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Judicial ReEngineering

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government. If the general legislature should at any time overleap their limits, the judicial<br />

department is a constitutional check. If the United States go beyond their powers, if they make a<br />

law which the Constitution does not authorize, it is void; and the judicial power, the national<br />

judges, who, to secure their impartiality, are to be made independent, will declare it to be void."<br />

During the ratification process, supporters and opponents of ratification published pamphlets,<br />

essays, and speeches debating various aspects of the Constitution. Publications by over a dozen<br />

authors in at least twelve of the thirteen states asserted that under the Constitution, the federal<br />

courts would have the power of judicial review. There is no record of any opponent to the<br />

Constitution who claimed that the Constitution did not involve a power of judicial review.<br />

After reviewing the statements made by the founders, one scholar concluded: "The evidence<br />

from the Constitutional Convention and from the state ratification conventions is overwhelming<br />

that the original public meaning of the term 'judicial power' [in Article III] included the power to<br />

nullify unconstitutional laws."<br />

The Federalist Papers<br />

The Federalist Papers, which were published in 1787–1788 to promote ratification of the<br />

Constitution, made several references to the power of judicial review. The most extensive<br />

discussion of judicial review was in Federalist No. 78, written by Alexander Hamilton, which<br />

clearly explained that the federal courts would have the power of judicial review. Hamilton<br />

stated that under the Constitution, the federal judiciary would have the power to declare laws<br />

unconstitutional. Hamilton asserted that this was appropriate because it would protect the people<br />

against abuse of power by Congress:<br />

“<br />

[T]he<br />

courts were designed to be an intermediate body between the<br />

people and the legislature, in order, among other things, to keep the<br />

latter within the limits assigned to their authority. The interpretation<br />

of the laws is the proper and peculiar province of the courts. A<br />

constitution is, in fact, and must be regarded by the judges, as a<br />

fundamental law. It therefore belongs to them to ascertain its<br />

meaning, as well as the meaning of any particular act proceeding<br />

from the legislative body. If there should happen to be an<br />

irreconcilable variance between the two, that which has the superior<br />

obligation and validity ought, of course, to be preferred; or, in other<br />

words, the Constitution ought to be preferred to the statute, the<br />

intention of the people to the intention of their agents.<br />

Nor does this conclusion by any means suppose a superiority of the<br />

judicial to the legislative power. It only supposes that the power of<br />

the people is superior to both; and that where the will of the<br />

legislature, declared in its statutes, stands in opposition to that of the<br />

people, declared in the Constitution, the judges ought to be governed<br />

”<br />

Page 47 of 115

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