. 7he Nuclear Cage: A Sociology of theArms Race. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1988.LC 87-19296. ISBN 0-13-625396-5 pa.Kurtz applies sociology and other behavioralsciences to explain how we have become trapped in"the nuclear cage" (i. e. a world threatened by thespectre of nuclear holocaust). The three chapters in PartII, "Reciprocity, Bureaucracy, and Ritual, " "The SocialPsychology of Warfare, " and "Economic and SocialRoots of the Arms Race, " examine concepts andprocesses that are often ignored or given short shriftin books on nuclear weapons issues. Kurtz concludeswith four chapters on the subject of "Preventing theHolocaust. " His book would serve well as a core textfor courses on nuclear weapons and nuclear war.¹ 7. 74 ¹Lifton, Robert Jay, and Richard Falk. IndefensibleWeapons: 1he Political and Psychological Case AgainstNuclearism. New York: Basic Books, 1982. LC 82-76850. ISBN 0-465-03237-0 pa.Lifton and Falk identify and critique the phenomenonof nuclearism, which they define as ". ..-psychologi-cal, political, ard military dependence on nuclearweapons, the embrace of the weapons as a solution toa wide variety of human dilemmas, most ironically thatof 'security. '" The first part, written by Lifton, apsychiatrist, examines a wide range of psychologicalaspects of nuclearism, while the second, written byFalk, a scholar in international law and politics, tracesits political causes and consequences. Both authorsmake recommendations for changes and reforms at theindividual and political levels.*7. 75 ¹McLean, Scilla, ed. How Nuclear Weapons DecisionsAre Made. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1986. LC85-27869. ISBN 0-312-39530-2.The chapters in this important compendiumdescribe the organizations and procedures responsiblefor nuclear weapons policy in the United States, theSoviet Union, and other nuclear-armed nations.* 7. 76 *Rhodes, Richard. The Making of the Atomic Bomb.New York: Simon & Schuster, 1986. LC 86-15445.ISBN 0-671-44133-7.In this massive and richly detailed history of thedevelopment of the first atomic bombs and the decisionsto drop them on the Japanese cities of Hiroshima andNagasaki, Rhodes uses excerpts from diaries andmemoirs to create vivid portraits of the individualsinvolved in one of the most significant enterprises inhistory. Rhodes provides a thorough explanation of theadvances in nuclear physics that led to the atomic bomband describes the violent wartime context in which itwas used. He also uses accounts by Japanese survivorsin order to reveal the nature of atomic destruction. Hisbook won both the National Book Award and thePulitzer Prize.¹ 777¹Sagan, Carl, and Richard Turco. A Path Where NoMan Thought: Nuclear Winter and the End of the ArmsRace. New York: Random House, 1990. LC 89-4315.ISBN 0-394-58307-8.142 GENOCIDE

Two scientists who were involved in the discoveryof the nuclear winter phenomenon make a majorcontribution to informed awareness of the nuclearthreat. They assess recent scientific efforts to evaluatethe probability that nuclear war would cause nuclearwinter and conclude that even a "small" nuclear warwould probably cause disastrous damage to the earth' secosystem. They also criticize existing policy makingabout nuclear weapons for failing to adequately appreciatethe danger of nuclear winter. And they offer anumber of thoughtful proposals for reducing the riskof nuclear omnicide. Like Harkin and Thomas in 7. 66,they argue against complacency about the nuclear threateven in a post-Cold War era: "Altogether there arenearly 60, 000 nuclear weapons in the world. Behindthe welcome improvements in rhetoric and relations,the machinery of mass murder still waits, purring and'attentive. (p. xviii)*7. 78 ¹Sederberg, Peter C. , ed. Nuclear Winter, Deterrenceand the Prevention of Nuclear War. New York:Praeger, 1986. LC 86-8412. ISBN 0-275-92160-3 pa.The contributors to this excellent collection wereasked to discuss the implications for nuclear weaponspolicy of the so-called "nuclear winter" phenomenon,that is, the probability that even a "small" nuclear warwould probably cause far greater damage to theplanetary ecosystem than previously assumed. Theirconclusions range from the conviction that nuclearwinter has made nuclear deterrence obsolete to areluctant acceptance of the fact that deterrence willremain a necessary policy into the distant future.Among the most noteworthy essays are Sederberg'son "Nuclear Winter: Paradoxes and Paradigm Shifts;"William Baugh's on "Dilemmas of Deterrence Policy;"and Robert Kennedy's on "Nuclear Winter, WarPrevention, and the Nuclear Deterrent. "¹ 7. 79 ¹Somerville, John. "Nuclear 'War' Is Omnicide. " InNuclear War: Philosophical Perspectives. Ed. byMichael Allen Fox and Leo Groarke. New York: PeterLang Publishing Co. , 1985. LC 85-4274. ISBN 0-8204-0209-5.Somerville was one of the first to use the conceptof "omnicide" to refer to nuclear war.¹ 7. 80 ¹Spector, Leonard S. 1he Undeclared Bomb: The Spreadof Nuclear Weapons, 1987-88. Cambridge, MA:Ballinger Publishing Co, 1988. LC 88-28726. ISBN0-88730-303-X.Spector is one of the most widely respectedauthorities on the spread of nuclear weapons. Here heexamines the political and military motives, as well asthe technical means, for the proliferation of nuclearweapons. See also his more recent article, "The NewNuclear Nations, " Social Education (March 1990):143-145.¹ 7. 81*White, Ralph K. , ed. Psychology and the Preventionof Nuclear War: A Book of Readings. New York: NewYork University Press, 1986. LC 85-15520. ISBN 0-8147-9203-0.Edited by one of the pioneers in the psychologicalstudy of war and peace issues, this excellent collectionof readings covers a wide range of topics, includingpsychological effects of the nuclear threat; psychologicaldimensions of nuclear deterrence; attitudes of"ordinary" citizens and leaders; sources of impairedperception and judgment by decision makers; managementof crises; and approaches to resolving conflictswithout resort to violence by negotiation, bargaining,and mediation.¹ 7. 82 ¹Edward. 1he Day after World War III.Zuckerman,New York: The Viking Press, 1984. LC 83-040230.ISBN 0-670-25880-6.Zuckerman provides a detailed account of past andpresent American plans for survivingnuclear war, withmany fascinating details about actual arrangements. Healso offers insights into the mindsets of individualsresponsible for making the plans.Commonalities and Connections between Genocideand Modern War* 7. 83 *Aronson, Ronald. 7he Dialectics of Disaster: A Prefaceto Hope. London: Verso, 1983. (Dist. by SchockenBooks. ) ISBN 0-86091-075-X.In this important book, Aronson makes a comparativeanalysis of the Nazi Holocaust, purges and otherforms of mass killing under Stalin in the Soviet Union,and the American war in Vietnam. After examiningcommonalities and differences among these threehistorical cases, he analyzes two ongoing cases involvingactual or potential violence, the Arab-Israeli conflictand the nuclear arms race. The overall goal of thiscreative book is to suggest answers to the question withwhich it begins: "Is there reason to hope today?" (p. ix)Three of the eight chapters directly address the questionof hope in an age of violence.7 84Askenasy, Hans. Are We All Nazis? Secaucus, NJ: LyleStuart, 1978. LC 77-13596. ISBN 0-8184-0248-2.Genocide and Modern War 143

In an angry, stimulating book, Askenasy assertsthat some of the same psychological and social factorsthat made the Holocaust possible are still active andinfluential in modern nations, including the UnitedStates.~ 7. 85 *Bedau, Hugo Adam. "Genocide in Vietnam?" InPhilosophy, Morality, and International Affairs. Ed.by Virginia Held, Sidney Morgenbesser, and ThomasNagel. New York: Oxford University Press, 1974. LC73-90349. ISBN 0-19-501759-5.In an erudite paper, Bedau denies allegations thatU. S. actions during its war in Vietnam, such as massbombing, free-fire zones, and defoliation, constituteda case of genocide. He concludes that while suchactions resulted in indiscriminate mass killing ofcivilians, there was not clear evidence of intent todestroy a group, in whole or in part, as required bythe Genocide Convention for a finding of genocide.Bedau does suggest, however, that "The gap betweenthe results of the present discussion and a verdict ofgenocide is not very wide" (p. 45)+786~Bauman, Zygmunt. Modernity and the Holocaust.Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1989. LC 89-7274. ISBN 0-8014-2397-X.Bauman's sociological analysis of the Holocaustilluminates other cases of twentieth century genocideand other forms of mass killing, like modern warfare.After decrying the relative neglect of the Holocaust bysociologists, Bauman states that he will "treat theHolocaust as a rare but significant and reliable testofthe hiddenpossibilitiesofmodern society. " (emphasisin the original, p. 12) In the remainder of thechapter, he proceeds to examine "the meaning of thecivilizing process, " the "social production of moral"indifference, the "social production of moral invisibility," and the "moral consequences of the civilizingprocess. " (p. 18-30) In late'r chapters, he examines suchthemes as the "peculiarity of modern genocide, ""dehumanization of bureaucratic objects, " "the role ofbureaucracy in the Holocaust, " and "inhumanity as afunction of social distance. "~787~Charny, Israel W. , in collaboration with ChananRapaport. How Can We Commit the Unthinkable?Genocide, the Human Cancer. Boulder, CO: WestviewPress, 1982. LC 81-19784. ISBN 0-86531-358-X.In this indispensable work, a pioneer in the fieldof genocide studies explores in detail social andpsychological forces that enable ostensibly normal menand women to participate in genocides and other formsof mass killing. One of his provocative psychologicalconclusions is that mass murder of designated victimsmay be an attempt to cope with and master death-anxietyand other forms of insecurity in the victimizinggroup. (p. 91-182) The final section of the book istitled, "Why Can There Still Be Hope?" and includestwo chapters that explore the concept of "nonviolentaggression" and one that advocates a "genocide earlywarning system. " The text is followed by a lengthysection of richly annotated footnotes.+ 7. 88 *Charny, Israel W. "Understanding the Psychology ofGenocidal"Destructiveness. In Genocide: A CriticalBibliographic Review. Ed. by Israel W. Charny.London: Mansell and New York: Facts on File, 1988.ISBN 0-7201-186-X (Mansell).This concise account of Charny's thought onpsychological and social factors in mass killing updatesthe entry above, 7. 87. It consists of a narrative essay,followed by an annotated bibliography.* 7. 89 *Collins, Randall. "Three Faces of Cruelty: Towardsa Comparative Sociology of Evil. " Theory and Society1 (1974): 415-440.In a crucial theoretical and empirical contributionto the understanding of collective violence and masskilling, Collins examines three dimensions of humancruelty: ferociousness —"This is the dimension of overtbrutality. ..;" callousness —"brutality routinized andbureaucratized, cruelty without passion;" and asceticism—"the turning of cruelty against oneself and againstothers with whom one has solidarity. " (p. 419) Of thethree, callousness is most characteristic of modernsociety, in large part because modern societies tend tobe bureaucratically organized, and because "thestructural organization of bureaucracy seems uniquelysuited for the perpetration of callous violence" (p. 432)~ 7. 90 *Coser, Lewis. "The Visibility of Evil." Journal ofSocial Issues 25, no. 1 (1969): 101-109.In a pioneering, and still timely, contribution,Coser examines how "good, " "normal" individuals canbe induced to inflict cruelty and death on other humanbeings. A fundamental process, he finds, is the "denialof common humanity" between the killers and theirvictims. Coser analyzes a number of social and culturalfactors that facilitate such dehumanization, includingculturally-inculcated stereotypes, "restrictions on thespan of" sympathy, and simple "denial of"knowledge.144 GENOCIDE

~ 7. 91 ~Falk, Richard. "Ecocide, Genocide, and the Nuremberg"Traditionof Individual Responsibility. In Philosophy,Morality, and International Affairs. Ed. by VirginiaHeld, Sidney Morgenbesser, and Thomas Nagel. NewYork: Oxford University Press, '1974. LC 73-90349.ISBN 0-19-501759-5.Falk's is another thoughtfulassessment of whetherU. S. actions in the Vietnam war constituted genocide.Falk also considers parallels between genocide andecocide, the deliberate destruction of habitat. See also7. 85 and 7. 9.~ 7. 92 *Gault, William Barry. "Some Remarks on Slaughter. "American Journal of Psychiatry 128, no. 4 (1971):450-455.On the basis of interviews with returning Vietnamcombat veterans who had observed or participated inmassacres of defenseless Vietnamese, the author, anArmy psychiatrist, identifies several "principlescontributing to slaughter. " (p. 451) These "devices... through which relatively normal men overcameand eventually neutralized their natural repugnancetoward slaughter" included the inability to preciselydefine the enemy in a guerilla war ("the enemy iseverywhere"); dehumanization of the victims — Gaultuses the apt term "cartoonization;" "dilution of responsibility"through the chain of command; and the "readyavailability of firepower. " (p. 451-452)+ 7. 93 *Group for the Advancementof Psychiatry. Committeeon Social Issues. Psychiatric Aspects of the Preventionof Nuclear War. Report ¹ 57. New York: AmericanPsychiatric Association, 1964. LC 64-7800.Dehumanization is the practice of regarding peopletargeted for violence as less than human and thereforeundeserving of any moral or empathic considerations.Dehumanization, as this report documents, is animportant factor in both modern warfare and in genocide.+ 7. 94 ~Hart, Hornell. "Acceleration in Social Change. " InTechnology and Social Change. Ed. by Francis R.Allen, et al. New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts,1957 LC 57-5944.Hart's article is an early, but still very relevant,sociological analysis of the ever-increasing rate ofcultural and technological change in the modern era.Of particular interest are Hart's discussions of "theaccelerating power to killand to destroy, " accompaniedby several excellent charts and graphs, and "whycultural change accelerates. " The article by FrancisAllen, "Influence of Technology on War, " in the samevolume is also excellent. Both authors document themassive increase in the destructive power of modernweapons and the consequently increased costs of war,both human and economic.~ 795*Hughes, Everett C. "Good People and Dirty Work. "Social Problems 10, no. 1 (1962): 3-11.Referring to the mass killings of the Holocaust,sociologist Hughes asks: "How and where could therebe found in a modern civilized country the severalhundred thousand men and women capable of suchwork?" (p. 4) His answers to this question are relevantnot only to the Holocaust, but also to other cases ofgovernmental mass killing projects, including total war.Among his important points is his suggestion that"those pariahs who do the dirty work of society, e. g.exterminating society's 'enemies, ' are really acting asagents for the rest of us. " (p. 7)~796~Johnson, Robert. "Institutions and the Promotion ofViolence. " In Violent Transactions: The Limits ofPersonality. Ed. by Anne Campbell and John J. Gibbs.Oxford and New York: Basil Blackwell, 1986. LC 86-8228. ISBN 0-631-14633-4.Johnson analyzes some of the processes by whichlarge-scale organizations facilitate contributions toviolent outcomes by otherwise "ordinary" employees.These processes include bureaucratic routinizationand division of labor, authorization, situational socialization,' and dehumanization of both the implementersand victims of violence.+ 7. 97*Katz, Steven T. "Technology and Genocide: Technologyas a 'Form of Life. '" In Echoes from the Holocaust:Philosophical Reflections on a Dark Time. Ed. by AlanRosenberg and Gerald Meyers. Philadelphia: TempleUniversity Press, 1989.Although this brilliant essay focuses specificallyon the Holocaust, it illuminates how technology canfacilitate other forms of mass killing, including war.Among the provocative concepts Katz analyses is the"technological mentality" (p. 276) See also 7. 98.* 7. 98 *Lang, Berel. "Genocide and Omnicide: Technologyat the Limits. " In Nuclear Weapons and the Future ofHumanity: The Fundamental Questions. Ed. by StevenLee and Avner Cohen. Totowa, NJ: Rowman &All enheld, 1986.Genocide and Modern War 145

Lang reflects on how technology facilitated boththe perpetration of the Holocaust and the preparationsfor nuclear omnicide. See also 7. 97.~ 7. 99 ~Kelman, Herbert C. , and V. Lee Hamilton. Crimes ofObedience: Toward a Social Psychology of Authorityand Responsibility. New Haven and London: YaleUniversity Press, 1989.Many of those involved in governmental masskilling projects justify their complicity by claiming to"have "obeyed authority. Kelman and Hamiltonexamine several "crimes of obedience, " including thecases of William Calley, Klaus Barbie, and KurtWaldheim, in order to clarify the psychological andsocial dimensions of such crimes. The authors examineseveral social-psychological processes that facilitateviolence by weakening moral and'empathic restraints.Among these processes are authorization, routinization,and dehumanization. They also discuss the infamous"Obedience to Authority" experiments conducted byStanley Milgram. The final chapter, "On Breaking theHabit of Unquestioning Obedience, " is particularlynoteworthy.* 7. 100 *Kuper, Leo. "Epilogue: The Nuclear Arms Race andGenocide. " In The Prevention of Genocide. NewHaven: Yale University Press;. 1985. LC 85-40465.ISBN 0-300-03418-0.Kuper, one of the leading scholars of genocide,comments on "some of the implications of nucleararmaments, which now present an overwhelming threatof genocide, and indeed of omnicide, the extinction ofour species. " (p. 228) Among his points: "Manysources of conditioning to nuclear w'arfare derive fromquite ordinary routines in industry, government bureaucracies,and the armed forces. Some of the implicationsof their conditioning appear more clearly in the contextof Nazi experience. " (p. 235) See also 7. 102.~ 7. 101 +Lifton, Robert Jay. The Broken Connection: On Deathand the Continuity of Life. New York: Simon andSchuster, 1979. LC 79-12886. ISBN 0-671-22561-8.Lifton explores psychological issues relevant togenocide, war, and nuclear omnicide. He traces asequence in genocidal killing from what he terms"psychohistorical dislocation, " that is, disconcertingand bewildering confusion and anxiety caused by rapidsocial change and economic and political instability,to a desperate search for "cure" in the form of atotalitarian ideology that purports' to explain thedislocation and provide a means for transcending it.The transcendence usually occurs by radically trans-forming the society at the expense of designated victimswho become scapegoats for the perpetrators' anxietiesand fears. Part III, "Death and History: The NuclearImage" (p. 283-387), and the chapters on "Dislocationand Totalism" and "Victimization and Mass Violence"are particularly valuable.* 7. 102 *Lifton, Robert Jay, and Eric Markusen. The GenocidalMentality: Nazi Holocaust and Nuclear Threat. NewYork: Basic Books, 1990. LC 89-43101. ISBN 0-465-02662-1.Lifton and Markusen argue that the actual genocidecarried out by the Nazis and the potential genocideinherent in the preparations for nuclear war both reflectan underlying mind-set which the authors term "the"genocidal mentality. In the nuclear case, this "can bedefined as a mind-set that includes individual andcollective willingness to produce, deploy, and, accordingto certain standards of necessity, use weaponsknown to destroy entire human populations — millions,or tens or hundreds of millions, of people. " (p. 3)While recognizing important differences between thetwo cases, Lifton and Markusen identify and analyzea number of important parallels and commonalities.Among these commonalities are the embrace of aviolent national security ideology in response to a senseof threat to the society; the use of science, and pseudoscience,to rationalize policies involving actual orpotential mass killing; the involvement of highly-educatedprofessionals in the enterprise; and the facilitatingroles of bureaucratic organization, euphemisticlanguage, and a variety of psychological defensemechanisms, such as psychic numbing and doubling.The authors devote a chapter to the question of victimsof the Holocaust and potential victims of nuclear war.They conclude with a call for further development ofa gradually emerging "species"mentality, that is, "fullconsciousness of ourselves as members of the humanspecies, a species now under threat of extinction. . . asense of self that identifiesspecies. " (p. 258)* 7. 103 *with the entire humanMarkusen, Eric. "Genocide and Total War: A Prelimi-"nary Comparison. In Genocide and the Modern Age.Ed. by Isidor Wallimann and Michael Dobkowski. NewYork; Greenwood Press, 1987. LC 86-9978. ISBN 0-313-24198-8.Markusen identifies a number of psychological,organizational, and technological factors common toboth genocide and total war and concludes that "Warfarein the twentieth century has become increasinglygenocidal, and several genocides. .. resemble military146 GENOCIDE

