The Northern Origin of the Melon Coiffure in Classical Greece

Ersilia Lopes 

The Northern Origin of the Melon Coiffure in Classical Greece 

Analysis of the sources for this type of coiffure 

Our starting point for the research is Euripides’ Iphigenia in Tauris (v. 1140-1151), where the 

priestess of Artemis in Tauris recalls her service to Artemis as a virgin. Her training included instruction in 

dancing, as gracious movement and attractive coiffure are a requirement for serving the goddess. 

Woman’s hair is an essential component of the married life of young brides, whose charis they use to 

charm theirs husbands. In the expression spoken by the priestess rich coiffures (ἁβρόπλουτον χαíτας), the 

adjective ἁβρόπλουτος is composed of ἁβρός, “pretty”, “soft”, and πλούτος, “rich”, “luxuriant”. The term 

χαίτας is used to describe long, abundant hair. The term χαíτας indicates long, abundant hair and 

corresponds to the Avestic “gaēsa”, curly hair 1 . The dramatist thus uses an archaic and unusual word that 

springs from a deeply rooted collective religious idea. 

According to Hesych, s.v. Koureotis, young girls cut off their locks, offering them to Artemis during 

the month of Pianepsion (second fortnight of October/ first fortnight of November) 2 . 

Hairstyle was extremely important in rites and ceremonies in honour of Artemis, as can be seen from 

Herodotus, who stresses the importance of the Delians and Hyperboreans (4.33.24-25). Heralds brought 

offerings wrapped in straw from distant northern populations in Delos. A rite in honour of maidens who had 

disappeared was performed, with the maiden being evoked by means of the locks of hair. The offering of hair 

in this case marks the upper limit of childhood. The custom of Scythians and Thracians was similar and this 

similarity also extended to their coiffures. Herodotus goes on to relate that the rite includes the cutting of the 

hair. 

As to the accuracy of Herodotus’ information, evidence of his reliability can be found in his 

presentation of the legend of Orion, killed because he challenged Artemis to discus throwing. 

Moreover, the myth that Orion attempted to rape Ope, one of the Hyperborean virgins, and that 

Artemis killed the hunter with one of her arrows (Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, 1.16) also indicates the particular 

devotion of this northern population to Artemis and the importance of the virginal status of girls who served 

her. We find references to the nuptial bath and the cutting of the lock in Iphigenia in Tauris (v.818-821).The 

maiden is brought to the altar of sacrifice by means of deceit for her betrothal to Achilles. 

Whilst the most important aspect of sacrifice is to dedicate to the gods the most beautiful thing that 

one possesses, the first fruit, preparation for the rite that accompanies the sacrifice deprives the woman of 

1 LIDDEL and SCOTT 1996, 1423. 

2 DEUBNER 1932; latest 1956, 234, 1. 

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www.archeologia.beniculturali.it/pages/pubblicazioni.html 

97

E. Lopes – The Northern Origin of the Melon Coiffure in Classical Greece 

the right and of the name of parthenos, according to a passage of Parthenius, transmitted by Asclepiades of 

Mirlea (FGrHist 697 F1). The girl’s mind must be free from any typically female thoughts, because the 

offering must be pure. 

A primitive belief survives in this conception: Artemis is the god of the wilderness of a world, of a 

world which does not abide by the normal customs of human society. For this reason, the goddess’ ideal 

habitat is woodland. Although she is still a potnia theron, “lady of animals”, the goddess takes on a new 

meaning in the heart of the polis. She symbolizes uncontaminated purity, typical of a nature not subdued by 

mankind, and this sacred human value for the Greeks is projected onto the chastity of the goddess: “virgins 

are under the special protection of the goddess before adolescence”. Thus they are free from any sexual 

contamination, as demanded by the needs involved in adapting society 3 . 

