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Judicial ReEngineering

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REGENT UNIVERSITY LAW REVIEW<br />

[Vol. 14:141<br />

power in the judicial, will enable them to mould the government, into<br />

almost any shape they please. 132<br />

Though some may think that this is exactly what happened, and<br />

there is ample cause to think as such, it is not what the Founders<br />

intended. "In its inception, judicial review was a limited and legalistic<br />

concept, a product of logic designed to serve a carefully defined<br />

purpose." 133 The "legalistic concept" was for the Court to serve as one of<br />

the checks on the other branches powers. As Hamilton responded to the<br />

charge,<br />

The courts must declare the sense of the law; and if they should be<br />

disposed to exercise WILL instead of JUDGMENT, the consequences<br />

would equally be the substitution of their pleasure to that of the<br />

legislative body. The observation, if it proved any thing, would prove<br />

that there ought be no judges distinct from that body [Congress]. 134<br />

Forming a government without a judiciary had already been tried<br />

under the Articles of Confederation, an abysmal failure, and so the<br />

Founders (and even more importantly the People, who ratified the<br />

Constitution) were not about to make the same mistake twice. Hamilton<br />

and other supporters of the Constitution truly believed that the judiciary<br />

would possess "neither Force nor Will, but merely judgment; and must<br />

ultimately depend on the aid of the executive arm even for the efficacy of<br />

its judgments." 135 In other words, the powers vested in the judiciary were<br />

the least susceptible to despotism, because the courts could do little or<br />

nothing without the acquiescence of at least one of the other two<br />

branches to carry out their decisions.<br />

Regardless of what the Founders intended, because of the absence of<br />

an explicit rendering in the text and its ostensible operation as an antidemocratic<br />

device, judicial review is "a deviant institution in the<br />

American democracy." 136 <strong>Judicial</strong> review is not celebrated (outside<br />

132 "Brutus" XI, N.Y. J. (Jan. 31, 1788), reprinted in 2 DEBATES, supra note 26, at<br />

129, 132, 135.<br />

133 EATON, supra note 9, at 13.<br />

134 THE FEDERALIST No. 78 (James Madison), reprinted in 2 DEBATES, supra note 26,<br />

at 471.<br />

135 Id. at 468. Hamilton's point is buttressed by the findings of Forrest McDonald,<br />

who writes:<br />

The delegates devoted less time to forming the judiciary-and less<br />

attention to careful craftsmanship-than they had expended on the<br />

legislative and executive branches. In part the judiciary received minimal<br />

consideration because it was regarded as the least powerful and least active<br />

branch of government. In part, too . . . the delegates were in general<br />

agreement as to the principles that should be embodied in forming it.<br />

MCDONALD, supra note 82, at 253.<br />

136 ALEXANDER M. BICKEL, THE LEAST DANGEROUS BRANCH: THE SUPREME COURT<br />

AT THE BAR OF POLITICS 18 (1962). It should be noted that not everyone agrees that the<br />

Court, properly understood, is a countermajoritarian device. It can be argued that when<br />

HeinOnline -- 14 Regent U. L. Rev. 164 2001-2002

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