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AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL REPORT 2016/17

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Organization for Migration estimated that a<br />

record 5,000 people died at sea compared to<br />

around 3,700 last year.<br />

The EU-Turkey deal was the EU’s<br />

signature response to the so-called “refugee<br />

crisis”. Turkey was offered €6 billion to police<br />

its coastline and accept the return of asylumseekers<br />

who made it across to the Greek<br />

islands. The deal was premised on the untrue<br />

assertion that Turkey offered asylum-seekers<br />

all the protections they would be entitled to in<br />

the EU. With a barely functioning asylum<br />

system in place, and nearly three million<br />

Syrian refugees already struggling to get by,<br />

the claim stood testimony to the EU’s<br />

willingness to ignore the rights and livelihoods<br />

of refugees to suit its political purposes.<br />

Even though the numbers of new arrivals<br />

slowed to a few thousand a month on<br />

average, the reception capacity on the Greek<br />

islands was still severely stretched. By the<br />

end of the year, some 12,000 refugees and<br />

asylum-seekers were stranded there in<br />

increasingly overcrowded, insanitary and<br />

dangerous conditions in makeshift centres.<br />

The poor conditions periodically sparked riots<br />

within the camps, while some were attacked<br />

by locals accused of links to far right groups.<br />

Conditions for the around 50,000 refugees<br />

and migrants on the Greek mainland were<br />

only marginally better. By the end of the year,<br />

most had found shelter in official reception<br />

facilities. However, these mostly consisted of<br />

tents and abandoned warehouses and were<br />

unsuitable for accommodation for more than<br />

a few days.<br />

As the year drew to a close, the EU-Turkey<br />

deal remained in place, but looked<br />

increasingly fragile. By then it was clear,<br />

however, that it was only a first line of<br />

defence. The second initiative to stop people<br />

arriving in Europe was the closure of the<br />

Balkan route above Greece in March.<br />

Macedonia and successive Balkan countries<br />

were prevailed upon to close their borders<br />

and assisted in the task by border guards<br />

from different European countries. The move<br />

was initially championed by Hungarian Prime<br />

Minister Viktor Orbán, then taken up by<br />

Austria. For many EU leaders, the misery of<br />

refugees trapped in Greece was clearly a<br />

price worth paying to discourage more from<br />

coming.<br />

The lack of solidarity with refugees and<br />

fellow EU member states was typical of the<br />

migration policies of most EU countries,<br />

which united in their plans to restrict entry<br />

and expedite return. This became apparent<br />

in the failure of the EU’s flagship relocation<br />

scheme. Adopted by EU heads of state in<br />

September, with a view to distributing the<br />

responsibility for receiving the large number<br />

of refugees arriving in a small number of<br />

countries, the plan foresaw the relocation of<br />

120,000 people from Italy, Greece and<br />

Hungary across the EU within two years.<br />

After Hungary rejected the scheme, figuring it<br />

would be better off simply closing its borders<br />

altogether, its quota was reallocated to<br />

Greece and Italy. By the end of the year, only<br />

around 6,000 people had been relocated<br />

from Greece and just under 2,000 from Italy.<br />

The relocation scheme was coupled with<br />

another EU initiative from 2015: the “hotspot<br />

approach”. This EU Commission-inspired<br />

plan foresaw large processing centres in Italy<br />

and Greece to identify and fingerprint new<br />

arrivals, swiftly assess their protection needs<br />

and either process their asylum applications,<br />

relocate them to other EU countries or return<br />

them to their country of origin (or for those<br />

arriving in Greece, to Turkey). With the<br />

relocation component of the plan effectively<br />

falling away, Italy and Greece were left facing<br />

enormous pressure to fingerprint, process<br />

and return as many migrants as possible.<br />

There were incidents of ill-treatment being<br />

used to secure fingerprints, arbitrary<br />

detention of migrants and collective<br />

expulsions. In August, a group of 40 people,<br />

many from Darfur, were returned to Sudan<br />

shortly after a Memorandum of<br />

Understanding was signed by Italian and<br />

Sudanese police. Upon arrival in Sudan, the<br />

migrants were interrogated by the Sudanese<br />

National Intelligence and Security Service, an<br />

agency implicated in serious human rights<br />

violations.<br />

The drive to return as many migrants as<br />

possible increasingly became a key feature of<br />

Amnesty International Report <strong>2016</strong>/<strong>17</strong> 41

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