Interestingly, a description in the Onomasticon by Pollux 2. 28 suggests that this hair style was well 

known in the V c. BC and its floruit should be dated to the IV c. BC. Pherecrates (frg. 259 K. – A.) defines 

female locks as “plaited”. Comedy certainly refers to ‘storthyngas’, the hair which is held twisted up by the 

dirty tags; and the Euboians were said that the wear long hair behind; by contrast the Thracians wear raised 

hair 4 . 

This passage also reviews the hair styles of the Aegean populations and establishes an important 

link between the coiffures of Attica, Euboia and Thrace. 

The appeal of the barbarians: the melon coiffure from northern lands to Athens 

It was hitherto believed that a stater from Orthagoria 

(fig. 1), on the Aegean coast of Thrace, a coin type dating 

around 350, displays one of the first examples of the melon 

coiffure”. Delete the sentence “this coin type dates around 

350) 5 . 

The inclusion of this north Aegean city within the 

hegemonic state of the time, Macedony, suggests that this 

typology of Artemis became influential, encouraging the depiction 

of this type of coiffure in other representations of 

Artemis, even in the most creative areas of the Greek society. 

Another coin from Orthagoria, a hemidrachm (fig. 2), is 

extremely important, since it depicts Artemis: her nose is 

straight, her forehead high and her chin even 6 . She looks 

ahead. Her closed lips indicate concentration and pride. An 

earring with a triple pendent adorns her profile. Her necklace 

consists of globelets. The top of her quiver has scotia and a 

dome-like lid with a globular end. Her coiffure is reminiscent of 

those of the so-called Tanagra figurines of late Classical and 

Hellenistic times: such figurines were fashionable at the time of 

the coin (fig. 3) 7 . 

Margarete Bieber, and later Gisela Richter, convincingly 

suggested an analogy with the coiffure of a statuette 

3 

BRELICh 1985, 59. 

4 

BETHE 1900, 89. 

5 

STUART POOLE 1879, 88, nos. 1-5; BABELON 1928, 671, no. 1079, pl. 320, 1; GÄBLEr 1935, 92, pl. XVIII, 21; WAGGONER 1987, 21, no. 

562. 

6 

STUART POOLE 1879, no. 5; BABELON 1928, 671, no. 1080, pl. 320, 2; GÄBLER 1935, 92–93, pl. XVIII, 22; WAGGONER 1987, 21, no. 

563. 

7 BECQ 2003, 269, no. 210. 



98 

Fig. 1 - Head of Artemis on silver coins struck at 

Orthagoria. Stater, from Orthagoria. New York, 

American Numismatic Society 

(from www.wildwinds.org). 

Fig. 2 - Head of Artemis on silver coins struck at 

Orthagoria. Hemidrachm, from Orthagoria. New 

York, American Numismatic Society 

(from www.wildwinds.org).

Fig. 3 - Tanagrine, terracotta. Paris, Musée du 

Louvre (from PASQUIER and ARAVANTINOS 2003). 

Fig. 6 - Muse of Mantineia (Arcadia), Pentelic marble. Athens, 

National Archaeological Museum. 

XVII International Congress of Classical Archaeology, Roma 22-26 Sept. 2008 

Session: Material Culture and Ancient Technology /Cultura Materiale e Tecnologia Antica 



99 

representing Corinna by Silanion in 

the Musée Antoine Vivenel at Compiègne 

(fig. 4) 8 . 

The softness of the flesh on 

the neck and the prominence of the 

lower eyelid are typical features of 

IV th century sculpture. 

The head identified with 

Praxiteles' Artemis Brauronia in the 

Acropolis Museum (fig. 5) is very 

similar to the head on the stater from Orthagoria 9 . 

The close similarities between these two heads 

suggests the existence of a link between the north 

Aegean and Attic late upper case. 