campaigns and utilize military forces in the killingprocess. " (p. 118)* 7. 104 *Markusen, Eric. "Genocide, Total War, and NuclearOmnicide. " In Genocide: A Critical BibliographicReview, V. Il. Ed. by Israel W. Charny. London:Mansell and New York: Facts on File, 1991. ISBN 0-7201-2053-5 (Mansell).Includes a discussion of genocide, total war, andthe capacity for nuclear war as national securitypolicies, as well as an analysis of organizational loyaltyas an important psychosocial facilitating factor inseveral types of governmental mass killing.~ 7. 105 *Markusen, Eric, and David Kopf. The Holocaust andStrategic Bombing: Genocide and Total War in theTwentieth Century. Boulder, CO: Westview Press.Forthcoming.The authors make a comparative analysis ofgenocide and war as two forms of state-sanctioned masskilling that focuses on the Holocaust as an exemplarycase of genocide and the British and American strategicbombing campaigns of World War II as an exemplarycase of total war. They analyze the two cases in termsof a conceptual framework of psychological, organizational,and technological facilitating factors, and thenapply the framework to the nuclear arms race. Finally,they examine the implications of the study for othertwentieth century wars and genocides.* 7. 106 ~Mason, Henry L. "Imponderables of the Holocaust. "World Politics 34, no. 3 (1981): 90-113.* 7. 107 *Mason, Henry L. "The Fate of the Earth and the Fateof the Jews: Responses to Holocaust. " Unpublishedmanuscript. 124p. 1986.* 7. 108 *Mason, Henry L. "Implementing the Final Solution:"The Ordinary Regulating of the Extraordinary. WorldPolitics 40, no. 4 (1988): 543-569.All three of these works contribute importantinsights not only to the understanding of the Holocaust,butof genocide and other forms of mass killingas well,particularly with respect to ideological and institutionalaspects. The 1986 monograph is a comparative analysisof the Holocaust and the capacity for nuclear omnicide.Mason is a Professor in the Department of PoliticalScience at Tulane University, New Orleans, Louisiana70118.* 7. 109 ~Merton, Robert K. "Bureaucratic Structure and Personality." In Social Theory and Social Structure. Ed. byRobert K. Merton. New York: The Free Press, 1957.LC 56-10581.Merton's is a concise, classic analysis of the natureof bureaucracy and the multiple effects of bureaucracieson individuals working within them. Of particularrelevance are his discussions of "trained incapacities"and "the stress on the depersonalization of relationships."* 7. 110 *Nash, Henry T. "The Bureaucratization of Homicide. "Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists 36, no. 4 (1980):22-27.In this very significant article, Nash, a formerintelligence analyst in the Air Targets Division of theU. S. Air Force, explains how the bureaucratic natureof his working environment made it possible "calmlyto plan to incinerate vast numbers of unknown humanbeings without any sense of moral revulsion. " (p. 22)Among factors Nash discusses are the preoccupationwith technique and puzzle-solving at the expense ofmoral-ethical concerns and the use of euphemisticlanguage that mutes the full reality of the work beingdone.* 7. 111 *Opotow, Susan, ed. "Moral Exclusion and Injustice. "Journal of Social Issues 46, no. 1 (1990): 1-99.Among the most noteworthy articles in thisvaluable collection are "Psychological Roots of MoralExclusion, " by Morton Deutsch; "Selective Activationand Disengagement of Moral Control, " by AlbertBandura; and "Moral Exclusion, Personal Goal Theory,"and Extreme Destructiveness, by Evrin Staub.* 7. 112 ~"Peattie, Lisa. "Normalizing the Unthinkable. Bulletinof the Atomic Scientists 40, no. 3 (1984): 32-36.Peattie explicitly compares the Holocaust to thepreparations for nuclear war. She suggests that "Thereappears to be no situation so abnormal, experientially,socially, morally, that human beings, if not totallystunned out of all reactivity, will not at least strive toassimilate it to normal practice. .. " (p. 32) She thenanalyzes how the division of labor in both enterprisescontributed importantly to the process of normalization.* 7. 113 *Sanford, Nevitt, Craig Comstock, and Associates, eds.Sanctions for Evil. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass,1971. LC 79-129769. ISBN 0-87589-077-6.Genocide and Modern War 147

This is a pioneering collection of essays on socialand psychological processes that facilitate collectiveviolence and mass killing. The titles of only a few ofthe chapters will give a hint of the range of issues thatare examined: "Conditions for Guilt-Free Massacre, "by Troy Duster; "Groupthink"Among Policymakers,by Irving Janis; "Authoritarianism and Social Des'tructiveness"by Nevitt Sanford; "Evil and the AmericanEthos, " by Robert Bellah; "Existential Evil, " by RobertJay Lifton; and "Resisting Institutional Evil fromWithin, " by Jan Howard and Robert Somers.~ 7. 114 ~Staub, Ervin. Roots of Evil:?he Origins of Genocideand Other Group Violence. Cambridge and New York:Cambridge University Press, 1989. LC 89-32632. ISBN0-521-35407-2.An authority on altruism grapples with the problemof mass killing in this valuable book. In the first part,Staub develops a conceptual framework of psychologicaland social factors that account for how "a subgroupof society. . . comes to be mistreated and destroyed bya more powerful group or"government. (p. 4) In themiddle two parts, he tests the applicability of hisconceptual framework by comparatively analyzing fourcases of genocide and mass killing: the Holocaust, theTurkish genocide of the Armenians, the Cambodian"autogenocide" from 1975 through 1978, and the"disappearances" and murders of civilians in Argentinaduring the 1970s. Finally, in the fourth part, hediscusses the origins of war and then applies the lessonsfrom the comparative analysis, as well as his earlierwork on prosocial and altruistic behavior, to theproblem of creating "a world of nonaggression,cooperation, caring, and human connection. " (p. 283)~ 7. 115 *Weber, Max. "Bureaucracy. " In From Max Weber:Essays in Sociology. Ed. by H. H. Gerth and C. WrightMills. New York: Oxford University Press, 1946. LC46-5298.The classic analysis of the characteristics ofbureaucracies.148 GENOCIDE

Chapter 8EARLY WARNING,INTERVENTION, ANDPREVENTION OF GENOCIDEby Israel W. CharnyThe Foreseeabilityof GenocideThe record of governments on the prevention of,or intervention in, genocide has always been verypoor. Even those states that can be called thebastions of democracy, such as the United Statesand Israel, have deeply tarnished records. Inpart to counterbalance the performance ofgovernments, it is urgently necessary to makeindividuals far more aware than they have beenof their responsibility to guard against theintrusion of attitudes that promote genocide.Charny analyzes various key indicators that newgenocidal threats may be taking shape.Governments should immediately give theirsupport to several international initiatives for theprevention of genocide, such as the creation ofan International Genocide Bureau or a WorldGenocide Tribunal.After a genocide has occurred, there are manypeople all around the world who care very much aboutthe fates of the victims, the unbearable pain of thesurvivors and their extended families, and the survivalof their national, ethnic, or religious group. However,human society has thus far failed, one can say almostcompletely, to take strong and effective stands againstongoing events of genocide or genocide which threatensto occur in the foreseeable future.It can be argued that some or perhaps even muchof the Holocaust could have been prevented had theworld taken notice of the information that was comingin about the incredible murders of the Jews. To thisday, for example, there are many who are critical ofboth the United States and British governments at thetime for failing to commit any military resources tobombing the supply lines to Auschwitz, if not sectionsof Auschwitz itself — as Jews had requested of the Alliedgovernments at the time. Similarly, there are manycriticisms of the International Red Cross, whichmaintained silence about its knowledge of Hitler's deathcamps. ' There are even criticisms of Zionist organiza-tions, in the United States and in the Jewish communityof then-Palestine, for failing to take sufficient actionsagainst Hitler in the 1930s, the years when the discriminatoryNuremberg laws were being passed and persecutionswere occurring daily, even before the actual fullblowndeath machinery was launched. In each of thesecases, the parties who could have helped had their ownEarly Warning, Intervention, and Prevention of Genocide 149

"good reasons" for not offering the help they couldhave given.No Cooperation with Mass KillersIn each case, there was a "reasonable" argumentwhy Hitler could not be opposed more openly becauseof what it would have "cost" to do so: America andEngland needed their full resources for the war effortand did not want to "waste" one soldier or one bombon missions that weren't critical to the war effort; theInternational Red Cross was concerned not to be barredby Hitler from rendering its important services to otherpeople in need in the various countries of Europe thatHitler occupied; and the Zionists were concerned beforethe outbreak of the war about getting out as manyZionist Jews as they could from Germany and Europe,and wanted the cooperation of the Nazi officials forthis purpose.To fight genocide, one has to have a convictionthat, at nopointin history and despite any selfinterest,one mustnever cooperate with any form ofmass killing,genocidal massacre, or genocide.It is interesting that in personal situations ofmurder, most people would not hesitate to choose theprinciple that murder must be opposed even if it coststhem something. Would you agree to be paid off toremain silent about the murder of your neighbor?Would you agree to "forget" a murder that you sawin your community in order to protect yourself fromthe retaliations of the murderer against yourself andyour family?Somehow when the patterns of murder are larger,involving thousands and millions of people, it is easierto persuade people to watch out for their own interestsand to avoid the risks of intervention.The Record of GovernmentsIs Very PoorThe record of governments on genocide is often,if not virtually always, very poor. At the level ofinternational governinent, following the sincere hopesof much of humankind in creating the UN and inpassage of the United Nations Convention on Genocidein the wake of World War II, the real record, asdescribed by Professor Leo Kuper of UCLA in ThePrevention of Genocide, ' is a sorry one of indifference,cynicism, impotence, and most outrageous manipulationsby member nations. Thus, former AmnestyAmerica President David Hawk has done intrepidresearch on the genocide in Cambodia and created aCambodia Documentation Commission which undertookto prepare a legal brief to bring charges against thegovernment of Cambodia before the World Court infulfillment of the procedures of the UN GenocideConvention. After several years of arduous work inpreparing the necessary legal materials, the Commissionfound that it could enlist no country in the world whichwas a member state of the United Nations to formallybring the charges. 'There are two reasons why even governments ofdemocratic societies do so poorly. The first is that,insofar as a government itself is a perpetrator ofgenocide, its reflex reaction is to defend itself fromscrutiny and criticism, and therefore correction becomesunlikely. In the case of totalitarian governments, theintention of the government from the outset will be todeceive everyone including its own people and suppressprotest and opposition to its genocidal policy.The second major obstacle is that the overwhelmingconsideration of governments is, always, one ofpragmatic self-interest and realism, which, of course,is what we mean by Realpolitik. This situation is notunlike that of major tobacco companies that go onpromoting their products in the face of the overwhelmingscientific evidence that smoking brings death tomillions of people.Governments have been known to rationalize theirpolicies of "playing ball" with other genocidal nationson the basis of every possible consideration: businessneeds, protection of one's own nationals, even the ideathat maintaining a presence in the genocidal countrywill make it more possible to moderate the genocidalpolicy sometime in the future! Almost invariably, thetruth is that underlying these policies of collaborationwith a genocidal nation we will find a) a value systemthat places cynical realism and ambition above anyconsideration of genuine ethical or spiritual commitmentsto other peoples' lives, and b) indifference, ifnot contempt, for the minority that is being victimized.Ugly Behaviors in the Bastions of DemocracyIn this essay, I use examples particularly from thetwo countries in which I am privileged to be at homeand about which I care deeply. Both are proudlycommitted to the deepest democratic values: one is thegreatest power on earth today, the United States; theother is a struggling tiny nation built on the ashes ofthe most severe instance of genocide in human history,Israel. The ugly behaviors and values that surface evenin these outstanding bastions of democracy teach usthat the evolutionary challenge for people and nationsto commit themselves to genuine protection of allhuman life is a huge task that basically is still farbeyond our Earth-civilization.150 GENOCIDE

The U. S. and Pol PotGovernment complicity ' in mass murders is farfrom ancient history. In our times, we have thecontinuing example of the United States maintainingdiplomatic recognition of Pol Pot and his Khmer Rougeparty as the legitimate ruling authority of the nationof Cambodia. This situation would be akin to theUnited States continuing to recognize Hitler and hisNazi party, had he lived following World War II. Whydid America continue to recognize Pol Pot? Americacould not bear the alternative of recognizing theCommunist regime installed in Cambodia by thegovernment of Vietnam, which is the hated Communistgovernment that America had been unable to defeat inthe Vietnam war. The parallel to this situation in theWorld War II scenario would have been that Americahad chosen to continue recognizing Hitler in order toavoid doing any kind of business with the SovietinstalledCommunist rulers of East Germany. Pol Potand his Khmer Rouge party had killed between 1 and3 million Cambodian people out of a population of 7million — cruelly, bizarrely, as was described so vividlyin the movie "The Killing Fields." Was there anyjustification whatsoever for continuing to recognizehim, even if it did "cost us something?" As this articlewas being written, there were more than a few indicationsthat Pol Pot may yet reconquer Cambodia andcreate a new ruling government.' If he does so, it willbe due in no small part to American recognition andactual material support given him these many yearsdespite his despicable crimes.The U. S. , Israel, and ChinaThe nations of the world today face the samequestion with regard to the People's Republic of China.In July 1989, the government of China massacred anestimated five thousand students in Tiananmen Squarein Peking. Within a week, the government of Chinawas denying that a massacre had taken place. Chinahas given the world a living example of how governmentsdeny their actions and then rewrite history. ' Inthe year that followed, it is reported that ten thousandpeople have been jailed for their participation orsympathy with the students' movement that had beendemanding greater freedom. Yet there are nations todaythat are cultivating relations with China, and the UnitedStates is one of these. Even though Congress insistedthat the U. S. suspend relations with China, PresidentBush used his executive authority to renew cordialrelations with them. Israel is another country that hascultivated contact with China in its eagerness to gainrecognition from this mammoth power and to cultivatewith it economic relationshipsher security.Israel, the U. S. , and the Armenianthat would strengthenGenocidePerhaps the most troubling example today of theinherent tendency of government as a bureaucraticorganizational process to cultivate indifference tovictims is found in certain actions of the Israeli govern-ment. Many of us would have expected this governmentto be the outstanding exception in our era because ofthe Jewish people's profound awareness of the horrorsof massacre, the dangers of corrupt government, andits own outrage at the indifference of nations whenJewish victims were being led to their deaths in theHolocaust.Yet Israel's Foreign Ministry ordered its diplomaticstaff in the United States to lobby in 1989 againstpassage of legislation in the U. S. Senate introducinga commemorative day for the. Armenian genocide. 'Thegovernment of Turkey bitterly opposes such legislationand any public confirmation of the Ottoman Turkishgenocide of the Armenians in 1915-1922, and eventhreatens to withdraw from NATO if such legislationis passed. Both the Reagan administration and the Bushadministration have bowed completely to the Turks;in fact Bush did so after having given a pledge to theArmenian community during his campaign to supportsuch legislation. Israel's explanation is that it mustprotect its interests with its nearby Moslem neighbor,Turkey, that Israel is a small nation, and Jews havelearned from history that they must take care ofthemselves.Another explanation that has been reported in thepress, which to the credit of Israeli society roundlycriticized the government position, is that "we don' twant other nations like the Armenians and the Cambodianscomparing their genocides to the Holocaust, "meaning that nobody else's genocidal tragedy shouldbe allowed to be compared with the unique tragedy ofthe Holocaust of the Jewish people — an argument whichI have heard myself from a senior Foreign Ministryofficial when we were arguing back in 1982 over theministry's demands that we remove any papers on theArmenian genocide from the agenda of the InternationalConference on the Holocaust and Genocide which wewere convening in Tel Aviv. 'The Responsibilityof IndividualsBoth the United States and the State of Israelobviously should know better about doing any kind ofbusiness with mass killers, no matter how "practical"it may be. I hope this article will inspire some readersto choose to stand up and demand that their governmentEarly Warning, Intervention, and Prevention of Genocide 151

take consistent ethical actions against any genocide.The responsibility of individuals also includes takinga stand against human rights violations and dehumanizationof any people, and having'the courage to refuseto follow any orders, even when one serves in amilitary organization, that call for the murders ofinnocent people. It also means refusing to acceptassignments to plan such actions for the future. Someyears ago, a graduate of one of America's greatmilitary academies was ordered to prepare plans forpreemptive strikes against the cities of the Soviet Unionand refused; he was ordered to quarters, courtmartialled,and then given a dishonorable discharge from themilitary. In the context of the fears America held ofSoviet nuclear attacks, it was ostensibly legitimate forthe United States military to be planning scenarios ofdefense against a possible enemy, but this youngmilitary officer knew that the planning of self-defensecannot include preparations for murdering hundredsof thousands and millions of civilians. He was preparedto pay a price for standing up for what he knew to bea true principle of American democracy, the universalprinciple of respect for human life.The Courage to WithstandOne's Own NationThere is no easy way for an individual to makean enduring commitment against genocide. For whenthe time comes, if we are citizens of a state that iscommitting genocide, it means that we must have thecourage to stand up against our own nation, society,perhaps even our own families.This was the choice Germans had to make duringWorld War II, whether to follow the orders to committhe murders that Hitler and his staff demanded of themor to defy those orders and attempt to circumvent theirown government. Interestingly enough, in recent yearsa study has been reported of some hundred Germanswho did refuse to follow orders, and to everyone' ssurprise it has turned out that ' the majority were notmade to pay for their refusal. But of course it is notalways possible to count on this. On the contrary, thechoice of standing for principle has to include thinkingabout whether or not one would be prepared to makethe ultimate sacrifice of oneself rather than participatein killing innocent others. All the information we havefrom public opinion studies and social science studiessuggests that the majority of Americans, and themajority of all human beings in this world, would dowhat they were told if they were commandedby theirsuperior officers in the military, or their governmentofficials, to go and kill masses of helpless men,women, and children of another people." I want thisessay to raise the que'stion for you the reader whetheryou are the kind of person who is willi ng to be diferentin principle. The chart on page 154 indicates what awillingness to be different entails.Proposal for a World Genocide Early WarningSystem Foundation'The concept of a Genocide Early Warning Systemhas been published in a variety of articles and chapters,and has earned strong positive reviews from humanrights specialists, social scientists, and some nationalleaders. Willie Brandt, former Chancellor of WestGermany, wrote, "Your plan to develop concepts andproposals for disseminating the information on thegenocide and human rights data bank sounds fascinating.I would like to assure you that I am ready to givemy moral support. " A former U. S. Deputy AssistantSecretary of State for Human Rights, Roberta Cohen,says, "Your proposal to establish a Genocide EarlyWarning System is an excellent idea. Had such asystem operated effectively in the past, countless livesmight have been saved in many parts of the world. "The purpose of the Genocide Early Warningon three levels. FirstSystem is to collect informationand foremost, it is to assemble information of ongoinggenocides and massacres in the world on a regular,authoritative basis. Second, it is to maintain a continuousmonitoring of information on human rights violations.Third, it is to be the basis for a series of researchesto understand more of the patterns throughwhich massacre, mass murder, and genocide build upin a society, so that we will learn how to predict andalert people to the increasing dangers of mass murdersin different societies well before they happen.1here is no data bank for human rights informationin the world today. Moreover, there is no responsi-ble ongoing information source for the news of severeconditions of massacre and mass murder. What happenscharacteristically is that the information is reportedepisodically in certain newspapers. At the time of thesereports they are often, characteristically, described as"unconfirmed" or "alleged. " In any case, having printedthe news, these newspapers tend not to follow up withmany subsequent stories because, after all, the storyhas already been printed! In other words, from thepoint of view of the news that "makes news, " once amassacre has been reported, even its continuation maynot be that "interesting" to those news sources that seethemselves as having to provide a kind of entertainmentquality with "new" stories for their readers.The problem goes deeper, however. Even if thenews tracking is more complete — as happens whensome country or area of the world seizes the imaginationof the rest of the world — the reader still is left withan experience of learning that something terrible hashappened that he or she can do nothing about. Such152 GENOCIDE

