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eturn) is stabilising the countries of origin, since its result is the exodus<br />

of the most radical individuals. This phenomenon is de facto in accordance<br />

with the interests of the authorities. The case of the Northern Caucasus,<br />

where the departure of some of the militants and shift of the stream of recruits<br />

to Syria contributed to establishing a relative stability during recent<br />

years, is symptomatic.<br />

4. The impact of the phenomenon of volunteers departing to jihad in Syria and<br />

Iraq will not necessarily lead to a rise in security threats in the post-Soviet<br />

area in the long-term perspective, either. Many signs show, that at least<br />

for a major part of those leaving, it is a permanent migration – even were<br />

the conflict to end, they will not return to their homeland, but will rather<br />

move on to another hotspot in the Muslim world. Increasing numbers of<br />

militants who are taking their families to Syria with them implies exactly<br />

that. The precedent which illustrates this phenomenon are the militants of<br />

the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU), who at the turn of 1990’s and<br />

2000’s migrated from Central Asia to Afghanistan, and later on to Pakistan’s<br />

Waziristan, where they joined the global jihad. Despite the fact that<br />

the possibility of them returning is constantly being raised, it has never<br />

materialised. Regardless of this, the issue of militants fighting abroad will<br />

be certainly utilised by the authorities as a scare factor in both internal<br />

politics (as an excuse to limit civil rights or to combat the opposition) and in<br />

geopolitical power play (for example by Moscow to justify the need of closer<br />

security ties with particular states, or in its relations with the West), just<br />

as it has been in the case of the IMU and the Afghan threat for Central Asia.<br />

PRACE OSW REPORT OSW 09/2012 09/2015<br />

5. The security challenges related to the participation of citizens of former<br />

USSR countries in jihad in the Middle East can increase only should serious<br />

destabilisation occur in one of the post-Soviet states (for example Uzbekistan<br />

or Russia). This could mean some of the militants would indeed return,<br />

while the experience and contacts with international terrorism which they<br />

gained, could make them more dangerous than at present. Currently, however,<br />

this scenario seems far from likely: it seems impossible to stabilise<br />

the situation in the Middle East over the coming years, the perspective of<br />

collapse of one of the post-Soviet states is not evident, and, finally, the main<br />

enemy of the international Jihadists is not Russia or one of the former USSR<br />

states, but rather the Middle Eastern regimes (Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Jordan,<br />

Iran etc). Furthermore, the returning Jihadists cannot count on wide support<br />

inside from their countries’ societies, which are rather critical of the<br />

demands of the radicals.<br />

6

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