From the historical point of view, the relief 

slabs from the Mantinea base (fig. 6), is of importance 

here as it is attributed to Praxiteles’ 

workshop (330 B.C.) by Pausanias (8.9.3) 10 : the 

second Muse on the right-hand slab is reminiscent 

of the Small Herculaneum Woman (fig.7) 11 and 

wears a coiffure very similar to that of the Acropolis 

Artemis. Accor-ding to the passage by Euripides 

quoted above, during service in the sanctuary of the 

goddess, young girls were required to plait their hair 

as part of their complete transformation into women. 

A gold plate (400-375 BC) in the Hermitage 

8 BIEBEr 1955, 44, figs. 120-23; RICHTER 1965, 144, figs. 780-82; ROLLEY 1999, 303; VORSTER 2004, 382–428 esp. 424, fig. 402; SEG 

LIV, 2008, no. 509. 

9 DESPINIS 1997, 209–17. 

10 KALTSAS 2007, 82–87 and DESPINIS 1997, 88–89. 

11 DAEHNER ET ALII 2008. 

Fig. 4 - Corinna, white 

marble (head) and pavonazzetto 

(body) by Silanion. 

(from R. HUTIN). 

Fig. 5 - Artemis Brauronia, Parian marble. 

Athens, Acropolis Museum 

(photo Ersilia Lopes).


Fig. 7 - Small Herculaneum Woman, White marble. Athens, 

National Archaeological Museum (photo Ersilia Lopes). 

Fig. 9 - Bendis riding a lioness, silver 

oinochoe. From Rogozen. Vratsa, Historical 

Archaeological Museum (from MARAZOV 

1998). 



100 

Fig. 8 - Scythian warriors on golden plaque. From Kul’Oba. 

St. Petersburg, Hermitage Museum (from SCHILTZ 1994a). 

Fig. 10 - Female heads. Silver skyphos. From Strelcha. 

Sophia, Archaeological Institute and Museum (from MARAZOV 

1998). 

Museum in St. Petersburg provides precious evidence on the exchange between Scythians and Thracians. 

The ornament depicts two Scythian warriors holding out their bows (fig. 8) 12 . They wear their hair divided into 

bands forming large masses, gathered in impressive chignons. We can thus assume that the Thracians, who 

wore their hair in a similar manner, transmitted the comae comptus to the Scythians. 

Another important piece of evidence is vital for our analysis: a oinochoe (350-300 B.C.) from 

Rogozen in Bulgaria was made by Thracian craftsman and is not strongly influenced by Greek prototypes 

(fig. 9). Another vase depicts the heads of several women, whose coiffure foreshadows the “melon coiffure” 

(fig. 10) 13 . 

12 SCHILTZ 1994a, 185–205, esp. 182–84. 

13 TAČEVA 1987, 4, 1–11; EWIGLEBEN 1989, 29–2; BOUZEK and ANDŘEJOVÁ 1990, 81–91; MARAZOV 1996.

Fig. 11 - Hierogamia, gilded silver plaque. From Letnica. 

Loveč, Archaeological Museum (from MARAZOV 1998). 

A verse from the Iliad (4. 533) describes 

the Thracians as a people with raised hair who 

made use of long spears, Τρήϊκες ἁκρόκοµοι, 

δολίχ’εγχεα χερσίν εÀχοντες. 

Either Archilochus or Hipponax, echoing 

the Homeric description, describes the Thracians 

ακρό[κ]οµοι, “the Thracians, hair raised” 

(Archilochus, fr. 193 Tarditi = Hipponax, fr. 115 

Gerber). This expression may refer either to a 

chignon or to the habit of shaving the head, 

leaving only part of the hair on top of the head. 

The hierogamia on a gold plate from Letnica 

(mid of IV th century) depicts the king’s high tuft, 

as he makes love to a priestess. This union 



would have guaranteed the fertility and wealth for their country (fig. 11) 14 . The coiffures of the Scythians on 

an amphora (400-365 B.C.) held in Hermitage eloquently testifies to this long and enduring relationship 15 . 