experiences often produce feelings of despair orcynicism or both for readers.The purpose of creating a Genocide Early WarningSystem Foundation is to help to develop a center thatnot only will receive, house, and make available ona continuous basis information of ongoing massacresin the world, but also that will be an internationalagency on behalf of human society as it speaks for theintention of humankind to care about and protect humanlife. The informations to be delivered to society by theearly warning system are not only to maintain updatedfactual information, but also to convey the presenceof an internationalagency that represents the evolutionof a humane society which intends to keep a spotlighton the wrongdoings of mass murder. Sadly, themillions of words written about genocides to daterepresent essentially crying after th'e task is over. Thereal purpose of early warnings of genocide is to helpthe world develop new energies and new forms forattacking mass murder long before the murderers havecompleted their horrible task.The Genocide Early Warning System we haveplanned is built on a conceptual structure that assemblesinformation over a long term about the basic processesin each society which support human life and thosewhich are moving towards the destruction of humanlife. Both processes are known to be present in allsocieties. An equal balance of these processes favorsthe protection of human life as the desired hallmarkof a society which will be unavailable to engage in massmurder. Clearly, in some societies long before anymass murder has been executed, the balance in somesocieties is very much tipped towards destruction ofhuman life.The Genocide Early Warning System identifiesongoing processes as differentiated from criticalincidents, which are also recorded; the first refers to,for instance, the degree of protection of free speech,or the degree of discriminationof minorities, while thesecond refers to dramatic events such as a major turnin policy as a result of the emergence of a new leader,the impact of going to war, or economic breakdown.Another level of analysis assembles informationsabout societal processes as a whole such as previouslydescribed in the way of a free press, or the role of law,along with the roles of leadership or the major deci-sions and implementations by presidents, prime ministers,dictators, church leaders, and heads of states orcultures.These levels of information are studied along atime continuum that begins with the ongoing situationin a culture long before there may have developed whatwe call the genocidal fantasy or ideology. The monitoringcontinues by tracking when an idea of genocidebegins to be widely proposed and approved in a society,and gains political support of groups of people whoactually try to organize to implement the genocidalplan. Thus, when Hitler speaks of destroying the Jewslong before actual Holocaust events have come intoreality, these moments are tracked by the GenocideEarly Warning System as dangerous moments thatalready go beyond underlying historic patterns ofantisemitism in the society. When even in the greatAmerican democracy, an ethnic religious leader suchas Louis Farrakhan openly celebrates with his blackcommunity the burning of Jews in the ovens, this isa category of information that signals increased dangerin the Genocide Early Warning System. The earlywarning system is responsive to any ideas that referto keeping other groups of people "in their" places,"kicking out" an ethnic, national, or religious groupfrom the society, and certainly any ideas about eliminatingthem in a "final solution. " Even in a society undersiege from its obvious enemies, such as Israel whichis surrounded by several Arab states that have a longhistory of intention and have never given up the ideaof destroying the Jewish state, plans that are proposedin the Israeli society for getting rid of the Arabs in aforced migration or "transfer" will be registered in theearly warning system as a formulation of a genocidalfantasy or ideology that has to be watched carefully."The Genocide Early Warning System continuesby observing any events in a society which can becometriggers or precipitants for further escalations of thedestructive trends and genocidal fantasies present inthat society. Often these involve rumors of terroristevents that have been directed at one's people whichunderstandably fan the retaliatory instincts of thepopulation. This is the classic prescription of pogromsthroughout history; for example, rumors that Jewskilled a Christian sparked many pogroms or violentmassacre of Jews. What are natural feelings of revengeare taken as a basis for unleashing the virulent genocidalmentality that has been awaiting in the society — asultimately it awaits in all human societies at this pointin our evolution as a species.Finally, the Genocide Early Warning Systemtracks those situations and events where actual legalizationand institutionalization of genocide in a givensociety begin to take place: the military give orders tokill the targeted group; the legal system justifies thosewho do the killing; the church system ignores or trainsstudents to applaud the killing. In this manner thevarious institutions of society are coopted and corruptedas supporters of genocide.As the accompanying typology shows, the GenocideEarly Warning System has identified ten majorearly warning processes which are studied along theaxes described above.Early Warning, Intervention, and Prevention of Genocide 153

sadisChart: Taking a Stand Against GenocideTasks Present FutureKnowing about genocideKnowing about genocidesthat have taken placeCombatting denials ofgenocide (" There were nogas chambers in the so-called Holocaust. " Therewas no Armenian genocide. ")Knowing aboutgenocides thatare takingplace todayor areimminentKnowing about ethnichatted and major humanrights violations andother early warnings ofpossible developmentof genocidePreparing to take amoral stand as anindividualTaking a stand againstin collective politicalresponses to one' sgovernment and inother collective areassuch as work and churchHonoring memorials ofpast genocidesSupportingpublic commem-oration of past genocidesout of respect to thevictim people and toestablish more positivetraditions of "man' sgreater humanity to man"Refusing to participate in, approve, or allowprejudice, intolerance, dehumanization, humanrights violations, and violence toward othersRefusing to follow social norms or to obeydirect instructions or orders to commitgenocideOpposing, through public protests, nonviolentresistance or revolution, legal genocide or anypolicy of mass murder or genocideEarly Warning ProcessesEarly Warning Process01. The Valuing ofHumanLife. The valuing of human life refers to the basicnorms in any given society with respect to the degreeto which human life is to be valued or not. Life ischeap in totalitarian societies. It can also be held cheapin other ways, such as in societies that provide medicaland rehabilitative services indifferently or callously,after a nuclear accident. The respect and value whichare placed on human life are important aspects of asociety when it must face the possibilityofbeing drawninto committing mass murders of a target group.Early Warning Process 02. Concern with theQuality of Human Experience. The second indicatoris the concern that a society shows for the quality ofhuman experience, and whether and to what extent thenorms of society are that people should be given theopportunity to live out their lives as comfortably aspossible with respect to basic shelter, food, medicaltreatment, opportunity to work, freedom from oppres-sion, free speech, and so forth. Societies that do notcare about their own people are hardly likely to careabout others.Early Warning Process 03. 7he Valuing ofPower.This early warning indicator refers to the ways in whichpower is valued in a society. Power in the sense of selfaffirmationis necessary to work the engines of life ofboth individuals and groups, but when the goals ofpower are to gain control over other people, dominatethem, enslave them, and exploit them, such a powerorientation is inherently a harbinger of policies oftorture, disappearance, execution, and genocidalmassacres.Early Warning Process 04. Machinery for ManagingEscalations of 7hreat. This early warning processrefers to the development of a machinery for managingescalations of threat. Objective threats are omnipresentin human life, but there are also dangers of subjectiveexaggerations and distortions in the human experiencesof threats, so that there is a serious need for cross-l54GENOCIDE

checking of information and checks-and-balances onthe powers of decision makers who formulate thepolicies of responding to dangers. Thus, there wereAmerican military and political leaders who calledearnestly for pre-emptive nuclear strikes against thepopulation centers of the Soviet Union in the yearsbefore Glasnost and Perestroika. What a tragedy thatwould have been.Early Warning Process 05. OrientationTowardsForce for Self-defense and in Solution of Conflicts. Asociety's orientation towards force for self-defense inits solution of conflicts is the next early warningprocess. It is, of course, a continuation of the previousindicator since the question now is how much forceshould be used in response to varying degrees of threataimed towards one's people. It is human to want todestroy our enemies completely, but there are dangersof misjudging threats; the use of force in self-defensein itself may be excessively brutal and destructive, andno longer for defense as it is for brutality, sadism, andmurder. The preservation of life is no less a continuingmoral goal when one has to use force in self-defensethan it is in times before the crisis.Early Warning Process 06. Overt Violence andDestructiveness. This early warning process involvesa society's use of overt violence and destructiveness.Some societies are concerned that their police, army,and population at large not be inherently violent, sothat, for example, police do not kill even when theyare doing their duty to stop criminals and enemies. Theunarmed English bobby with his night stick was asymbol for many years of this kind of police powerwhich is intended to minimize undue escalation and useof violence. The degree to which violence is heralded,rehearsed, and taught on American television isobviously connected to the very real dangers too manyAmericans face from assault and murder in many citiesacross their great continent. A society that limitsexposure to violence in its media, and develops moremature attitudes in its journalistic reports of actualevents of violence, can also be expected to be lesssusceptible to being drawn into genocidal violencestowards others;Early Warning Process 07. Dehumanization of aPotential Victim Target Group. This early warningprocess refers to dehumanization of a potential victimtarget group. "Polok jokes" and "nigger jokes" thatmay seem like innocuous humor can become the basisin the anxious times of societies for assigning targetgroups of peoples a status as less-than-human or nonhuman,and therefore not deserving of the protectionsthat human society gives to its bonafide members.Every person and every society must decide how muchto curtail the natural humor of ethnic differences,especially when these become manifestly prejudicialstatements openly devaluing and degrading anothergroup. When in a society there develops an actualchoice of whether or not to attack and exterminate agiven minority group, the extent to which that minoritypreviously has been assigned a role of sub-human ornon-human will play an important role even in thereadiness of the soldiers on the front line to executesuch a policy.Early Warning Process 08. Perception of VictimGroup as Dangerous. This early warning process isthe perception of the potential victim group as dangerous.Incongruously,many of the minority groups whohave been targeted as less-than-us or not-human at thesame time are treated as if they were a most dangerousforce that threatens to wipe out an entire society. Inother words, the dehumanized are also invested withsuper-human powers. As groups they are alleged tohave physical, economic, religious, or racial powersto destroy us, and this situation naturally means thatit is proper to invoke self-defense mechanisms againstthem, and to seek to "destroy them before they destroyus. " The fact that these people also have been definedas not-human then allows one to be cruel and brutalto them. Genocide is now fully possible.Early Warning Process 09. Availability of VictimGroup. The early warning system continues with adimension of the availability of the victim group. Thistopic is very difficult to speak about. There is nojustification for any degree of excusing victimizers asif their victims were "asking for it" or were in any wayto blame for being available to be victimized. Responsibilityfor the victimization by the perpetrator standsin its own right and must be totally condemned.However, without losing respect for the victims orempathy for their plight, it has to be noted that groupsand nations that are, to begin with, defenseless, weak,naive, and susceptible to being bullied and terrorizeddo make the victimization process more possible. Thus,the State of Israel represents a necessary historicalcorrective process by which the Jewish people havemoved from being naive scholars of the Bible andromantic believers in the goodness of God to being astrong nation with an excellent army that will, legitimately,never again allow Jews to be killed en masse.The fact also is that, when former victim-peoplesbecome strong, they must also learn not to overuse theirpower as other nations have done to them.Early Warning Process 10. Legitimation ofVictimization by Leadership Individuals and Institutions.Early Warning, Intervention, and Prevention of Genocide 155

This indicator refers to an advanced stage in developmentof genocide when a society's leadership actuallyendorses and ratifies the mass destruction. The strongmenof the government or the cabinet authorize andpraise the killing of the targeted victim-people. Thecourts dismiss or simply do not bring charges againstperpetrators, the churches bless in the names of theirgods, and so on.Other Proposals for PreventingGenocideA variety of thinkers and groups have madesimilar proposals for early warnings of genocides.Speaking for the Baha'i International Community, agreat faith that holds as a cardinal principle the onenessof humankind, in an address given in London in March1982, Gerald Knight called for the development of anInternational Genocide Bureau. " He said then what isstill true today:At the moment there is no focus, no centralclearing house for cases of genocide. No agency existsfor concentrating world attention specifically on genocide.A Genocide Bureau would pay particular attentionto countries during times of national crises — war,revolution, political conflict, economic emergency — becausegenocide is especially likely to be attemptedunder the cover of nationwide disorder and confusionand when international attention is focused on otherissues. As soon as genocide was suspected, the GenocideBureau would immediately investigate.Secrecy is the greatest ally of any governmentinvolved in genocide, and one of the functions of theGenocide Bureau would be to mobilize public opinionand put pressure on the guilty government by exposingits activities.Attorney Luis Kutner" created a proposal for whathe called a World Genocide Tribunal. Political scientistsLouis Beres" and Barbara Harff" have written,independently, about the need for legal principles thatwould justify humanitarian intervention by one nationinto situations when another nation has entered into apolicy of mass killings of a targeted people. As notedearlier, David Hawk created the Cambodia DocumentationCommission and has attempted to create a legalbrief to bring charges against the government ofCambodia.InternationalAlertLeo Kuper of UCLA, the doyen of scholarshipon genocide in the world today, proposed some yearsago creating a new organization, International Alert,which has since come into being." The first secretarygeneralof International Alert in London was MartinEnnals, a former secretary-general of Amnesty Internationalfor many years, who believes now that the timehas come to begin dealing not only with governmentimprisonment and torture of individuals which is whatAmnesty specializes in (although it is also concernedwith some broader aspects of extra-judicial executionsby governments), but also with governments committingmass murder and genocide. International Alert seeksto intervene at the level of government and the internationalsystem as soon as possible after news of massmurders arises. It is also noteworthy that the UnitedStates Department of State issues an annual report onhuman rights in countries around the world, andincreasingly the European Parliament takes stands onviolations of human rights.ConclusionsThere is no question but that a variety of peopleand institutions are groping towards articulating a newworldwide awareness of human rights and genocide,but most of these initiatives are in their infancy, andare highly irregular, relatively unsupported, andunsystemized. It is not yet clear if any of them will beable to generate a momentum that will support thedevelopment of a permanent system for monitoringgenocide in this world.Our proposal of a Genocide Early Warning Systemwas hailed by Choice, a library review magazine, as"brilliant. " It was noted by the New York Times BookReview as a "noteworthy contribution to thinking aboutthe condition of humanity on the earth. " And it hasbeen recognized and hailed by a United Nations studyon genocide, which wrote as follows:Many welcome the establishment of early warningsystems of potential genocide situations in orderto prevent recurrence of the crime. Intelligentanticipation of potential cases could be based onthe databank of continuously updated information,which might enable remedial, deterrent or avertmeasures to be planned ahead. Reliable informationis the essential oxygen for human rights: thiscould be facilitated by the development of theU nited Nations satellite communications network.The Institute on the Holocaust and Genocide inIsrael has proposed such a body.A Lutheran minister, Pastor Niemoeller, who wasa victim of the Nazis, spoke out about the importanceof all of us caring about all other people. The beautifulpoetic statement attributed to him has become aprofound source of inspiration. It is a statement that156 GENOCIDE

goes to the heart of what the proposalgenocide in the world involves:First they came for the Jewsand I did not speak outbecauseI was not a Jew.Then they came for the communistsand I did not speak outbecauseI was not a communist.Then they came for the trade unionistsand I did not speak outbecauseI was not a trade unionist.Then they came for meandthere was no one leftto speak out for me.NQTEsto monitor1. Arieh Ben-Tov, Facing the Holocaustin Budapest:The International Committee of the Red Cross and theJews in Hungary, 1943-1945 (Geneva: Henry DunantInstitute; Dordrecht: Martinus Nijhoff, 1988).2. Leo Kuper, Genocide: Its Political Use in theTwentieth Century (London: Penguin Books, 1981).3. David Hawk, "The CDC [Cambodia DocumentationCommission] View of the UN Peace Plan forCambodia, " Newsletterof the Institute for the Studyof Genocide no. 7 (1991): 11-12. See also "Campaignto Bring Khmer Rouge to Trial, " Internet on theHolocaust and Genocide Issue 10 (June 1987): 1; "InCambodia It Can Happen Again, " Internet on theHolocaust and Genocide Issue 23 (November 1989):4; Hurst Hannum, "International Law and CambodiaGenocide: The Sounds of Silence, " Human RightsQuarterly 11 (1989): 82-138.4. Israel W. Charny, "A Proposal for a New EncompassingDefinition of Genocide, Including New LegalCategories of Accomplices to Genocide and Genocideas a Result of Ecological Destruction and Abuse, "presented to the First Raphael Lemkin Symposium onGenocide, Yale University Law School, February 1991.5. "Fears of Khmer Rouge in Cambodia Mount, "Internet on the Holocaust and Genocide Issue 18(December 1988): 1-2 and "In Cambodia It CanHappen Again, " 4.6. "China Gives Contemporary Example of GovernmentDenial of Genocidal Massacre, " Internet on theHolocaust and Genocide Issue 22 (September 1989):l.7. "Government Opposition to Armenian GenocideBill Provokes Widespread Protest in Israel, " Interneton the Holocaust and Genocide Issue 23 (November1989): 2.8. Israel W. Charny and Shamai Davidson, eds. , TheBook of the International Conference on the Holocaustand Genocide (Tel Aviv: Institute of the InternationalConference on the Holocaust and Genocide, 1983).9. David H. Kitterman, "Those Who Said 'No':Germans Who Refused to Execute Civilians DuringWorld War II, " German Studies Review 11, no. 2(1988): 241-254.10. Ron Jones, "The Third Wave, " in ExperiencingSocial Psychology, ed. by Ayala Pines and ChristinaMaslach (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1984); HerbertC. Kelman and V. Lee Hamilton, Crimes of Obedience:Toward a Social Psychology of Authority and Responsibility(New Haven, CT, and London: Yale UniversityPress, 1989); Stanley Milgram, Obedience to Authority(New York: Harper & Row, 1974).10a. The concept of a Genocide Early Warning Systemwas formulated by me some years ago and thendeveloped in detail in collaboration with ChananRapaport, then director of the Szold National Institutefor Behavioral Sciences in Jerusalem.11. Israel W. Charny and Daphna Fromer, "TheReadiness of Health Profession Students to Complywith a Hypothetical Program of Forced Migration of"a Minority Population, American Journal of Orthopsychiatry60, no. 4 (1990): 486-495.12. Gerald Knight, "A Genocide Bureau" (Editor' stitle). Text of a talk delivered at the Symposium onGenocide, London, 20 March 1982. Mimeographed,14p.13. Luis Kutner and Ernest Katin, "World GenocideTribunal: A Proposal for Planetary Preventive MeasuresSupplementing a Genocide Early Warning System, "in Toward the Understanding and Prevention ofGenocide, ed. by Israel W. Charny (Boulder, CO:Westview Press, 1984).Early Warning, Intervention, and Prevention of Genocide 157

