The truth is that the Vienna plan will provide a stronger, more comprehensive, andmore lasting means of limiting Iran’s nuclear program than any realisticalternative.And to those who are thinking about opposing the deal because of what mighthappen in year 15 or 16 – remember that, if we walk away, year 15 starts tomorrow– and without any of the long-term verification or transparency safeguards that wehave put in place to ensure that we prevent Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapon.Over the past week, I’ve spoken at length about what, exactly, this deal is. But Ialso want to make clear what this deal was never expected or intended to be.This plan was designed to address the nuclear issue alone, not to reform Iran’sregime, or end its support for terrorism, or its contributions to sectarian violence inthe Middle East. Those are all issues about which we remain deeply concernedand will continue take real steps, which is why we are upholding ourunprecedented levels of security cooperation with Israel; why we are working soclosely with the Gulf States and continue to maintain a robust military presence inthe region and countering Iran’s destabilizing activities; why we will keep strivingto prevent terrorist groups – including Hamas and Hezbollah – from acquiringweapons; and why U.S. sanctions related to human rights, terrorism, and ballisticmissiles will remain in place. It is also why we will continue to press Iran forinformation about the missing and for the immediate release of Americans whohave been unjustly detained.The fact is, there is not a challenge in the entire region that wouldn’t become muchworse if Iran had a nuclear weapon – and that’s exactly why this deal is soimportant. Its provisions will help us to address the full range of regionalchallenges without the looming threat of a nuclear-armed Iran.That outcome cannot be guaranteed either by sanctions alone or – on an enduringbasis – by military action. The only viable option is a comprehensive diplomaticresolution of the type reached in Vienna. That deal will make our country and ourallies safer. It will ensure that Iran’s nuclear program remains under intensescrutiny. And it will ensure that the world community is united in ensuring thatIran’s nuclear activities are and remain wholly peaceful. It is a good deal for theworld – a good deal for America – and it richly deserves your support. Thank you.###3
Written Testimony of Jacob J. Lew, Secretary of the TreasuryUnited States Senate Committee on Foreign RelationsJuly 23, 2015Chairman Corker, Ranking Member Cardin, thank you for the opportunity to speak today aboutthe Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (<strong>JCPOA</strong>) between the P5+1 and Iran, a historic deal thatwill ensure that Iran’s nuclear program will be exclusively peaceful. A foreign policy decisionof such significance deserves careful, detailed, and public analysis and hearings like this one arecentral to that review. I am confident that a full and fair debate on the merits will make it clearthat this deal will strengthen our national security and that of our allies.Secretary Kerry and Secretary Moniz have detailed how the deal effectively cuts off all of Iran’spathways to a nuclear weapon and ensures the inspections and transparency necessary to verifythat Iran is complying. I will focus on describing how the international sanctions coalition thatthe United States and our partners built over a nearly a decade — combined with hard-noseddiplomacy and a credible military deterrent — allowed us to secure far-reaching andunprecedented nuclear concessions from Iran. I will also discuss the nature of the sanctionsrelief contained in this deal, and how the <strong>JCPOA</strong> is structured to maintain pressure on Iran tofulfill its commitments. Finally, I want to describe the powerful sanctions that will remain inplace to counter a range of malign Iranian activity outside of the nuclear sphere – most notablyits active support for terrorism, its ballistic missiles program, destabilizing regional activities,and human rights abuses. The Administration will continue to wield these measures in astrategic and aggressive manner and will work with our allies in the region to coordinate andintensify the impact of these tools.The Impact of Sanctions on Iran’s EconomyIran would not have come to the negotiating table were it not for the powerful array of U.S. andinternational sanctions. These sanctions made tangible for Iran’s leaders the costs of floutinginternational law, cutting them off from world markets and crippling their economy. The U.S.government — Congress and the Executive Branch — stood at the forefront of this effort acrosstwo administrations, successfully pushing for four tough UN Security Council resolutions anddeploying a web of new and far-reaching U.S. sanctions that ultimately persuaded the Iranianleadership, after years of intransigence, to come to the table prepared to roll back its nuclearprogram.To see the impact of these sanctions, consider that Iran’s economy today is around 20 percentsmaller than it would have been had Iran remained on its pre-2012 growth trajectory. Thismeans that even if Iran returns to that pre-2012 growth rate, it would take until 2020 for Iran’sGDP to reach the level it would have been last year absent sanctions.Our sanctions have cost Iran more than $160 billion since 2012 in oil revenue alone. Iran’s oilexports were cut by 60 percent, and have been held at those reduced levels for the past two years.And Iran’s designated banks, as well as its Central Bank, were cut off from the world. Since2012, Iran’s currency, the rial, has declined by more than 50 percent. Its inflation rate reached ashigh as 40 percent, and remains one of the highest in the world.1
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