Here there is no chignon; the hair is loose and the organization of the locks resembles a compressed spiral 

The breast plate from the Kurgan Tolstaja Mogila near Ordžnikidze, which came to light in 1971 (mid-IV c.), 

shows the hairstyle of the sitter, who should be identified with a Scythian (figs. 12-13) 16 . The style is 

reminiscent of the modern “Afro” hair style. A centre parting gives way to lateral interlaced bands terminating 

in compressed spirals (fig. 14). Interestingly, the central parting creates two sections of hair, each of which is 

subdivided into five segments collected in a chignon, as in the case of the Melonenfrisur. The difference is 

that the hair on the breast-plate is not gathered at the nape. 

14 VENEDIKOV and MARASOV 1980, 94, fig. 270. 

15 GALANINA and GRATSCH 1986, 265–66. 

16 ROLLE 1991, 115–26, figs. 2, 3; REEDER and NIDY 1999, 326–31. 

Fig. 12 - Golden breast plate. From Ordžnikidze, Kurgan Tolstaja 

Mogila. Museum of Kiev, Historical Heritage of Ucraina (from 

GALANINA and GRATSCH 1986 and REEDEr and NIDY 1999). 

Fig. 13 - Golden breast plate. From Ordznikidze, Kurgan Tolstaja 

Mogila. St. Petersburg, Hermitage Museum 

(VENEDIKOV and MARASOV 1980). 



101


Fig. 14 - A lady wearing the melon coiffure. Tranche de vie, 7 th July 2008. Tram in 

Athens, melon coiffure worn by African lady (photo Ersilia Lopes). 



102 

The hair of the Scythian 

warrior depicted on a gold plate 

from the Kurgan of Kul’Oba is held 

in several layers 17 . 

A running woman depicted 

on an Attic krater (470 B.C.) held 

at the Antiken Museum in Munich 

has numerous tattoos on her body. 

In Thracian societies this was a 

mark of high rank (Herodotus, 5, 5, 

6-8). The woman brandishes the 

sword which will stab Orpheus (fig. 

15) 18 . Her hair style is very similar 

to that of the Scythian warrior. The 

hair is carefully combed and 

wrapped in an impressive chignon. 

This coiffure certainly is intelligible 

in the light of the passage by Pollux 

we have looked at. 

A mid point between these 

two hairstyles presented on the 

breast plate of the Kurgan of 

Tolstaja Mogila and that on the gold plate of Kul’Oba can be found on another gold plate, also from Kul’Oba, 

depicting a Scythian man with an “Afro” held together with a piece of lace. 

Evidence of the continuity of the melon coiffure in Scythian territory can be found in the mid-Imperial 

Roman gold appliqué from Novoselki 19 . 

The maiden with bow and arrows, Artemis or Bendis, represented on the appliqué displays a series 

of thick plaits and at the back typical of the Scythians. On the shoulder of the oinochoe from Rogozen (350- 

300) is a battle between lions and stags, leitmotiv in Iranian art inspired by animals. Igor Marazov’s structural 

analysis demonstrated that the goddess symbolizes the dualism typical of the transition of state from 

childhood to adulthood 20 . The goddess of the hunt represents this transition clearly. This can be argued from 

the Indo-European epos, in which the betrothed must prevail in a shooting-match. In fact, the bow is sexually 

allusive, as is confirmed by Ausonius, the author of Cento Nuptialis 21 . 

This vase from Rogozen is the only surviving work from a Thracian workshop largely free of Hellenic 

influences. The opposite can be seen on the rhyton from Panagyriste, on which Artemis wears a braid 22 . The 

rhyton was owned by a member of the Triballian tribe, which expanded its territory and attained a certain 

degree of power 23 until Alexander the Great in 335 24 . Before Alexander’s conquest the Triballians had the 

opportunity to exploit the quarries of their region (comprising the modern cities of Vratsa and Vidin). A local 

handicraft developed into a distinctive style, which is both recognizable and original 25 . 