14. Louis Rene Beres, "Genocide, State and Self, "Denver Journal of International Law and Policy 18,no. 1 (1989): 37-57.15. Barbara Harff, "Humanitarian Intervention," inGenocide: A Critical Bibliographic Review V. 2. , ed.by Israel W. Charny (London: Mansell Publishing Ltd.and New York: Facts on File, 1991).16. Leo Kuper, Prevention of Genocide (New Haven,CT: Yale University Press, 1985). International Alert,"Early Warning and Conflict Resolution, " report byRudolfo Stavenhagen, Rapparteur of the Consultationon Early Warnings (Geneva: August 1989), pamphlet,10p. ; International Alert, "Early Warning and ConflictResolution. " 2nd Annual Consultation, reportby SandyColeven (Geneva: August 1990), pamphlet, 20p.08IOCHAPTER 8: ANNOTATEDBar-On, Dan. Legacy of Silence: Encounters withChildren of the Third Reich. Cambridge, MA: HarvardUniversity Press, 1989. LC 89-7484. ISBN 0-674-52185-4.An Israeli psychologist, the son of a German-Jewish physician who fled Germany at the beginningof the Holocaust, returned to his father's homeland toconduct his research on the children of Nazis who hadbeen active in the Holocaust. Bar-On's findings showthat most of the children of perpetrators not only wereprotected by their families from knowing the truthabout their parents in the Holocaust, as was Germansociety as a whole even from knowing about theHolocaust, but that they themselves also set up wallsof denial of the truth so that between parent and childthere were "double walls" of denial. This study'hasimportant implications for those who want to createeducational or preventive programs against genocide.4824Bardakjian, Kevork B. Hitler and the ArmenianGenocide. Cambridge, MA: Zoryan Institute, 1985.LC 85-52406. ISBN 0-916431-18-5.The rhetorical question, "Who remembers theArmenians?" has been widely attributed to Hitler,speaking to his officers on the eve of World War II.Bardakjian provides the documentary substantiation thatHitler indeed did address his officers in this way. Thefailure of the world to punish the perpetrators of 'theArmenian genocide, including the Allies who hadpledged to try the Turkish leaders of the Armeniangenocide but then set them free, was a grave injusticeagainst the Armenian people which also set the stagefor the Holocaust.83 @Century:Butz, Arthur R. The Hoax of the TwentiethThe Case Against the Presumed Extermination ofEuropean Jewry. Torrance, CA: Institute forBIBLIOGRAPHYHistorical Review, 1976, 1983. NUC 86-78331. ISBN0-911038-23-X.Butz, a tenured professor of engineering atNorthwestern University, has written an ugly, poisonousbook that, in part because of its powerful title, hasbecome one of the flagships of the "revisionist"movement, which denies that there ever was a Holocaust.Many Americans have demanded that Northwesternrevoke Butz' tenure on the grounds of his flagrantviolation of the basic standards of intellectual integrityand truth, but the university and many others believethe damage that would be done to academic freedomwould be greater if he were dismissed. It is relevantto recall that, increasingly, many countries, and thecourts in many countries, are creating and enforcinglaws which make it illegal to deny the Holocaust oranother known genocide.4844Chalk, Frank, and Kurt Jonassohn. The History andSociology of Genocide: Analyses and Case Studies.New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1990. LC 89-27381. ISBN 0-300-04445-3.Historian Frank Chalk and sociologist KurtJonassohn have collaborated for many years in coteachinga pioneer college course on the history andsociology of genocide. This is their comprehensivecollection and analysis of case histories throughouthuman history.8 5Charny, Israel W. "April 2018, Intergalactic AssociatedPress. " Internet on the Holocaust and Genocide DoubleIssue 25/26 (April 1990): 13-14. Special Issue on the75th Anniversary of the Armenian Genocide.In a satire based on predictive references to thefuture in 2018, Charny speculates that by then theuniverse will have seen not only continuedinstancesof genocide as we know it but also of planeticide andattempted planeticide. He examines the follies ofattempts to restrict current-day definitions of genocideI58GENOCIDE

to pure or ideal terms and to exclude various instancesof mass death from equal consideration.+ 8. 6 *Charny, Israel W. , ed. Genocide: A Critical BibliographicReview, V. 2. London: Mansell Publishing Ltd.and New York: Facts on File, 1991. ISBN 0-7201-2053-5 (Mansell).The second volume of this definitive seriescontains a special section on denials of the Holocaustand the Armenian Genocide, including a chapter byVahakn Dadrian on documentation of the Armeniangenocide in Turkish sources. Other sections cover lawand genocide; education about the Holocaust andgenocide; other topics include the language of genociders,total war, and genocide; the roles of professionsand professionals in genocide; righteous gentiles in theHolocaust; and museums and memorials of the Holocaustand genocide.8 7Charny, Israel W. , ed. Genocide: A Critical BibliographicReview. London: Mansell Publishing Limitedand New York: Facts on File, 1988. ISBN 0-7201-186-X (Mansell).This important collection, the first in a series,contains encyclopedic-like essays and critical annotatedbibliographies. It presents several cases of genocide— including the Holocaust, Armenian genocide,Cambodian genocide, Ukrainian famine, and manyother genocides in the twentieth century — and the longtermhistory and sociology of genocide, and also treatsseveral fields of the study of genocide — including thedevelopment of scholarship in genocide and its prevention;the psychology of genocidal destructiveness; thephilosophical study of genocide and especially nucle'ardangers; and the literature, art and film of the Holocaust,other genocides, and the future of nuclear andother "futuristic"destruction. Hailed as brilliant andpace-setting, the book has also been adopted as a textfor college courses.*8. 8 *Charny, Israel W. "Genocide: The Ultimate HumanRights Problem. " Social Education: Special Issue onHuman Rights 24 (1985): 448-452. Reprinted in SocialScience Record 24, no. 2 (1987): 4-7.Charny proposes a humanistic definition ofgenocide rather than a restrictive or legalistic particularization:any organized killing of masses of humanbeings in non-combat situations, whether on the basisof religious, national, political, or any other basis ofdifferentiation of people, as if such and such peopledeserve to be victims of mass death.*8. 9*Charny, Israel W. How Can We Commit the Unthinkable?:Genocide, the Human Cancer. Boulder, CO:Westview Press, 1982. LC 81-19784. ISBN 0-86531-358-X.This is a seminal book on the psychology ofgenocide in the individual, its origins in family psychol-ogy and in collective processes, and especially thepsychology of peoples' readiness to sacrifice otherhumans. Second, it is a seminal book because itformulates a major proposal for a World GenocideEarly Warning System. The press, political officials,and social scientists have hailed the proposal as capableof saving human lives.* 8. 10 *Charny, Israel W. "How To Avoid (Legally) Convictionfor Crimes of Genocide: A One-Act Reading. "Social Science Record 24, no. 2 (1987): 89-93. Reprintedin Internet on the Holocaust and Genocide Issue 16(June 1988).In a satirical playlet — which can be read-performedon stage as well as read quietly — Charny shows howgenociders will always seek to "get away" with theiractions. Hitler, Stalin, Pol Pot, Talaat, and Idi Aminare seen going together to consult a group of internationallawyers, "Satan, Conformist and Whore, " onhow they could hope to avoid prosecution for genocideas international law against mass murder expands. Theyare advised to consider taking advantage of the biggestloophole in present law by killing many differentpeoples including their most desired victims all together,so that it may be possible for them to conceal thespecific intentional target of their genocide.* 8. 11 *Charny, Israel W. "The Psychology of Denial ofUnknown Genocides. " In Genocide: A Critical BibliographicReview, V. 2. Imprint the same as 8. 19.An incredible number of people as well as organizationsand governments in many different countriesaround the world devote themselves, and huge financialresources, to denying that one or another knowngenocide ever took place — examples include Turkishinsistence that there never was an Armenian genocideand neo-Nazi and anti-Semitic claims that there neverwas a Holocaust. In this comprehensive study of theforms and dynamics of such denials, the author alsocalls for more concentrated attacks against those whodeny known genocides for their obvious incitementsEarly Warning, Intervention, and Prevention of Genocide 159

to horrible new acts of violence against still furthervictims.~ 8. 12 ~Charny, Israel W. , ed. Toward the Understanding andPrevention of Genocide: Proceedings of the InternationalConference on the Holocaust and Genocide. Boulder,CO, and London: Westview Press, 1984. LC 84-15241.ISBN 0-86531-843-3.The historic first International Conference onHolocaust and Genocide was held in Tel Aviv in 1982.This selective volume of its proceedings contains keypapers, including reports and reactions to governmentefforts to stop the conference from taking place. Alsoincluded are case studies and analyses, including SovietUnion genocide, and the Nazi genocide of the Gypsies,dynamics of genocide and its prediction, educationabout genocide, and prevention. It is a widely usedsource-book and college text.~ 8. 13 +Charny, Israel W. , and Chanan Rappaport. "A GenocideEarly Warning System. "77ie Whole Earth Papers14 (1980): 28-35.Charny and Rappaport provide a concise butdetailed outline of the purposes and major contentcategories of a proposed Genocide Early WarningSystem. They include summary charts of ten EarlyWarning Processes.~ 8. 14 ~Charny, Israel W. , David Lisbona, and Mare Sherman.Holocaust and Genocide Bibliographic Database, 1980-1990. Draft 1. 1. Jerusalem: Institute on the Holocaustand Genocide, 1991. The institute's address is POB10311, 91102 Jerusalem, Israel.Under a grant from the United States Institute ofPeace, a U. S. government agency in Washington, DC,the Institute on the Holocaust and Genocide in Jerusalemhas assembled a worldwide team of scholars tocreate a first computerized bibliographic database onHolocaust and genocide, largely for the period 1980-1990. The first product of the Institute should beavailable through the Library of USIP [1550 M Street,NW, Washington, DC 20005] in 1992, and may alsobe available for direct purchase on IBM diskettes fromthe Institute on the Holocaust and Genocide. Theinstitute is also advancing in its work towards creatinga first thesaurus of Holocaust and genocide terms.~ 8. 15 ~Chorover, Stephen L. From Genesis to Genocide: IheMeaning of Human Nature and the Power of BehaviorControl. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1979. LC 78-21107. ISBN 0-262-03068-3.Chorover has created a chilling document onbehavior control and fascism. His book is an excellentstarting place for anyone who is unfamiliar with theNazi traditions of superiority and philosophy of geneticimprovement of the species, and with the bloodcurdlinghistory of the Nazis, first program of actualmass destruction, namely of the mentally ill andmentally defective as well as many handicappedchildren.* 8. 16 *Dadrian, Vahakn N. "The Anticipation and Preventionof Genocide in International Conflicts: Some Lessonsfrom History. " International Journal Group Tensions18, no. 3 (1988): 205-214.An intrepid researcher of the Armenian genocideturns his attention to the prediction and prevention offuture genocides of any of the many peoples of ourworld. Dadrian proposes that the sources of potentialgenocide are in: a) the type of the groups locked inconflict and their standard relationship to each other;b) the nature and history of the conflict; and c) thedegree of disparity of power relations between thesegroups.~ 8. 17 +Dimensions: A Publication of the Anti-DefamationLeague. 1985-. 3/yr. ISSN 0882-1240.Published by B'nai B'rith's Anti-DefamationLeague, this very readable magazine about the Holocaustgenerally chooses a thematic focus for an issuesuch as journalistic reports of the Holocaust or therescuers of Holocaust victims. It also presents excellentshort and long reviews of books and articles on theHolocaust and genocide.~ 8. 18 ~Eitinger, Leo, and Robert Krell with Miriam Rieck.The Psychological and Medical sects of ConcentrationCamps and Related Persecutions on Survivors of theHolocaust: A Research Bibliography. Vancouver:University British Columbia Press, 1985. LC 86-120224. ISBN 0-7748-0220-0.Professor Leo Eitinger of Oslo was one of the firstEuropean physicians to describe the terrible impactsof the concentration camp syndrome following WorldWar II. Joined by Canadian psychiatrist, Robert Krell,he provides a systematic bibliography of the literatureabout victims of the Holocaust through 1984.160 GENOCIDE

~ 8. 19 ~Fein, Helen. "Scenarios of Genocide. " In Toward theUnderstanding and Prevention of Genocide. Ed. byIsrael W. Charny. Imprint the same as 8. 14.By removing the actual names of the victimizerand victim peoples, and also the names of countriesand geographic locales of each genocidal case history,and then substituting unfamiliar made-up names for allof the above, Fein generates a series of templates orbasic scenarios for how genocide has come about andhow it can come about in a wide variety of historical,political, and ethnic circumstances. Hers is a brilliantpedagogical tool as well as a worthwhile collection forscholars and researchers of generic forms or scenariosof genocide.~ 8. 20 ~Fein, Helen. "Genocide: A Sociological Perspective. "Current Sociology 38, no. 1 (1990) Whole Number.In this 104-page monograph, Fein provides acomprehensive review of the field of genocide study,which she follows with a 225-item bibliography of themain literature of the field, accompanied by numerousbrief critical annotations. Fein is a passionate spokespersonfor a precise and rigorous definition of genocide.She is also the author of an award-winning studyof the differential outcomes of the Holocaust in differentcultures, Accounting for Genocide (New York: FreePress, 1979).~ 8. 21*Fromm, Erich. For the Love of Life. Ed. by HansDurgen Schultz. Trans. from the German by Robertand Rita Kimber. New York: Free Press, 1988. LC85-20518. ISBN 0-02-910930-2. Based on radiointerviews in the late 1970s."If you begin your resistance to a Hitler, only afterhe has won his victory, then you' ve lost before you' veeven begun. For to offer resistance you' ve got to havean inner core, a conviction. You have to have faith inyourself to be able to think critically, to be an independenthuman being, a human being and not a sheep. "(p. 133) "Anyone who takes this path will learn to resistnot only the great tyrannies, like Hitler's, but also the'small'tyrannies, the creeping tyrannies ofbureaucratizationand alienation in everyday life. " (p133)~ 8. 22 *Gibson, Janice T. , and Mika Haritos-Fatouros. "TheEducation of a Torturer. " Psychology Today 20, no.11 (1986): 50-58.Using the step-by-step method, the authors analyzethe sequence of desensitization through which peopleare trained to be members of a secret police (in thiscase in Greece) who are prepared to torture and cruellykill their victims. Their findings are consistent withearlier observations of how the Nazis trained theirfeared SS Deathhead squads.* 8. 23 *Glaser, K. , and S. T. Possony. Victims of Politics: TheState of Human Rights. New York: Columbia UniversityPress, 1979. LC 78-5591. ISBN 0-231-04442-9.The authors survey forced migrations or forcedtransfers of populations and provide details of thetremendous losses of life that inevitably accompanysuch steps.* 8. 24 ~Harff, Barbara. Genocide and Human Ri ghts. Denver,CO: Graduate School of International Studies, Universityof Denver, 1984. ISBN 0-87940-074-9 pa. NUC 86-70567.Harff, a political scientist, has written a poignant,caring monograph about natural law as well as theevolving technical legal basis for humanitarian interventionof one nation in another's affairs for the specificpurposes of stopping genocide. Such intervention canbe without exploitation for national gain.~825~Harff, Barbara, and Ted Robert Gurr. "Genocides andPoliticides since 1945: Evidence"and Anticipation.Internet on the Holocaust and Genocide Special Issue13 (December 1987).Political scientists Harff and Gurr are pioneeringin the development of computerized empirical informationson two critical aspects of genocide: Harff reportson a databank of politicides, or mass killings on thebasis of political identity since World War II; Gurrreports on a databank about minorities around the worldand monitors the extent to which they are at risk ofmounting persecution and genocide.* 8. 26 *Holocaust and Genocide Studies. 1986-. Q. PergamonPress Journals. Headington Hill Hall, Oxford OX3OBW, England. Editor-in-Chief: Yehudah Bauer.Chairman of the Editorial Board: Elie Wiesel. ISSN8756-6583.This is probably the flagship scholarly journal inthe field of Holocaust and genocide studies, althoughit is heavily biased towards scholarship primarily ofthe Holocaust and towards "purist definitions" of theHolocaust. It publishes much less about the genocidesof other people.Early Warning, Intervenrion, and Prevention of Genocide 161

* 8. 27 ~Horowitz, Irving Louis. Genocide: State Power andMass Murder. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction, 1976.LC 76-2276. ISBN 0-87855-191-3. Revised editionissued under the title Taking Lives in 1980.Horowitz' typology is a useful starting point forthe examination of the roles and functions ofbureaucracy,government organization, and national policy inthe making of genocide. His is a classic work on thenature of government in genocidal societies.~ 8. 28 ~Hovannisian, Richard G. , ed. The Armenian Genocidein Perspective. New Brunswick, NJ, and Oxford:Transaction Books, 1987. LC 85-29038. ISBN 0-88738-096-4.Hovannisian has brought together an outstandingcollection of papers on the Armenian genocide. Inaddition to historical analysis of the genocide, thereis consideration of the impact of the events on literature,the psychosocial sequelae for survivors and theirfamilies, a study of oral histories of survivors, and ananalysis of the Turks' unending efforts to deny theArmenian genocide.* 8. 29 *International Conference on the Holocaust and Genocide(1st: 1982): Tel Aviv, Israel. The Book of theInternational Conference on the Holocaust and Genocide:Book One. The Conference Program and Crisis.Ed. by Israel W. Charny and Shamai Davidson. TelAviv: Institute of the International Conference on theHolocaust and Genocide, 1983. NUC 87-126011.Book One is a photocopy-printed softcover bookthat includes the full program, abstracts of papers,evaluations of participants, and comments by the worldpress. It also contains extensive reports of the crisisthat erupted when the governments of Turkey and Israelsought to censor reports of the Armenian genocide, ifnot to close down the entire conference.* 8. 30 *Internet on the Holocaust and Genocide. 1985-. 6/yr.Institute on the Holocaust and Genocide, POB 10311,91102 Jerusalem, Israel.This invaluable newsletter reports studies, projects,and developments around the world relating to genocideand its prevention. It is distributed on a voluntarysubscription basis by the Institute, which is interestedin making the publication available to younger scholarswho have limited funds.* 8. 31 +Jones, Ron. "The Third Wave. " In ExperiencingSocial Psychology. Ed. by Ayala Pines and ChristinaMaslach. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1984. LC 83-16277. ISBN 0-394-33547-7 pa.An American high-school history teacher succeedssuperbly in teaching his students about how the Holocaustcame about by creating a parallel process of groupidentification with power, conformity, and ideologyin the classroom and high school. The written reporthas been followed by a video film, The New Wave,which is an excellent instructional tool for students,community groups, teachers, and even professionalscholars for genocide.~ 8. 32 ~Kelman, Herbert C. , and V. Lee Hamilton. Crimes ofObedience: Toward a Social Psychology of Authorityand Responsibility. New Haven, CT, and London: YaleUniversity Press, 1989. LC 88-5049. ISBN 0-300-04184-5.In an important study, Kelman and Hamiltonanalyze the crucial issue of conformity and obedienceto norms of destruction. Even after Lt. Calley had beenconvicted for his role as commander of the U. S. forcesat My Lai, 67 percent of Americans replied to aresearch questionnaire that they believed most peoplewould follow orders, and 51 percent said that had theythemselves been at My Lai, they too would haveobeyed orders to slaughter the villagers (see also 7. 99).* 8. 33 *Knight, Gerald. "A Genocide Bureau." [Editor's title].Text of talk delivered at the Symposium on Genocide,London, 20 March 1982. Available from The Baha'iInternational Community, 866 United Nations Plaza,New York, NY 10017. Mimeographed. 14p.In this beautiful address, a representative of theBaha'i International Community proposed an internationalmechanism for monitoring and responding tosignals, threats, and reports of genocide. Although thepaper can be difficult to locate, it is such a thoughtfuland creative proposal that I believe it is well worthtrying to access. Baha'i International later createdInternational Alert.~ 8. 34*Kren, George, and Leon Rappoport. The Holocaustand the Crisis of Human Behavior. New York: Holmes& Meier, 1980. LC 79-23781. ISBN 0-8419-0544-4.Collatorators Kren, a historian, and Rappoport,a psychologist, claim in this excellent book that humanlife can never again be the same after the Holocaust.162 GENOCIDE

