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i. Why education for<br />

Democratic Citizenship<br />

Matters W<br />

We the People of the United States, in Order to form a more perfect Union,<br />

establish Justice, insure domestic Tranquility, provide for the common<br />

defence, promote the general Welfare, and secure the Blessings of Liberty to<br />

ourselves and our Posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the<br />

United States of America.<br />

Preamble to the Constitution of the United States of America<br />

Did you…suppose Democracy was only for elections, for politics, and for a<br />

party name? I say Democracy is only of use there that it may pass on and<br />

come to its flower and fruits in manners, in the highest forms of interaction<br />

between men, and their beliefs—in Religion, Literature, colleges, and<br />

schools—Democracy in all public and private life.…<br />

Walt Whitman, Democratic Vistas (2010)<br />

Events “are moving us toward what cannot be,” warns David Mathews,<br />

president of the Kettering Foundation, “a citizenless democracy” (London<br />

2010, iv). The oxymoronic phrase is chilling. Mathews points to numerous<br />

trends in public life that “sideline citizens”: recasting people’s roles from<br />

producers of public goods to consumers of material ones, gerrymandering<br />

districts and thus exacerbating the deep divides that already shape our politics,<br />

diminishing opportunities for civic alliances, and replacing what ought to<br />

be thoughtful deliberation about public issues with incivility and hyperpolarization.<br />

The US Census Bureau’s most recent population survey captures<br />

citizen passivity in its finding that only 10 percent of citizens contacted a<br />

public offcial between November 2009 and November 2010 (US Census<br />

Bureau 2010).<br />

Such troubling phenomena are not necessarily news. A decade ago,<br />

Robert Putnam in Bowling Alone (2000) argued that there was a decline in<br />

social capital, especially in “bridging capital,” which he defined as the capacity<br />

to work across differences. Withdrawal into comfortable enclaves and wariness<br />

of others who appear different persist. Meanwhile, public confidence in<br />

the nation’s political institutions spirals downward: a New York Times/CBS<br />

News poll on September 16, 2011, revealed that only 12 percent of American<br />

approve of the way Congress is handling its job (Kopicki 2011). In 2007, a<br />

conference titled “Civic Disengagement in our Democracy” provided evidence<br />

that “among the 172 world democracies the United States ranks 139th in voter<br />

participation.” Conference leaders also warned that there was a “decline in both<br />

the quantity and quality of civic education” (McCormick Tribune Foundation<br />

2007, 6–7). These assessments echo an earlier warning from the 1998 National<br />

Commission on Civic Renewal, chaired by William Bennett and Sam Nunn,<br />

which asserted, “In a time that cries out for civic action, we are in danger of<br />

becoming a nation of spectators” (1998, 12).<br />

A CRUCIBLE MOMENT: College Learning & Democracy’s Future 1

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