17 

SCHILTZ 1994b, 10. 

18 

BEAZLEY 1963, 551, no. 9 (7); VENEDIKOV and MARAZOV 1980, 34. 

19 

BRIDGMAN 2005, 30–45. 

20 

MARAZOV 1986, 111–29. 

21 

ADAMS 1981, 199–15. 

22 

EWIGLEBEN 1989, 29–32. 

23 

THEODOSSIEV 2000, 93–100. 

24 

SEIBERT 1971,78; TAČEVA 1987, 1–11; BOUZEK and ANDŘEJOVÁ 1990, 81–91; GEORGIEVA 2005, 1–4, 32–40. 

25 DAVIES 1935, 217, 224; QUIRING 1948, 69, A 4, A5, 39.

Fig. 17 - Farewell scene. Athens, Kerameikos Museum 

(courtesy: Athens, National Archaeological Museum). 





103 

We must now ask how this hairstyle 

for Artemis became established in continental 

Greece. At Vergina, in the tomb of Persephone, 

Demeter displays a melon coiffure 

(fig. 16) in the painted frieze traditionally 

attributed to Nikomachos 26 . This figure indicates 

that in Macedonia Melonenfrisur 

appeared fairly early on. 

The northward expansion of the 

Greek world thus also involved the spread 

of the northern features into the southern 

Aegean area. The close relationship between 

the Macedonian and Thracian paintings 

has been noted and includes style, 

iconography colours and the way in which 

the shades are created 27 . 

An archaizing Macedonian stele in 

relief shows the three Graces. They wear 

the melon coiffure, thus confirming that this 

hair style was well established in the region, although the relief is rather late (I c. B.C.). 

The series of coins from Aitolion (Aetolia) is also important, since they present the profile of Artemis 

(250-225 B.C.). She has a chignon and her coiffure is arranged in raised bands 28 . There are late 

manifestations of this trend too: the iconography of Thessaly is very important, because it shows that the 

fashion was systematically adopted 29 . 

26 THOMAS 1989, 219–26; MORENO 2002, 112–23, figs. 246, 247, 249–52; OAKLEY 2004, 139–40; BREKOULAKI 2006, 78–99. 

27 BLANCKENHAGEN 1982, 251–58; OGNEVOVA and MARINOVA 1991, 12–25. 

28 Auktion 2007, 141, no. 451; 142, no. 453–56. 

29 CHRISOSTOMOU 1998, 174–75, 23 a. 

Fig. 16 - Demeter. Royal tomb I, Vergina, Tomb of Persephone 

(from BREKOULAKI 2006). 

Fig. 15 - Death of Orpheus. Attic crater, Pan Painter. From Sicily. 

Munich, Antikenmuseum (from VENEDIKOV and MARASOV 1980).


Fig. 18 - Female hair. Tomis, northern necropolis 

(after CANARACHE 1967). 



104 

Finally, the melon coiffure is present in 

the Attic world in Late Classical times. I have 

already noted that Praxiteles gave his statue of 

Artemis Brauronia and one Muse at Mantinea this 

coiffure. In addition, there are several Attic stelai 

depicting women with the Melonenfrisur (fig. 

17) 30 . 

A bronze mirror (inv. n. 14326), held in 

the National Museum of Athens, dates to the first 

half of III c. B.C. and shows the profile of a young 

lady with a melon coiffure 31 . 

In a grave dated to the III c. A.D., in 

Tomis, in the northern necropolis, the brown hair 

of a young girl was found together with jewellery, 

pottery and similar objects (fig. 18) 32 . The tomb 

dates to the III century AD. The early inhabitants 

of the region may have dedicated hair as a tribute 

to a chthonian goddess, but hair has not been 

found elsewhere in burial contexts, perhaps because 

organic material decays easily. The 

coiffure is divided lengthwise into sections using 

two pieces of lace. A plait must have surrounded the skull in order to give the girl a meek and sober 

appearance. The coiffure may have been similar to that of the goddess in the Bucarest Museum: in other 

words, a Melonenfrisur 33 . 