Thus, they argue that no field of human inquiry andscholarship remains relevant or meaningful unless itinquires into how and why the bizarre destruction ofhuman life that took place in the Holocaust came about.* 8. 35 ~Kren, George M. "The Holocaust and the Foundationsof"Moral Judgment. Journal of Value Inquiry 21(1987): 55-64.Kren is an articulate analyst of the ethical implicationsof the Holocaust. Among his important observations,he notes the following: "There is something verystrange and odd in the fact that almost all of theperpetrators of what arguably is the most radical horrorof this century, while awaiting execution, argued, withobvious sincerity, that they had done no wrong. Arecurring theme found in all the trial records ofindividuals who had participated in mass killing is theindignant surprise they express that anyone shouldblame them for their actions, since they were onlydoing their duty. " (p. 56)~ 8. 36*Kuper, Leo. Genocide: Its Political Use in the TwentiethCentury. New Haven, CT, and London: YaleUniversity Press, 1981. LC 81-16151. ISBN 0-300-02795-0.Kuper's is the single most comprehensive andimportant assembly of case histories of genocide in thefield.~ 8. 37 ~Kuper, Leo. International Action Against Genocide.Report no. 53. London: Minority Rights Group, 1982.ISSN 0305-6552, 17p.The Minority Rights Group in London is anorganization that has pioneered in the study of theethnic histories and conflicts of minority groups aroundthe planet. This pamphlet is an excellent brief introductionto definitions of different types of genocide andto concepts of international intervention.~ 8. 38 ~Kuper, Leo. The Prevention of Genocide. New Haven,CT, and London: Yale University Press, 1985. LC 85-40465. ISBN 0-300-03418-0.In a critically honest analysis of the history ofinternational intervention in cases of genocide, especiallyby the United Nations, Kuper concludes that the UNhas been virtually a total failure. He analyzes whichbasic revisions will be needed in the UN Conventionon Genocide — many of which were later adopted bythe UN Whitaker Commission. Based on his realisticview of the international system, Kuper proposesstrengthening and expanding non-governmental internationalorganizations. He also proposes a new organization,International Alert, which has since come intobeing. For more information, write to InternationalAlert, Box 259, 1015 Gayley Ave. , Los Angeles, CA90024.* 8. 39 ~Kutner, Luis, and Ernest Katin. "World GenocideTribunal: A Proposal for Planetary Preventive MeasuresSupplementing a Genocide Early Warning System. "In Toward the Understanding and Prevention ofGenocide. Ed. by Israel W. Charny. Imprint the sameas 8. 14.The authors are attorneys who are concerned withdeveloping legally correct procedures for reviewingallegations and early reports of massacres accordingto proper rules of evidence, but at the same time theyare courageously concerned with creating an internationalagency that will respond quietly and meaningfullyto emergency situations of genocide. Luis Kutner iswell known for legal work on a principle of internationalhabeas corpus. He has been nominated several timesfor the Nobel Peace Prize.* 8. 40 *Lemkin, Raphael. Aris Rulein Occupied Europe. NewYork: Columbia University Press, 1944. LC 44-47388.Raphael Lemkin was the originator of the conceptof genocide, and certainly the person who can becredited almost singlehandedly with proposing andgaining the acceptance of the UN of the U. N. Conventionon Genocide. A Polish-Jewish attorney with aprominent post in the Polish Prosecutor's Office beforeWorld War II, he was the only member of his familyto escape the Holocaust. Arriving in the U. S. , hedevoted his entire being to the push for the adoptionof the Convention. Not long after its adoption, he died,sick and penniless for having given his life to thisimmense cause. Axis Rule in Occupied Europe isLemkin's monumental summary of the reign of the archfascist regime.In the coming years, several of Lemkin's excitingunpublished manuscripts, includinghis autobiography,Uncommon Warrior, which was rejected by severalU. S. publishers in his lifetime on the grounds that itwould not sell, will be edited by Rabbi Steven Jacobs.The first volume is scheduled for publication by EdwinMell en Press.Early Warning, Intervention, and Prevention of Genocide 163

~ 8. 41 ~Lifton, Robert J. , and Eric Markusen. The GenocidalMentality: Nazi Holocaust and Nuclear Threat. NewYork: Basic Books, 1990. LC 89-43101. ISBN 0-465-02662-1.In this intelligent and humane book, psychiatristRobert Lifton and sociologist Eric Markusen collaboratein calling for a new step in the evolution of ourspecies, that we exercise our capacity to choose andshape our lives towards a life-caring mentality asopposed to a genocidal mentality.+ 8. 42 ~Lifton, Robert Jay. The Nazi Doctors: Medical Killingand the Psychology of Genocide. New York: BasicBooks, 1986. LC 85-73874. ISBN 0-465-04904-4.The fact that so many healers were ready to killteaches us all how many of us human beings can becorrupted by the lust or opportunity to have power,maim, and kill others. In this study, Lifton originatesnew concepts of "doubling" and "healing-killing" whichare certain to become basic new conceptual tools in thefield. For other interpretations, see annotations 2. 30and 7. 27.~ 8. 43 ~Milgram, Stanley. Obedience to Authority. New York:Harper & Row, 1974. LC 71-138748. ISBN 0-06-012938-7.In perhaps the single most important social scienceexperiment of our times, Milgram demonstrates thata maj ority of human beings, from all walks of life, areavailable to do serious, possibly lethal harm to others.The context of the study is a simulation of a psychologicalexperiment in learning where actors play the roleof subjects who must memorize nonsense syllables,while the real subjects of the study are instructed toassist the researcher by giving progressively strongerelectric shocks up to dangerous lethal doses, when thelearning subject makes an error. No actual shock isgiven, but because the actors pretend to be hurt, theteaching subjects are not aware that their pain issimulated. It is worth mentioning that the crucial pointMilgram makes has been amplified and supplementedin other essays and studies of which the following twoentries are examples.~ 8. 44 ~Mansson, H. H. "Justifying the Final Solution. " Omega3, no. 2 (1977): 79-87.In this study college students manifest a readinessto agree to the execution of mental defectives. See alsothe next item.* 8. 45 *Charny, Israel W. , and Daphna Fromer. "The Readinessof Health Profession Students to Comply with aHypothetical Program of Forced Migration of aMinority Population. " American Journal of Orthopsychiatry60, no. 4 (1990): 486-495.Charny and Fromer examine the readiness ofstudents in the Israeli health professions to participate,as professionals, in a government plan for forcedmigration of the Arabs out of Israel.* 8. 46 *Perec, Georges. W or the Memory of Childhood. Trans.from the French by David Bellos. New York: DavidR. Goodine, 1988. LC 88-45291. ISBN 0-87923-756-2.In a brilliant fictional treatment, Perec satirizesa nation where Sport is King and where citizens areforced into life-and-death competitions, and losers arepunished, tortured, and murdered. Perec has creativeinsight into the tragically common possibilities ofmadness in societies — and the absurdity of the definitionalbasis for identifying target groups as deservingof legal extermination. See 8. 19 for Fein's fictionalizedbut very real historical scenarios of genocide.* 8. 47 *Porter, Jack Nusan, ed. Genocide and Human Rights:A Global Anthology. Washington, DC: University Pressof America, 1982. LC 81-40580. ISBN 0-8191-22894.Porter's important collection of studies of genocideincludes his own excellent analysis of the conditionsunder which genocide is most and least likely to occur;for example, genocide is likely when a minority groupis an outsider, when there is a racist ideology. Thecontributors make an outstanding effort to definegenocide and to summarize the conditions that facilitateits occurrence and conditions which work againstgenocide taking place.~ 8. 48 *Rapoport, Anatol. "Preparation for Nuclear War: TheFinal Madness. " American Journal of Orthopsychiatry54, no. 4 (1984): 524-529.Rapoport, a renowned philosopher of science,warns against the ultimate madness where seeminglyrational people will yet undertake and justify the useof nuclear weapons which threaten to destroy our veryspecies. "The planners of nuclear war — that is, primarilythe personnel of the military establishments of bothsuperpowers and their political entourages — satisfy twocriteria for madness: they are immersed in an imaginaryworld of their own making, dissociated from reality,164 GENOCIDE

and their activities constitute a clear menace to humanity." (p. 525)~ 8. 49 *Roiphe, Anne. A Season for Healing: Reflections onthe Holocaust. New York: Summit Books, 1988. LC88-21537. ISBN 0-671-66753-X;"Roiphe courageously concludes that it may betime to stop particularizing the Jewish experience andbegin to generalize it because to insist forever on itsunique exclusivity deepens rifts among nations, religionsand individuals. To admit that the monstrouslessons of the Holocaust have a universal applicationin no way diminishes the horror. In fact, that acknowledgmentmay be the first step toward a broader anddeeper humanity. .. Roiphe's book can be read as areminder that humanity itself has become an endangeredspecies. " From a review by Elaine Kendall in the LosAngeles Times Book Review (27 November 1988).~ 8. 50 ~Salk, Jonas. Man Unfolding. New York: Harper &Row, 1972. LC 74-181642. ISBN 0-06-073739-8.Salk calls for humankind to move forward inevolution by adopting new values and new ethics. "Theessential requirement for such a value system wouldseem to be the creation of an identity of interest ratherthan a conflict of interest, between the individual andthe species, between the citizen and society, andbetween nations and mankind. This basic issue mustbe faced lest men in their greedy competition. .. destroythemselves and their planet. " (p. 101) Salk is the worldrenownedcreator of the Salk vaccine for polio.~ 8. 51 *San Jose Conferences on the Holocaust (1977-1978).?he Holocaust: Ideology, Bureaucracy, and Genocide.Ed. by Henry Friedlander and Sybil Milton. Mill wood,NJ: Kraus International Publications, 1980. LC 80-16913. ISBN 0-527-63807-2.This seminal and relatively early post-Holocaustwork contains the most inclusive effort ever made tolook at the roles of professionals in a series offields — universities, law, medicine, physical sciences,technology, government, and the church — in participatingin or collaborating and enabling the Holocaustto take place. Much more research is still needed onthis subject today even many years later, but the bookis still well worth reading for the integrity of its effortto bring together these important subjects.~ 8. 52 ~Shofar: Inter-disciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies.1982-. Q. Purdue University Research Foundation. Ed. :Joseph Haberer. ISSN 0882-8539.Shofar is an excellent all-around review ofcontemporary Jewish thought that includes long andbriefer annotated reviews of the literature on theHolocaust.~ 8. 53 *Staub, Ervin. ?he Roots of Evil: ?he Origins ofGenocide and Other Group Violence. Cambridge:Cambridge University Press, 1989. ISBN 0-521-35407-2.Staub theorizes that individuals and collectivessuch as nations move in a continuum of steps towardsbecoming genocidal destroyers. He analyzes four casehistories, with an impressive combination of psychologicaland historical detail. The four cases are theHolocaust, the Armenian genocide, the Cambodiangenocide, and disappearances in Argentina. Staub, whoas a child was rescued from the Holocaust by gentiles,writes with special eloquence about human beings'potentials for caring and rescuing.~ 8. 54 ~Taylor, Cecil P. Good. A Tragedy. London: MethuenLtd. , 1982. ISBN 0-413-52130-3.Taylor's wonderful play shows the "becoming"of a vicious Nazi. The protagonist is a pleasant,friendly academician whose closest friend is a Jewishpsychiatrist, but power corrupts more and more, andhe becomes more and more self-serving, charged upby his growing power. Ultimately he is transformedinto a willing destroyer. The bad in him has won outover the good.* 8. 55 *Tec, Nechama. When Light Pierced the Darkness:Christian Rescue, of Jews in Nazi-Occupied Lands. NewYork: Oxford University Press, 1986. ISBN 0-19-503643-3.Tec, herself a Holocaust survivor who became asociologist in America, reports on studies of gentileswho saved Jews in the Holocaust. She found anynumber who did not like Jews, even disliked them, yethad no question about their responsibility to save them,despite great personal risk, simply because they werefellow human beings. For another interpretation, see2. 80.Early Warning, Intervention, and Prevention of Genocide 165

~ 8. 56 ~Thompson, John L. P. "Genocide as Boundary-CrossingBehavior. " Internet on the Holocaust and GenocideSpecial Issue 21 (1989).In this research, Thompson studies the history ofviolence in Ireland, but the larger significances of hiswork are these: 1) theoretically, he conceives ofviolence as a continuum that extends to genocide andmust be monitored against development into genocide;and 2) in the process of the research he creates andworks with original measures of. violence, such as thedegree of public outrage at various types and degreesof cruelty and violence, that can be useful to otherresearchers of genocide.~ 8. 57 ~Totten, Samuel, and William S. Parsons, eds. "Teachingabout Genocide. " Social Education 55, no. 2(February 1919): 84-133."Teaching and learning about genocide is not easy,for it is both a complex and horrific subject, " writeParsons and Totten in this special issue. "However,if teachers across the globe taught their students aboutgenocide and helped them to understand their responsibilityin our global village, they could possibly make"a major contribution to humanity.~ 8. 58 ~Whitaker,Ben. Revised and Updated Report on theQuestion of the Prevention and Punishment of theCrime of Genocide. Report prepared for UnitedNations. Economic and Social Council. Commissionon Human Rights. Sub-Commission on the Preventionof Discrimination and Protection of Minorities. 6thsess. , 1985. E/CN. 4/ Sub. 2/1985/6, 2 July 1985.This is an admirable hard-hitting proposal by aformal UN research group for revision and expansionof the UN Convention on Genocide. In the process ofthis formal report, the document presents a remarkablyvivid and comprehensive overview of the history ofgenocide, and the emergence of international governmentaland non-governmental policies and initiativestowards punishment, intervention, and prevention ofgenocide.The Whitaker Report is also deserving of specialcommendation for its formal correction of earlier UNdenial of the history of the Armenian genocide.his report, whichWhitaker succeeded in stewardingaffirms the Armenian genocide, through a maze ofTurkish and other government efforts at denial. TheWhitaker Report is the second full-scale investigationby the UN of genocide and of UN law on genocidesince the inception of the world body. An earlier reportwas submitted by Nicodeme Rusashyankiko in 1973and revised in final draft in 1978, following which thecommission chairperson returned to his native Rwandaand is reported never to have been heard from again.See also the following entry.*8. 59 ~Internet on the Holocaust and Genocide (January-February 1985). Special Double Issue on the WhitakerReport to the UN.This special issue of Internet provides a step-bystepsummary as well as interpretive essays on themajor conclusions of the Whitaker Report.~ 8. 60 ~Wiesel, Elie. ?he Oath. New York: Random House,1973. LC 73-5042. ISBN 0-394-48779-6.Elie Wiesel is a child-survivor of the Holocaustwhose autobiographical novels, such as Night andDawn, have shaken the world, and whose inspiringethical orientation to protesting past and future dangersof genocide to all peoples have earned him the awesomeNobel Peace Prize. In?he Oath, using the formof a novel, Wiesel describes the brewing of a fictionalgenocidal massacre in a village. The story is a grippingsmall-scale parable of the development of the Holocaust.166 GENOCIDE

APPENDIX:CHRONOLOGY OF GENOCIDEby Michael DobkowskiCountryDatesPer petratorsVictimsEstimated Nos.Melos416 B. C. E. AtheniansMeliansUnknownCarthage146 B. C. E. RomansCarthaginians150, 000SouthernFrance1208-1226 Papacy and FrenchCatholicsAlbigensianCatharsUnknownChina 1211-34 Chingis Khan andMongolsChinese,Muslims,Persians, andothersUnknownThe Americas 1492-1789 Spanish, Portuguese, IndiansBritish, and FrenchJapan 1587-1610 Japanese Christiansin JapanNew England 1630-38 Puritans PequotIndiansAustralia 1800-50 EuropeanSettlersAboriginalPeoplesUnknown butin the millions285, 00050, 000100, 00030, 000-50, 000SouthernAfrica1818-28 Shaka and theZulusNdwandwe 40, 000Appalachiato Oklahoma1838-39 U. S. Government CherokeeIndians4, 000 - 15, 000NorthernCalifornia1856-60 Settlers inCaliforniaYuki Indians 3, 000 - 3, 500German S. W.Africa1904 German Troops Herero 65, 000OttomanEmpire1915-22 Young Turks andKurdsArmenians 1, 000, 000-1, 500, 000Soviet Union1932-37Stalin and SovietRegimeUkrainians4- 10MillionGermany1939-45Germans andCollaboratorsJewsGypsies5. 8 million50, 000Chronology of Genocide 167

CountryDatesPer petratorsVictimsEstimated Nos.Sudan1955-72Sudanese ArmySouthernSudanese500, 000Indonesia 1965-67 Vigilantes Communists 200, 000-600, 000Nigeria1966-70Other NigeriansIbos2-3 MillionParaguay1968-72ParaguayansAchdIndians1, 000Bangladesh 1971 East PakistanArmyBengalis 1. 3 — 3MillionBurundi 1972 Tutsis Hutus 100, 000-200, 000East Timor 1975 Indonesian Army Timorese 60, 000-100, 000Cambodia 1975-79 Khmer Rouge Cambodians 1-2. 5MillionUgandaBangladesh1976-78 Ugandan Army1971 to the Bangladeshi Armypresentand Bengali settlersUgandans 500, 000Non-Bengal i tribal 200, 000peoples of theChittagong HillTracts of southeasternBangladesh168 GENOCIDE

AUTHOR INDEXAaby, Peter. . . . . . .Abella, IrvingAblin, David. . . . . .Abzug, Robert H. . . .Adalian, Rouben. . . .Adams, JamesAdelson, AlanAhmad, EqbalAinsztein, Reuben. . .Alexander, Edward . .Allworth, Edward. . .Ankara University. . .Appelfeld,AharonArad, YitzchakArendt, HannahArens, Richard. . . . .Aronson, RonaldAskenasy, HansAtaov, TurkkayaAxelrod, DanielBaker, LeonardBall, Desmond. . . . .Bar-On, DanBarabas, AliciaBardakjian, Kevork B.Bartolomd, MiguelBauer, Yehuda. . . . .Bauman, ZygmuntBaumel, Judith TydorBedau, Hugo Adam. . .Bellis, PaulBerenbaum, MichaelBerglund, StaffanBergmann, Martin S. . .Berkovits, Eliezer. . . .Bettelheim, Bruno. . . .Bettelheim, Charles. . .Bierman, JohnBlatter, Janet. . . . . . .Bodley, John H. . . . . .Bor, Josef. . . . . . . . .Borkin, Joseph. . . . . .Borowski, TadeuszBraham, Randolph L.Branford, SueBreitman, Richard. . . .Brenner, Robert ReeveBrintnall, Douglas E. .Bryce, Viscount. . . . .1. 352. 831. 12. 505. A. . . . . . . . . . . . 7. 322. 361. 22. 1052. 123. . . . . . . . . . . . . 6. 15. 182. 109, 2. 1 10, 2. 1 1 12. 37, 2. 512. 15, 3. 11. 4, 1. 57. 837. 845. 20, 5. 217. 682. 387. 594. 13, 8. 11. 6. . . . . . . . . . . . . 8. 2. . . . . . . . . . . . . 1. 6. . 2. 84, 2. 85, 3. 2, 3. 3,. . . . . . . 3. 4, 3. 5, 3. 62. 16, 7. 862. 867. 856. 17. . . . . . . . . . . . . 3. 71. 74. 14. . . . . . . 2. 139, 2. 1402. 176. 182. 702. 1241. 8, 1. 92. 392. 522. 1122. 1, 2. 1251. 102. 18, 2. 94. . . . . . . . . . . . . 4. 11. 115. GBudiardjo, CarmelBundy, McGeorgeBurger, JulianButz, Arthur R.Cargas, Harry JamesCarr, Edward HallettCarrere d'Encausse, HCarroll, Berenice A.Carter, Ashton. . . . .Carynyk, Marco. . .Chalk, Frank. . . . . .Charny, Israel W. . .Chodziesner,GertrudChorover, Stephen L.Churchill, Ward. . .Coates, Kenneth. . .Cohen, Arthur. . . .Colchester, MarcusColletta, Nat J.Collins, RandallComstock, CraigConquest, RobertCorsun, Andrew. . .Coser, Lewis. . . . .Costanza, Mary S.Council on Turkish-ARelationsDadrian, Vahakn N.Dando, William A.Dargyay, Eva K.Davies, R. W.Davis, RobertDavis, Shelton H. . . .Dawidowicz,LucyDelbo, Charlotte. . . .Des Pres, TerrenceDeutscher, Isaac. . . .Devalle, Susana B. C. .Dimsdale, Joel E. . . .Dinnerstein, Leonard .Dmytryshyn, BasilDobkowski, Michael MDobroszycki, LucjanDolot, Miron. . . . . .Donat, AlexanderDorstal, W. . . . . . . .Dower, John W. . . . .1. 12, 1. 137. 601. 14. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8. 32. 1416. 19elene. . . . . . . . . . . . 6. 207. 337. 616. 212. 19, 6. 22, 7. 10, 8. 47. 11, 7. 12, 7. 13, 7. 87, 7. 88,8. 5, 8. 6, 8. 7, 8. 8, 8. 9, 8. 10,8. 1 1, 8. 12, 8. 13, 8. 14, 8. 452. 1162. 20, 8. 157. 141. 282. 1421. 161. 177. 897. 1131. 18, 1. 19, 6. 2, 6. 35. 177. 902. 126merican. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5. 6. . . 3. 8, 5. B, 5. C, 7. 15,. . 7. 16, 7. 17, 7. 18, 8. 16. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7. 11. 206. 19, 6. 231. 211. 22. . . . . . . . . . . 2. 2, 3. 92. 572. 533. 101. 23. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4. 22. 876. 247. 312. 40. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6. 42. 581. 247. 35AvTttott I~ant'x 169

Dwork, DeborahDyer, Gwynne. . . . . .Eckhardt, A. Roy. . . .Eckhardt, Alice L.Eckhardt, William. . . .Eckman, LesterEdib, Halide (Adivar)Editors of Life, The. . .Edwards, CoralEitinger, Leo. . . . . . .Elder, James F.Eliach, Yaffa. . . . . . .Elliot, Gil. . . . . . . . .Ellison, Herbert J.Emin, AhmedEpstein, Helen. . . . . .Ervin, Alexander M.Ezrahi, Sidra Dekoven .Fackenheim, Emil. . . .Falconi, CarloFalk, RichardFarrar, Marjorie. . . . . .Feig, Konnilyn. . . . . . .Feigl, ErichFein, Helen. . . . . . . . .Feingold, Henry L. . . . .Fenelon, Fania. . . . . . .Ferencz, Benjamin B.Fetter, Steve . . . . . . . .Feuer, Lewis S.Fine, Ellen S.Fisher, RobinFleming, Gerald. . . . . .Flender, HaroldFlinker, MosheFord, DanielForeign Policy InstituteFox, John P.Frank, AnneFrankl, Viktor E.Freeman, Michael. . . . .Frey, Robert S.Friedlander, HenryFriedlander, SaulFriedman, PhilipFriedman, Saul S. . . . . .Fromer, Daphna. . . . . .Fromm, ErichFuller, J. F. C.Gabriel, Richard. . . . . .Gailey, Christine WardGander, T. J.Gault, William Barry. . .2. 217. 34. 2. 143, 3. 11, 3. 12, 3. 13. . . . . 2. 143, 3. 12, 3. 137. 2, 7. 362. 107. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5. 4. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5. 71. 268. 181. 252. 144. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7. 36. 25. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5. 5. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4. 31. 272. 1272. 145, 3. 14,3. 15, 3. 16, 3. 172. 887. 74, 7. 917. 372. 545. 27. . 2. 22, 7. 19, 8. 19, 8. 202. 89, 3. 18, 3. 192. 592. 557. 383. 202. 1281. 28. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2. 32. 712. 607. 625. 253. 212. 612. 23, 4. 153. 223. 253. 232. 90, 3. 24, 4. 162. 24, 2. 72, 3. 262. 918. 458. 217. 397. 401. 297. 417. 92Gay, William C. . . . . . . . . . . . . .Geis, MiepGibson, Janice T.Gilbert, MartinGill, Anton. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Glaser, K.Glock, OrielGoldberg, Hillel. . . . . . . . . . . . .Gols, Alison Leslie. . . . . . . . . . .Goodman, Michael Harris. . . . . . .Green, GeraldGreenberg, Irving. . . . . . . . . . . .Grossman,DavidGroup for the Advancementof Psychiatry. . . . . . . .Gunter, Michael M.Gurr, Ted RobertGuriin, KkmuranGutman, Yisrael. . . . . . . . .Haas, AaronHabermas, Jiirgen. . . . . . . .Hallie, Philip. . . . . . . . . . .Halperin,MortonHamilton, V. Lee. . . . . . . .Hancock, Ian. . . . . . . . . . .Harff, Barbara. . . . . . . . . .Haritos-Fatouros,MikaHarkin, Tom. . . . . . . . . . .Hart, Hornell. . . . . . . . . . .Hartigan,Hartman,Richard ShellyGeoffreyHauptman, Laurence M. . . . .Heinemann, Marlene. . . . . .Heller, Celia StopnickaHeller, MikhailHerken, Gregg. . . . . . . . . .Hernandez, Deborah Pacini . .Heuser, Beatrice. . . . . . . . .Heyen, WilliamHilberg, RaulHillesum, Etty. . . . . . . . . .Hochhuth, RolfHong, Evelyne. . . . . . . . . .Hood, MarloweHorowitz, Irving Louis. . . . .Hovannisian, Richard G.Huberband, Shimon. . . . . . .Hughes, Everett C.Huttenbach, Henry R.Hvalkof, SorenInsdorf, Annette. . . . . . . . .Institute for Ataturk'sPrinciples and7. 63, 7. 642. 738. 221. 30, 2. 4, 2. 924. 178. 231. 103. 272. 731. 312. 1292. 1472. 1137. 935. 157. 20, 8. 255. 222. 41. . . . . . . . . . . 4. 43. 282. 747. 657. 99, 8. 323. 297. 20, 8. 24, 8. 258. 227. 667. 947. 422. 251. 322. 130. . . . . . . . . . . 2. 56. 267. 671. 333. 30. . . . . 2. 114, 2. 1152. 6, 2. 42, 3. 31, 3. 322. 622. 931. 341. 17. 21, 8. 275. D, 8. 282. 1487. 957. 221. 352. 131the History of Turkish Renovation . . . . 5. 13Institute for the Study of Turkish Culture . . . 5. 26170 GENOCIDE

International Conference on theHolocaust and Genocide (1st: 1982):Tel Aviv, IsraelInternational Symposium on theHolocaust, Cathedral of St. Johnthe DivineJackel, Eberhard. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Jagendorff, SiegfriedJakobovits, ImmanuelJaspers, KarlJohnson, Robert. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Jonassohn, Kurt . . . . . . . . 2. 19, 6. 22,Jones, RonJucovy, Milton. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Kaku, MichioKaplan, Chaim. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Kaplan, Fred. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Katin, Ernest. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Katz, Steven T. . . . . . . . . . . . 3. 36,Kedourie, Elie. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Keegan, John. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Kelman, Herbert C.Kemal, Mustafa Ataturk. . . . . . . . . . .Kennett, LeeKermisz, Josef. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Kewley, Vanja. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Kingston-Mann, Esther. . . . . . . . . . . .Kirschner, Robert. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Klein, GerdaKliot, N.Kloian, Richard D.Knight, Gerald. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Knopp, Josephine Z.Koestler, Arthur. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Kohler, Gernot. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Kolkowicz, RomanKoonz, ClaudiaKopf, DavidKorczak, Janusz. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Kordan, Bohdan S.Kovel, JoelKramer, Ronald C.Kravchenko, Victor. . . . . . . . . . . . . .Krell, Robert. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Kren, GeorgeKren, George M. . . . . . . . 2. 27, 3. 37,Krystal, Henry. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Kulka, Otto Dov. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Kuper, Leo. . . . . . . . . 3. 40, 7. 24, 78. 36,Kurtz, Lester R. . . .Kutner, LuisLang, Berel. . . . . .Langer, Lawrence . .Langer, Lawrence L.2. 28,2. 133, 28. 292. 1463. 332. 433. 342. 267. 967. 10, 8. 48. 314. 147. 682. 447. 698. 397. 23, 7. 97. . . 5. 87. 437. 99, 8. 32. . . . 5. 37. 442. 42. . . 1. 37. . . . 6. 52. 1492. 631. 385. E8. , 332. 132. . . . 6. 6. . . . 7. 27. 70. . . . 2. 77. 1052. 456. 217. 717. 72. . . . 6. 78. 188. 343. 38, 8. 35. . . . 4. 53. 3925, 7. 100,8. 37, 8. 387. 738. 397. 26, 7. 98. 4. 6, 4. 7134, 2. 135Lanzmann,ClaudeLapides, RobertLaqueur, Walter .Lazar, ChaimLegters, Lyman HLeitner, Isabella .Lemkin, RaphaelLevi, PrimoLeviton, DanielLewin, M.Lewis, NormanLewy, Guenter . .Lifton, Robert JayLiong, Liem SoeiLipstadt, Deborah E. . .Lisbona, DavidLittell, Franklin H.Lizot, Jaques. . . . . . .Lopez, George A. . . . .Lowry, Heath W.Luciuk, LuyblubomyrYLuel, Steven A.Mace, James E.Maksudov, S.Mansson, H. H.Marcus, Paul. . . . . . .Mark, BerMarkus, AndrewMarkusen, EricMarrus, Michael R. . .Marrus, Michael RobertMarullo, SamMason, Henry L.Mattingley, ChristobelMayer, Arno J.Mazian, FlorenceMcCarthy, Carolyn . .McCarthy, JustinMcLean, Scilla. . . . .McLoughlin,William GMcNeely, Jeffrey A.Medvedev, Roy A.Mendelsohn, Ezra. . .Merton, Robert K.Michaelis, MeirMilgram, StanleyMillar, James R.Miller, JudithMilner, Clyde A.Milton, Sybil. . . . . .Mitrany, DavidMoody, Roger. . . . .Morgan, Sally2. 8, 3. 412. 362. 94, 2. 952. 1071. 39, 6. 82. 64, 2. 658. 402. 66, 4. 8, 4. 18. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7. 4. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6. 91. 402. 962. 29, 2. 30, 7. 27, 7. 45,7. 74, 7. 101, 7. 102, 8. 41, 8. 421. 12, 1. 132. 978. 142. 1501. 417. 8, 7. 465. 146. 214. 196. 10, 6. 11, 6. 126. 138. 444. 192. 1061. 422. 29, 7. 28, 7. 102,7. 103, 7. 104, 7. 105, 8. 412. 9, 2. 313. 427. 727. 106, 7. 107, 7. 1081. 432. 107. 295. 335. 10, 5. 337. 751. 441. 456. 142. 117. 1092. 758. 436. 272. 321. 462. 124. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6. 151. 471. 48AUTIIOR INDEX 171

Morgenthau, Henry . . . . . '. . . . . .Morse, Arthur D.Morse, Jonathan. . . . . . . . . . . . .Moskovitz, SarahMuller, Filip. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Munzel, MarkNash, Henry T.Neher, AndrbNekrich, Aleksander M. . . . . . . . .Neterowicz, Eva M.Neusner, JacobNewson, Linda A.Nolan, Janne E.Nolte, ErnstNomberg-Przytyk,SaraO' Connell, Robert L.Ohland, KlaudineOliner, Pearl M. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Oliner, Samuel P. . . . . . . . . . . . . .Olson, James S.Opotow, Susan. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Orel, $inasi. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Ortiz, Roxanne DunbarOshry, EphraimOttoman Archives. . . . . . . . . . . . .Paine, RobertPapazian, Pierre. . . . . . . . . . . . . .Parsons, William S.Pasha, DjemalPasha, Talaat. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Paxton, Robert O. . . . . . . . . . . . . .Pawelczynska,AnnaPearson, MichaelPeattie, LisaPenkower, Monty N. . . . . . . . . . . .Perec, GeorgesPermanent Peoples' Tribunal Sessionof the PhilippinesPipes, RichardPitt, DavidPorat, Dina. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Porter, Jack NusanPossony, S. T.Price, DavidRabinowitz, Dorothy. . . . . . . . .Ramos, Alicida R.Rapoport, AnatolRappaport,ChananRappaport, Leon. . . . . . . . . . .Read, Peter. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Reitlinger, Gerald Roberts. . . . . .Retboll, TorbenReynolds, HenryRhodes, Richard. . . . . . . . . . . .Richelson, Jeffrey. . . . . . . . . . .5. F2. 982. 136. . . . 4. 92. 671. 497. 1102. 1516. 261. 503. 431. 517. 473. 44, 3. 452. 687. 481. 522. 762. 761. 537. 1115. 231. 542. 1525. 281. 553. 468. 57. . . . 5;2. . . 5. 1. . . 2. 92. 567. 637. 1122. 998. 461. 566. 161. 452. 1004. 20, 8. 478. 231. 574. 211. 588. 487. 87, 8. 132. 27, 3. 38, 8. 341. 26, 1. 592. 121. 601. 617. 5, 7. 767. 59Rieck, Miriam. . . . . .Ringelblum,EmmanuelRoberts, JanRoiphe, AnneRosenbaum, Irving J. . .Rosenberg, Alan. . . . .Rosenfeld, Alvin H.Rosenfeld, HarveyRosensaft, MenachemRoss, Robert W.Rotenstreich, Nathan . .Rubenstein, Richard L.Ruether, Rosemary Radford . .Rummel, R. J.Sachs, NellySagan, Carl. . . . . . . . . . . .Sahaydak, Maksym. . . . . . .Salk, JonasSallagar, FrederickSan Jose Conferences on theHolocaust (1977-1978) . .Sanford, NevittSantoni, Ronald E.Schaffer, Ronald. . . . . . . . .Schleunes, KarlSchneider, RobinSchorsch, IsmarSederberg, Peter C. . . . . . . .Sereny, GitaSevilla-Casas, Elias. . . . . . .Shaw, Ezel KuralShaw, Stanford J.Sherman, MareSherry, Michael S.Sichrovsky, PeterSigal, John J.$imgir, Bilal N.Smith, Richard ChaseSolomon, Susan GrossSomerville, John. . . . . . . . .Sonyel, Salahi R.Spector, Leonard S.Spiegelman, Art. . . . . . . . .Stambler, EricStaron, StanislawStaub, ErvinStedman, RaymondWilliamStein, Richard A.Steinberg, ArleneSteinbrunner, John D.Steiner, GeorgeSteinitz, Lucy Y.Stewart, Desmond. . . . . . . .8. 182. 461. 628. 492. 1533. 482. 1372. 773. 492. 1013. 502. 33, 2. 34, 2. 154,3. 51, 7. 6, 7. 302. 1557. 7a, 7. 7b2. 1177. 771. 638. 507. 498. 517. 1137. 647. 502. 131. 523. 527. 782. 351. 64. . . . . . . . . . 5. 9. . . . . . . . . . 5. 98. 147. 514. 10, 4. 224. 115. 321. 656. 287. 79. . . . . 5. 11, 5. 16,5. 29, 5. 30, 5. 317. 80. . . . 2. 118, 2. 1197. 542. 427. 114, 8. 531. 663. 534. 237. 613. 544. 24. . . . . . . . . . 5. 7172 GENOCIDE