This hair in Tomis recalls the ritual offering of the locks of hair. Many centuries later, Alexander Pope 

stressed the moment of the cutting of the hair in his mock-heroic poem: “The meeting points the sacred hairs 

dissever / From the fair head, for ever and for ever!” 34 . 

The local mint of Orthagoria flourishes before 347 BC, at which point the polis came under 

Macedonian rule and the local mint was therefore closed. This year can be considered the terminus ante 

quem for the mint of Orthagoria, too, which was involved in the same political events 35 . 

In any case, the reception of the melon coiffure in southern Greece, and in Athens in particular, was 

eased by the fashion of the part of the artists for endowing young women and goddesses with appealing 

coiffures, already clearly apparent in the vase painting by Meidias 36 . This early evidence reveals that this 

social need for seductive hair styles was deeply felt in Athenian society. This demand is ultimately the 

reason why the Thracian hairstyle was so successful. 

In conclusion, I believe it is possible that the reception of the Melonenfrisur in southern Greece in 

late classical times is due to the incorporation of the Thracian region into the Aegean koine, culminating with 

the entry of this area into the most important and powerful state of the region: Macedonia 37 . Thus, some 

aspects of the life style of peripheral regions eventually came to conquer continental Greece. 

30 

CLAIRMONT 1993, 802, 2.919; see also BESCHI 2003, 147–154; CLAIRMONT 1993, 233–234, 3.371b; 95, no. 4.420; 1993, 357, no. 

3.433; 413, no. 3.471; for a comment on the inscriptions nos. 3.371b, 3433, 3.471 see respectively: TRAILL 2007, 160, no. 86.4820; 

2005, 439–440, no. 78.8980; 1994, 356, no. 210965. 

31 

ZÜCHNER 1942, 82, KS 129 = SCHWARTMAIER 1997, 67 (1), no. 31, tav. 65, 2. 

32 

CANARACHE 1967, 40. 

33 

BORDENACHE 1969, 21–2, no. 17, tav. X, XI, XII D. 

34 

POPE 1714, vv. 153–55. 

35 

PETER 1997, 140–43. 

36 

BURN 1987, 97, no. M1, pl. 22-5a; 97, no. M2 pl. 27-9; 111, no. MM75, pl. 26; 106, no. MM17, pl. 34; 98, no. M7, pls. 35-7; 97, no. M2, 

pls. 27-9; 100, no. C1, pls. 39-41. 

37 

HAMMOND and GRIFFITH 266–67; SCHÖNERT-GEISS 1985, 51–62; YOUROUKOVA 1976, 63–70, tav. 19; DIMITROV 1993, 151–63.



Aknoledgments 

I wish to thank various scholars and friends whose help improved this research in different ways: Prof. Nicola Parise, 

who supervised this research, my teacher Prof. Paolo Moreno, Università Roma Tre, for his valuable advice, Dr. Antonio 

Corso, Numismatica e Antichità classiche, Quaderni Ticinesi for his continous assistance, Prof. Luigi Beschi, Università 

di Firenze, for his trust in my skills, and Prof. Petros Themelis, President of the Society of Messenian Archaeological 

Studies, whose irony and amusement in suggestions delighted me; Dr. Maria Reho, National Archaeological Museum of 

Sophia. 

Besides I wish to thank Prof. Nikolaos Kaltzas, National Archaeological Museum for photo no. 18; for the improvement of 

photos I am grateful to Mr. Ioannis Patrikianos (Archaiologiki photographia, Athína) and to Mr. David Scahill, American 

School of Classical Studies at Athens for the drawing no. 19. 

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The Northern Origin of the Melon Coiffure in Classical Greece

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