P eaceStockholm InternationalResearch Institute. . .Stohl, Michael . . . . . . . .Suhl, YuriSzonyi, David M.Talmon, J. L. . . . . . . . . .Tapp, NicholasTaylor, Cecil P.Taylor, Kenneth. . . . . . .Tec, NechamaTerzani, Tiziano. . . . . . .The Assembly of TurkishAssociationsThomas, C. E.Thompson, John L. P.Thornton, Russell. . . . . .Tory, AvrahamTotten, Samuel. . . . . . . .Toynbee, Arnold Joseph . .Treece, DavidTroper, HaroldTrunk, Isaiah. . . . . . . . .Turco, RichardTurnbull, ColinTushnet, LeonardUNESCO. . . . . . . . .United States. President'on the HolocaustUras, EsatValkeapaa, Nils-AslakVan Creveld, MartinViola, Lyn. ne. . . . . . . . .7. 52. . . . . . . . . . . . 7. 82. 1084. 243. 551. 678. 541. 582. 78, 2. 79, 2. 80, 8. 551. 68Americans Commission5. 247. 668. 561. 692. 478. 575. G1. 702. 832. 487. 771. 712. 491. 723. 475. 121. 737. 536. 29Walker, Paul. . . . . . .Wallace, DavidWallimann, Isidor. . . .Walter, Lynn. . . . . . .Wasserstein, Bernard . .Weber, MaxWeinfeld, Morton. . . .Wells, LeonWertham, FredericWesting, Arthur H. . . .Wheelon, Albert D. . . .Whitaker, BenWhite, Ralph K. . . . . .Whitten, Norman E. , Jr.Wiesel, ElieWiesenthal,SimonWilliams, PeterWillis, Robert E.Wilson, Raymond. . .World BankWright, GordonWright, QuincyWyman, David S. . . .Yahil, LeniYoung, James E.Zannis, MarkZimmels, H. J.Zraket, Charles A.Zuccotti, SusanZuckerman, Edward7. 547. 557. 311. 742. 1027. 1154. 112. 693. 57. . . . . . . . . . . . 7. 97. 478. 587. 811. 752. 120, 2. 121, 4. 12,4. 25, 8. 602. 1227. 553. 581. 531. 777. 577. 58. . . . . . 2. 103, 2. 1042. 14, 2. 812. 138, 4. 261. 212. 1567. 612. 827. 82AUTIIOR INDEx 173

TITLE INDEXThe Abandonment of the Jews: Americaand the Holocaust, 1941-1945"Acceleration in Social Change". . . . . . . . ."Accommodation and Adjustment toEthnic Demands: The MediterraneanFramework"Accounting for Genocide: NationalResponses and Jewish Victimizationduring the HolocaustThe Ache Indians: Genocide in ParaguayAct and Idea in the Nazi GenocideAfter Auschwitz: Radical Theology andContemporary Judaism. . . . . . . . . . . ."Against Mystification""Against Relativism: A Comment onthe Debate on the Uniquenessofthe Shoah"Against the State of Nuclear Terror. . . . . . .The Age of Triage: Fear and Hope in anOvercrowded WorldThe Age of WondersAll but My LifeThe Altruistic Personality: Rescuers ofJews in Nazi EuropeAmbassador Morgenthau's Story. . . . . . . . .America and the Survivors ofthe Holocaust . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ."The 'American Genocide' Pathologies ofIndian-White Relations"American Jewry and the Holocaust". . . and the Dirty Little Weapons"Andonian "Documents" Attributedto Talaat. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Anne Frank Remembered"The Anticipation and Prevention ofGenocide in International Conflicts:Some Lessons from History""April 2018, Intergalactic AssociatedPress"The Architect of Genocide: Himmler and theFinal SolutionAre We All Nazis?Armenian Allegations: Myth and Reality,a Handbook of Facts and Documents"Armenian Deportations: A Reappraisalin the Light of New Documents". . . . . . .An Armenian FalsificationThe ArmenianInnocenceFile: The Myth of. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .The Armenian Genocide in Perspective. . . . .2. 1037. 941. 382. 221. 492. 282. 154. 3. 23. 537. 712. 33, 7. 62. 1092. 632. 765. F2. 871. 392. 847. 545. 202. 737. 18, 8. 168. 52. 187. 845. 245. 115. 215. 228. 28The Armenian Genocide in the U. S.Archives, 1915-1918The Armenian Genocide: News Accountsfrom the American Press, 1915-1922 . . . .The Armenian Holocaust: a BibliographyRelating to the Deportations, Massacres,and Dispersion of the Armenian People,1915-1923. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .The Armenian Issue in Nine Questionsand Answers"Armenian Terrorism: A Profile"The Armenians in History and the ArmenianQuestion. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Armenians in the Ottoman Empire andModern Turkey (1912-1926)Art of the HolocaustThe Artists of TerezinAuschwitz and the AlliesAuschwitz: Beginning of a New Era?Reflections on the HolocaustAuschwitz: True Tales from a GrotesqueLandAxis Rule in Occupied Europe.Badenheim 1939. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ."Ballistic Missiles and Weapons ofMass Destruction: What Is the Threat?What Should Be Done?"Before the BulldozerBehind the Forbidden Door. . . . . . . . . . . .Belzec, Sobibor, Treblinka: TheOperation Reinhard Death CampsThe Best Sons of the Fatherland; Workersin the Vanguard of SovietCollectivization"Between Historical Myth and Revisionism?:The Third Reich from the Perspectiveof 1980" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Beyond Belief: The American Pressand the Coming of the Holocaust,1933-1945. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Bitburg in Moral and PoliticalPerspectiveThe Blue and the Yellow Stars of David:The Zionist Leadership in Palestineand the Holocaust, 1939-1945The Book of the International Conferenceon the Holocaust and Genocide:Book One. The Conference Programand Crisis. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Born Guilty: Children of Nazi Families.5. A5. E5. D5. 255. 175. 125. 132. 1242. 1292. 922. 1462. 688. 402. 1107. 381. 571. 682. 516. 293. 442. 972. 252. 1008. 294. 10TITLE IibDFX 175

Bound in Misery and Iron: The Impact ofthe Grande Carasjas Program on theIndians of Brazil. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Breaking the SilenceA Brief Glance at the "Armenian Question" .Britain and the Jews of Europe,1939-1945. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .British Documents on Ottoman Armenians,Volume I (1856-1880),Volume II (1880-1890). . . . . . . . . . . . .The Broken Connection: On Deathand the Continuity of Life. . . . . . . . . ."Bureaucracy""Bureaucratic Structure and Personality". . .1. 702. 945. 202. 1025. 197. 1017. 1157. 1097. 110"The Bureaucratization of Homicide". . . . .The Button: The Pentagon's Commandand Control System7. 62By Words Alone: The Holocaust in Literatu re 2. 127The Cambodian Agony. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1. 1"Categories without Culture: Structuralism,Ethnohistory and Ethnocide"1. 29The Catholic Church and Nazi Germany. . . . 2. 96Cherokees and Missionaries, 1789-1839 1. 44Children of the Holocaust: Conveisationswith Sons and Daughters of SurvivorsChildren with a StarChina's Bloody Century: Genocideand Mass Murder since 1900. . . . . . . . .4. 32. 217. 7b1. 152. 407. 36The Chittagong Hill TractsChronicle of the Lodz Ghetto, 1941-1944"Civilian Deaths in Wartime". . . . . . . . . . .Class Struggles in the USSR;Second Period: 1923-1930. . . . . . . . . . . 6. 18"'Cloud of Smoke, Pillar of Fire':Judaism, Christianity, and Modernityafter the Holocaust". . . . .'. . . . . . . . . 2. 147Communism and the Dilemmas of NationalLiberation: National Communism inSoviet Ukraine, 1918-19336. 10"Concerning Authentic and UnauthenticResponses to the Holocaust"3. 14The Conduct of War, 1789-1961. . . . . . . . . 7. 39"Confessing God after Auschwitz:A Challenge for Christianity". . . . . . . . . 3. 58"The ConvergentAspects of the Armenianand Jewish Cases of Genocide: AReinterpretation of the Concept ofHolocaust"3. 8, 7. 17Counsels of War. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7. 67The Crime and Punishment of I. G. Farben . . 2. 52Crimes of Obedience: Toward a SocialPsychology of Authority andResponsibilityThe Crucifixion of the Jews. . . . . . . . .Culture and Conservation7. 99, 8. 322. 1501. 45The Cunning of History: The Holocaust andthe American Future . . . . . . 2. 34, 3. 51, 7. 30Dam a River, Damn a People?. . . . . . . . . . 1. 55Danger and Survival: Choices About theBomb in the First Fifty Years. . . . . . . . .Dark Soliloquy. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .DawnThe Day after World War III. . . . . . . . . . .Days of Sorrow and PainDeath BrigadeDeath in Life: Survivors of HiroshimaDeaths Caused by Disease in Relationto the Armenian Question . . . . . . . . . . . 5. 21"The Decision to Collectivize Agriculture" . . 6. 25Decline of an Empire; the SovietSocialist Republics in Revolt . . . . . . . . . 6. 20The Deportees of Malta and the ArmenianQuestion. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5. 32The Deputy. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2. 93The Destruction of the European Jews . . . . . . 2. 6"Determining the Uniqueness of the Holocaust:The Factor of Historical Valence" . . . . . . 3. 18The Dialectics of Disaster: A Preface to Hope 7. 83The Dialectics of Domination in Peru. . . . . . 1. 65The Diary of a Young Girl . . . . . . . . . . . . 2. 61Dimensions: A Publication of theAnti-Defamation League. . . . . . . . . . . . 8. 17Displacement of the Armenians Documents . . 5. 30Dispossession . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1. 61"Documentation of the Armenian Genocidein Turkish Sources". . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5. BDocuments on the Armenian Question:Forged and Authentic. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5. 21Documents on Ottoman-Armenians . . . . . . . 5. 34A Double Dying: Reflections onHolocaust Literature . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2. 137The Drowned and the Saved . . . . . . . . . . . . 4. 8Dry Tears: The Story of a Lost Childhood . . 2. 78East Timor, Indonesia and theWestern Democracies. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1. 60The Eastern Question: Imperialismandthe Armenian Community . . . . . . . . . . . 5. 26The Echo of the Nazi Holocaust inRabbinic Literature . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2. 156"Ecocide, Genocide, and the NurembergTradition of Individual Responsibility"Economic Development and Tribal Peoples"The Education of a Torturer"Eichmann in Jerusalem: A Report on7. 911. 778. 22the Banality of Evil . . . . . . . . . . . . 2. 15, 3. 1An End to Laughter. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1. 16Engines of War: Merchants of Deathand the New Arms Race. . . . . . . . . . . . 7. 32Environmental Warfare: A Technical,Legal, and Policy Appraisal. . . . . . . . . . . 7. 9176 GENOCIDE

"Epilogue: The Nuclear Arms Raceand Genocide"Erika: Poems of the Holocaust. . . . . . . . ."Essay: On the Place of the Holocaust inHistory; In Honour of Franklin H. Littell" . . 3. 3"Essay: Quantity and Interpretation — Issuesin the ComparativeHistorical Analysisof the Holocaust" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7. 23Ethnicity, Economy and the State in Ecuador . 1. 74Ethnocide of Ukrainians in the U. S. S. R.An Underground Journal from the SovietUkraine, Spring 1974. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1. 63"European History — Seedbed of the Holocaust" 3. 55Execution by Hunger; the Hidden Holocaust . . 6. 4The Exile of the Word: From the Silence ofthe Bible to the Silence of Auschwitz. . . 2. 151Eyewitness Auschwitz . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2. 67The Face of Battle . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7. 43"The Fact Behind the Telegrams Attributedto Talaat Pasha by the Armenians" . . . . . 5. 23Faith after the Holocaust. . . . . . . . . . . . . 2. 139The Faith and Doubt of Holocaust Survivors . . 4. 1Faith and Fratricide: Theological Rootsof Anti-Semitism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2. 155"'Faith Ethics and the Holocaust'. SomePersonal, Theological, and ReligiousResponses to the Holocaust" . . . . . . . . . 3. 34"Famine and Nationalism in Soviet Ukraine" . 6. 11"The Fate of the Earth and the Fate of theJews: Responses to Holocaust". . . . . . . 7. 107Final Solution . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2. 12Five Minutes to Midnight: Why the NuclearThreat Is Growing Faster Than Ever . . . . 7. 66Flight and Rescue. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2. 85"The Folk Culture and Development: CulturalGenocide or Cultural Revitalization?". . . . 1. 17For the Love of Life . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8. 21The Foreign Office and the Famine:British Documents on Ukraineand the Great Famine. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6. 21The Forest Indians in Stroessner's Paraguay:Survival or Extinction?. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1. 4The Forgotten Victim:, A History ofthe CivilianThe Formation of the Soviet Union;7. 42Communism and Nationalism 1917-1923 . . 6. 16Foundation of a Planned Economy, 1926-1929Vol. 1, Parts 1 and 2, of A History ofSoviet Russia. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .-. 6. 19Fragments of Isabella:A Memoir of Auschwitz. . . . . . . . . . . . 2. 64From Bergen-Belsen to Jerusalem:Contemporary Implicationsof the Holocaust. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3. 15From Genesis to Genocide . . . . . . . . . . . . 2. 20From Genesis to Genocide:The Meaning of Human Natureand the Power of Behavior Control . . . . . 8. 15"From the Holocaust to the Holocaust". . . . . 3. 41Gender and Destiny: Women Writers andthe Holocaust. . . . . . . . . . . . 2. 130Generations of the Holocaust4. 14The Genocidal Mentality: Nazi Holocaustand Nuclear Threat . . . . . . . 2;29, 8. 41, 7. 102"Genocidal Process: The German GenocideAgainst Jews"3. 40Genocide: A Critical Bibliographic Review, .vol. 1 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7. 12, 8. 7Genocide: A Critical Bibliographic Review,vol. 2. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7. 13, 8. 6"Genocide: A Sociological Perspective" 7. 19, 8. 20Genocide and Human Rights . . . . . . . . . . . 8. 24Genocide and Human Rights:A Global Anthology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8. 47"Genocide and Omnicide: Technology atthe Limits""Genocide and Social Science"Genocide and the Modern Age: Etiology and7. 983. 22Case Studies of Mass Death. . . . . . . . . . 7. 31"Genocide and Total War: A PreliminaryComparison" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7. 103"Genocide as a Problem of National andInternational Law: The World War IArmenian Case and its ContemporaryLegal Ramifications". . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5. C"Genocide as Boundary-Crossing Behavior" . . 8. 56"A Genocide Bureau" . . . . . . . . . . . . : . . 8. 33"A Genocide Early Warning System". . . . . . 8. 13Genocide in Paraguay . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1. 5"Genocide in Vietnam?" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7. 85Genocide: Its Political Use in theTwentieth Century. . . . . . . . .The Genocide Machine in CanadaGenocide: State Power and Mass. Murder"Genocide: The Ultimate Human7. 24, 8. 361. 218. 27Rights Problem". . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ; . . 8:8"Genocide, Total War,and Nuclear Omnicide" . . . . . . . . . . . 7. 104"Genocide: Toward a Functional Definition" . 7. 14"Genocides and Politicides since 1945:Evidence and Anticipation" . . . . . . . . . . 8. 25The Geography of Famine. . . . . . . . . . . . . , . 7. 1"German Motivations for the Destructionof the Jews" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3. 31Ghetto Diary. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2. 45Ghetto in Flames . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2. 37"Good People and Dirty Work" . . . . . . . . . 7. 95Good: A Tragedy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8. 54Governing Savages . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1. 42TITLE INDEx 177

GovernmentViolence and Repression:An Agenda for Research. . . . . . . . . .The Great Terror, A ReassessmentGreetings from Lappland"The Gulf War: Not So Clean"The Harvest of Sorrow: SovietCollectivization and the Terror-Famine 1. 19, 6. 3Hassidic Tales of the Holocaust '. . . . . . . . 2. 144"The Historikerstreit: Uniqueness andComparability of the Holocaust" . . . . . . . 3. 30The History and Sociology of Genocide 6. 22, 7. 10The History and Sociology of Genocide:Analyses and Case Studies. . . . . . . . 2. 19, 8. 4A History of Strategic Bombing . . . . . . . . . 7. 44"History of the Ottoman Empire'andModern Turkey, vol. 1, Empire of theGazis: The Rise and Decline of theOttoman Empire 1280-1808, vol. 2,Reform, Revolution, and Republic: TheRise of Modern Turkey 1808-1975 . . . . . . 5. 9History, Structure and Survival:A Comparison of the Yuki (Ukmno'm)and Tolowa (Hush) Indians ofNorthern California"1. 69Hitler and the Armenian Genocide. . . . . . . . . 8. 2Hiltler and the "Armenian Question" 5. 20Hitler and the Final Solution2. 3Hitler's Death Camps:The Sanity of Madness. . . . .'. . . . . . . . 2. 54The Hmong of Thailand . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1. 67The Hoax of the Twentieth Century: TheCase Against the Presumed Exterminationof European Jewry . . . . . . .;. . . . . . . . . 8. 3The Holocaust . . . . . . . . . . . . ,. . . . . . 2. 14The Holocaust: A History of the Jews ofEurope during the Second World War . . . . 2. 4"The Holocaust: A 'Non-Unique' Event forAll Humanity?" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3. 21Holocaust and Genocide Bibliographic1980-1990. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Holocaust and Genocide Studies . . . . . . . . .The Holocaust and Halakha. . . . . . . . . . ."The Holocaust and Jewish Survival". . . . . ."The Holocaust and Philosophy". . . . . . . . .The Holocaust and Strategic Bombing:Genocide and Total War in the8. 148. 262. 1533. 523. 16Twentieth Century. . . . . . . . . . . '. . . . 7. 105The Holocaust and the Crisis ofHuman Behavior. . . . . . . . . 2. 27, 3. 38, 8. 34"The Holocaust and the Enigma ofUniqueness: A Philosophical Effortat Practical Clarification" . . . . . . . . . . . 3. 12"The Holocaust and the FoundationsMoral Judgment"of8. 35The Holocaust and the LiteraryImagination. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ."The Holocaust as a UniqueHistorical Event""The Holocaust: History as Aberration"The Holocaust: Ideology, Bureaucracy,and Genocide. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .The Holocaust in History"The Holocaust in Perspective"The Holocaust Kingdom: A Memoir"The Holocaust: Some Unresolved Issues""Holocaust Survivors and Their Children:A Review of the Clinical Literature"Holocaust TestimoniesHolocaust Testimonies:The Ruins of Memory"Holocaust Theology: The Survivors .3. 503. 494. 232. 134Statement — Part I". . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3. 27"Holocaust Theology: The SurvivorsStatement — Part II" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3. 28Horrendous Death, Health, and Well-Being. . . 7. 4"How Armenian Propaganda Nurtured aGullible Christian World in Connectionwith the Deportations and 'Massacres'" . . 5. 29How Can We Commit the Unthinkable?:Genocide, the Human Cancer. . . . . . 7. 87, 8. 9How Nuclear Weapons Decisions Are Made . 7. 75"How to Avoid (Legally) Conviction forCrimes of Genocide: A One-Act Reading" . 8. 10"How Unique Is the Holocaust?" . . . . . . . . 3. 19A Hundred Years War. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1. 59Hydraulic Development and Ethnocide:The Mazatec and Chinantec People ofOaxaca, Mexico . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .I Chose Freedom: The Personal and1. 6Political Life of a Soviet Official. . . . . . . . 6. 7If This Is a Man. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2. 66"The Impact of Total War" . . . . . . . . . . . . 7. 57"Implementing the Final Solution: TheOrdinary Regulating of the Extraordinary" 7. 108"Imponderables of the Holocaust" . . . . . . . 7. 106In the Lion's Den:The Life of Oswald Rufeisen . . . . . . . . . 2. 79In the Shadow of the Holocaust:The Second Generation. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4. 4Incendiary Weapons7. 52Indefensible Weapons: The Political andPsychological Case Against Nuclearism . . 7. 74Indelible Shadows: Film and the Holocaust . 2. 131Indian Survival in Colonial Nicaragua . . . . . 1. 51Indians of the Americas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1. 54Indigenous Peoples . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1. 36The Indigenous Voice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1. 47178 GENOCIDE

The Industrialization of Soviet Russia,Vol. 1, The Socialist Offensive; theCollectivization of Soviet Agriculture,1929-1930, and Vol. 2, The SovietCollective Farm, 1929-1930. . . . . . . . . .Informe Final: Reunion de Expertos sobreEtnodesarrolloy Etnocidio en AmericaLatina, 7-11 de Diciembre de 1981;FLACSO, San Jose, Costa Rica N.SS-82/WS/32. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .The Informed Heart:Autonomy in a Mass AgeInside the Vicious Heart: Americansand the Liberation ofNazi Concentration Camps"Institutions and the Promotion of Violence"International Action Against GenocideInternet on the Holocaust and Genocide 8. 3An Interrupted Life: The Diaries ofEtty HillesumInto That Darkness: An Examinationof ConscienceThe Iroquois Struggle for SurvivalIs God an American? An AnthropologicalPerspective of the Missionary Workof the Summer Institute of Linguistics"Is the Holocaust Explicable". . . . . . . ;. . . .6. 231. 722. 172. 507. 968. 370, 8. 592. 351. 321. 353. 43. 114. 20"Is the Holocaust Unique?""Is There a Survivors' Syndrome?"". Issues in Post-HolocaustChristian Theology"The Italians and the Holocaust: Persecution,Rescue and SurvivalJagendorf's Foundry: Memoir of the RomaniaHolocaust, 1941-1944A Jew Today. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Jewish Resistance in Nazi-occupiedEastern Europe. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2. 105The Jewish Resistance2. 107The Jewish Return into History2. 145"The Jewish Tragedy and the Historian" 3. 10"Jewish Values in the Post-Holocaust Future:A Symposium". . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3. 35The Jews of East Central Europe Betweenthe World WarsThe Jews of Warsaw, 1939-1943: Ghetto,2. 11Underground, Revolt. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2. 41The Jews Were Expendable: Free WorldDiplomacy and the Holocaust. . . . :.. .". 2. 994. 17The Journey Back from Hell . . . . . . . ;,Judenrat: The Jewish Councils inEastern Europe under Nazi Occupation, . . ."Justifying the Final Solution"Kiddush Hashem: Jewish Religious andCultural Life in Poland duringthe Holocaust. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2. 148The Last Dalai Lama. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1. 31The Last Frontier; Fighting over Landin the AmazonLegacy of Night: The Literary Universeof Elie WieselLegacy of Silence: Encounters with1. 10Children of the Third Reich. . . . . . . 4. 13, 8. 1Lenin and the Problem of MarxistPeasant RevolutionLess Than Slaves: Jewish Forced Laborand the Quest for CompensationLest Innocent Blood Be ShedLet History Judge; the Origins andConsequences of Stalinism. . . . .Lethal Politics: Soviet Genocide andMass Murder since 1917. . . . . .Living after the Holocaust: Reflections by2. 552. 747. 7aChildren of Survivors Living in America . . 4. 24The Living Witness; Art in ConcentrationCamps and Ghettos"Locating the Holocaust on the GenocideSpectrum: Towards a Methodology ofDefinition and Categorization" . . . . . . . . 7. 22Lodz Ghetto: Inside a Communityunder Siege. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2. 36The Logic of Nuclear Terror7. 70"The Long Life of Metaphor — a Theological-Metaphysical Approach to the Shoah" . . . 3. 54A Long Night's Journey into Day;A Revised Retrospective onthe Holocaust. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2. 143, 3. 13"Looking at Potatoes from Below" . . . . . . . 3. 57of the"Losses Suffered by the PopulationUSSR in 1918-1958"The Lost Children. . . . . . . . . . . .Love Despite Hate: Child Survivors of6. 131. 26the Holocaust and Their Adult Lives . . . . . 4. 9The Macmillan Atlas of the Holocaust . . . . . 1. 30The Making of the Atomic Bomb . . . . . . . . 7. . 76Man Unfolding . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8. 50Man's Search for Meaning: An Introductionto Logotherapy. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2. 23, 4. 15"Man-Made Death: A Neglected Mortality". . . 7. 5"The Man-Made Famine of 1933 in theSoviet Ukraine: What Happened and Why ?" 6. 12Managing Nuclear Operations7. 61Marx Against the Peasant; a Study inSocial Dogmatism. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6. 15Marxism and the U. S. S. R. ; the Theoryof Proletarian Dictatorship and theMarxist Analysis of Soviet Society6. 17TITLE Itinvx 179

"Mass Collectivization and theContribution of Soviet Agricultureto the First Five Year Plan", . . . . . . . . . .Massacres to MiningMassive Psychic TraumaMaus II: A Survivor's Tale and Here6. 271. 624. 5My Troubles Began. . . . . . . . . . . . .'2. 119Maus: A Survivor's Tale2. 118Memoirs of Halide Edib. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5. 4Memories of a Turkish Statesman, 1913-1919 . 52"Minorities". . . 5. 8"The Miserable Practice of the Insinuators:The Uniqueness of the National-SocialistCrimes Cannot Be Denied"The MissionariesModernity and the Holocaust. . . . . . ."Moral Exclusion and Injustice"Moscow and the Ukraine, 1917-'1953. . .Mothers in the Fatherland: Women, theFamily, and Nazi PoliticsThe Mountain People. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Multi-Ethnicityin India: The Adivasi3. 331. 402. 16, 7. 867. 111. . . 6. 24Peasants of Chota Nagpur and SantalParganas. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Muslims and Minorities: The Populationof Ottoman Anatolia and the End ofthe EmpireMussolini and the Jews: German-ItalianRelations and the Jewish Questionin Italy. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .My PlaceA Myth of Terror. Armenian Extremism:Its Causes and Its Historical ContextThe National Integration of Mapuche. . . . . .National Revolution and Indigenous Identity . .Native Americans in the Twentieth Century . .Natives of Sarawak: Survival inBorneo's Vanishing Forests. . . . . . . . . .The Nazi Doctors: Medical2. 71. 711. 235. 102. 751. 485. 271. 71. 521. 531. 34Killing and thePsychology of Genocide . . . . 2. 30, 7. 27, 8. 42The New Conservatism: Cultural Criticismand the Historians' Debate3. 28New Lives: Survivors of the HolocaustLiving in America. . . . . . . . . . . . 4. 21Night. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ; . ; . . 2. 121, 4. 12No Haven for the Oppressed2. 91None Is Too Many2. 83None of Us Will Return . . . . . . . . . . 2. 57"Normalizing the Unthinkable". . . . . . 7. 112Notes from the Warsaw Ghetto: TheJournal of EmmanuelRingelblum"Nuclear 'War' Is Omnicide". . . . . . . . . . .The Nuclear Arms Race. . . . . . . . . . . . . .2. 467. 797. 63The Nuclear Cage: A Sociology ofthe Arms Race. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Nuclear, Chemical, and Biological Warfare . .The Nuclear Fallacy: Dispelling the Mythof Nuclear Strategy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Nuclear Winter, Deterrence and thePrevention of Nuclear War0 the ChimneysThe OathObedience to Authority"Ocean Mining and CulturalGenocide in Guam" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Of Arms and Men: A History of War,Weapons, and Aggression. . . . . . . . . . .On the Edge of Destruction. . . . . . . . . . . ."On the Possibility of the Holocaust:An Approach to a Historical Synthesis"On the Road to Tribal Extinction:Depopulation, Deculturation, andMaladaptationthe Philippinesamong the Bartak ofOne by One, by One: Facing the Holocaust . .The Ottoman Armenians: Victims of GreatPower Diplomacy. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Out of the Backyard; Readings onCanadian Native History. . . . . . . . . . . .The Painful Field: The PsychiatricDimension of Modern WarPaper WallsA Past That Will Not Pass Away —Pasha Are Forgeries!. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .A SpeechWas Possible to Write, But Not to PresenA Path Where No Man Thought:Nuclear Winter and theEnd of the Arms RaceThe Pavementof HellPhilippines, Repression and Resistance. . . . ."Philosophy and Contemporary Faces ofGenocide: Multiple Genocide andNuclear Destruction""Philosophy and the Holocaust"Pius XII and the Third Reich. . . . . . . . ."The Place of the Holocaust in ContemporaHistory". . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Playing for TimeThe Politics of Genocide. . . . . . . . . . . . . .The Politics of Rescue: The RooseveltAdministration and the Holocaust,1939-1945. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ."Posthumous"Preparation for Nuclear War:The Final Madness"Memoirs of Talaat Pasha"The Prevention of Genocide . . . . . . . 7."Professions, Professionals,and Genocide"ry7. 737. 417. 657. 782. 1178. 608. 431. 37. 482. 53. 241. 252. 325. 311. 287. 402. 1045. 20It3. 457. 772. 491. 567. 647. 262. 903. 52. 592. 12. 895. 18. 4825, 8. 38. . 7. 28180 GENOCIDE

Psychiatric Aspects of the Preventionof Nuclear WarPsychoanalytic Reflections on the HolocaustThe Psychological and Medical Effectsof Concentration Camps and RelatedPersecutions on Survivors of theHolocaust: A Research BibliographyPsychology and the Prevention of NuclearWar: A Book of Readings. . . . . . . . . . ."The Psychology of Denial of UnknownGenocides""The Public Relations of Ethnocide"The Question of German Guilt. . . . . . . . . .Rabbinic Responsa of the Holocaust Era. . .Raoul Wallenberg, Angel of Rescue. . . . . . ."The Readiness of Health Profession Studentsto Comply with a Hypothetical Programof Forced Migration of a MinorityPopulation""The Reasoning of Holocaust Theology". . . .Reflections of the Holocaust in Artand LiteratureReport from the FrontierReport to the President. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Rescue in Denmark. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .The Rescue of Danish Jewry: Test ofa Democracy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .The Resonance of DustResource Developmentand Indigenous PeopleResponsa from the Holocaust. . . . .. . . . . .A Review of the Acculturation Approachin Anthropology with Special Referenceto Recent Change in Native Alaska". . . . .Revised and Updated Report on theQuestion of the Prevention andPunishment of the Crime of GenocideRevolt Against the Dead. . . . . . . . . . . . . .Righteous Gentile . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ."'Righteous Gentiles' in the Nazi Era"The Rise of American Air Power: TheCreation of Armageddon. . . . . . . . . . . .The Road to Total WarRoads to Extinction: Essays on the Holocaust .7. 934. 198. 187. 818. 11. 1. 22. 262. 1492. 778. 453. 202. 1251. 143. 472. 712. 812. 1231. 332. 1521. 278. 581. 112. 703. 267. 517. 492. 24The Roots of Evil: The Origins of Genocideand Other Group Violence. . . . . . 7. 114, 8. 53Russian Peasants and Soviet Power, a Studyof Collectivization. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6. 9Sacha Runa: Ethnicity and Adaptation ofEcuadorian Jungle Quicha. . . . . . . . . . . 1. 75Sanctions for Evil. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7. 113Saving the Fragments: From Auschwitz toNew York. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2. 65"Scenarios of Genocide". . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8. 19Scroll of Agony2. 44A Season for Healing: Reflections onthe Holocaust. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8. 49See Under: Love2. 113Shadows of Auschwitz: A Christian Responseto the Holocaust. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2. 141Shadows of the Indian1. 66Shoah: An Oral History of the Holocaust . 2. 8Shofar: Inter-disciplinary Journal ofJewish Studies"The Significance of the Holocaust"The Silence of Pius XII"Singularity and Its Relativization:Changing Views in German Historiographyon National Socialism and the 'FinalSolution'". . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .The Situation of the Indian in South America .So It Was True: The American ProtestantPress and the Nazi Persecution ofthe Jews. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ."Some Remarks on Slaughter"The Soviet Agrarian Debate; a Controversy8. 523. 322. 883. 391. 242. 1017. 92i n. 6. 28Social Science, 1923-1929. . . . . . . . . .. . . 6. 8. . 6. 6. . 6. 1"The Soviet Gulag: Is It Genocidal?""Soviet Myth and Reality"Soviet Nationality Problems. . . . . . . . . . .A Speech Delivered by Ghazi MustaphaKemal, October 1927. . . . . . . . . . . . . .'Statement' Wrongly Attributed toMustafa Kemal AtaturkStranger at Home: "The Holocaust, "Zionism, and American Judaism. . . . . . .Strangers in Their Own Land. . . . . . . . . . .Strategic Nuclear Targeting. . . . . . . . . . . ."Structural and Armed Violence in the20th Century: Magnitudes and Trends". . .A Study of WarThe Sunflower. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Survival in Auschwitz: The Nazi Assaulton HumanitySurvival in Our Own LandSurviving the Holocaust: The KovnoGhetto DiaryThe Survivors: An Anthology of Life in theDeath Camps. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Survivors, Victims, and Perpetrators:Essays on the Nazi Holocaust. . . . . . . . .The Swastika PoemsSymposium on International Terrorism:Armenian Terrorism, Its Supporters,the Narcotic Connection, the Distortionof History. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Taking Lives: Genocide and State Power"Teaching about Genocide""Technology and Genocide: Technology as a'Form of Life. '". . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .5. 35. 203. 434. 227. 59. 7. 27. 582. 1224. 181. 432. 472. 53. 4. 22. 1155. 187. 218. 577. 97TITLE INDEx 181

Technology and War: From 2000 B. C. tothe PresentThe Terezin RequiemThe Terrible Secret: Suppression of the Truabout Hitler's "Final SolutionTheir Brothers' Keepers"A Theoretical Model of Geno'cide withParticular Reference to theArmenian CaseThey Fought Back: The Story of JewishResistance in Nazi Europe"Thinking about the Six Million: FactsFigures, Perspectives"The Third Wave"Third World Ballistic MissilesThis Way to the Gas, Ladiesand Gentlemen"Three Faces of Cruelty: Towaids aComparative Sociology of EvilTibet: Behind the Ice CurtainTibetan Village Communities: Structureand ChangeTo Mend the World: Foundations ofFuture Jewish ThoughtTo Win a Nuclear War: The Pentagon'sSecret War Plans"'Total War, ' the Self-FulfillingProphecy?""Toward a Methodologyof Teachingth7. 532. 392. 952. 727. 162. 1083. 98. 317. 472. 1127. 891. 371. 203. 177. 33about the Holocaust" . . . . . , . . . . . . . . . 3. 23"Toward a Sociology of Nuclear Weapons" . . 7. 72"Toward Empirical Theory of Genocidesand Politicides: Identification andMeasurement of Cases since 1945 7. 20Toward the Understanding and Preventionof Genocide: Proceedings of theInternational Conference on theHolocaust and Genocide . . . .'. . . . 7. 11, 8. 12The Tragedy of Tibet. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1. 50Trauma and Rebirth: IntergenerationalEffects of the Holocaust . . . . . . . . . . . . 4. 11The Treatment of Armeniansin theOttoman Empire, 1915-1916; DocumentsPresented to Viscount Grey of FallodanSecretary of State for Foreign AffairsThe Treaty with Turkey: Why It Should5. GBe Ratified . . . . . . . . . . . . ,. . . . . . . . . 5. 6The Tremendum. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2. 142The Trial of Judaism in ContemporaryJewish Writing. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2. 132Tribal People and Development Issues . . . . . . 1. 8The Turco-Armenian 'Adana Incidents' in theLight of Secret British Documents(July 1908-December 1909)5. 16Turkey . .5. 7Turkey and the Armenians" . . . . . . . . . . . 5. 15Turkey in the World War . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5. 5Turks and Armenians: A Manual on theArmenian Question . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5. 33Twentieth Century Book of the Dead. . . . . . . 7. 3The Twisted Road to Auschwitz . . . . . . . . . 2. 13A Typology of Genocide" . . . . . . . . . . . . 7. 15Tzili: The Story of a Life . . . . . . . . . . . . 2. 111The U. S. Congress and Adolf Hitler on theArmeniansThe Undeclared Bomb: The Spread ofNuclear Weapons, 1987-88Understanding the Psychology of GenocidalDestructiveness". . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7. 88UnfulfilledPromise: Rescue and Resettlementof Jewish Refugee Children in theUnited States 1934-1945The 'Unique' Intentionality of theHolocaust" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3. 36A 'Unique Uniqueness?'" . . . . . . . . . . . . 3. 46The Uniqueness and Universality of theHolocaust" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3. 7Uniqueness, Gypsies and Jews". . . . . . . . . 3. 29Unit 731: Japan's Secret BiologicalWarfare in World War II . . . . . . . . . . . 7. 55Uprising in the Warsaw Ghetto. . . . . . . . . 2. 106Utopia in Power; the History of theSoviet Union from 1917 to the Present. . . 6. 26Values and Violence in Auschwitz:Sociological Analysis. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2. 56Versions of Survival: The Holocaust andthe Human Spirit2. 135, 4. 7Vichy France and the Jews2. 9Victims of Politics: The State ofHuman Rights . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8. 23Victims of Progress. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1. 9Victims of the Miracle. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1. 22The Visibility of Evil" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7. 90W or the Memory of Childhood . . . . . . . . . 8. 46War . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7. 34The War Against East Timor. . . . . . . . . . . 1. 12The War Against the Jews, 1933-1945 . . . . . . 2. 2War without Mercy: Race and Power inthe Pacific War . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7. 35The Warsaw Diary of Adam Czerniakow . . . 2. 42Was the Holocaust Unique? A PeculiarQuestion?" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3. 48Was the Holocaust Unique?: Responses toPierre PapazianWest Papua: The Obliteration of a People3. 561. 13Western Expansion and Indigenous Peoples 1. 64When Light Pierced the Darkness: ChristianRescue of Jews in Nazi-Occupied Poland . . 2. 80When Light Pierced the Darkness: ChristianRescue of Jews in Nazi-Occupied Lands . . 8. 55A182 GENOCIDE

When Memory ComesWhile Six Million Died: A Chronicle ofAmerican Apathy"Whose Holocaust?"Why Did the Heavens Not Darken?Why Genocide: The Armenian and JewishExperiences in PerspectiveWings of Judgement:American Bombing inWorld War II. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .With God in Hell: Judaism in the Ghettoand DeathcampsWith Good Intentions: Quaker Workamong the Pawnees, Otos,and Omahas in the 1870sWitness to Cultural Genocide. First-HandReports on Rumania's Minority PoliciesToday4. 162. 983. 62. 107. 297. 502. 1401. 461. 76The Wizards of Armageddon. . . . . . . . . .Word by Word: The Language of Memory"World Genocide Tribunal: A Proposalfor Planetary Preventive MeasuresSupplementing a Genocide EarlyWarning System"World Military and Social Expenditures"World War II as Total War"Writing and Rewriting the HolocaustWriting and Rewriting the Holocaust:Narrative and the Consequences ofInterpretation. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .The Yanomami in Brazil. . . . . . . . . . . . .The Yanomami in the Face of Ethnocide. . .Yildiz Collection: The Armenian Question,Talori IncidentsYoung Moshe's Diary7. 692. 1368. 397. 567. 372. 1384. 261. 581. 415. 282. 60TITLE INDEX 183