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Judicial ReEngineering

Judicial ReEngineering

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Politics in the United States is dominated in many ways by political campaign contributions<br />

Candidates are often not considered "credible" unless they have a campaign budget far beyond<br />

what could reasonably be raised from citizens of ordinary means. The impact of this money can<br />

be found in many places, most notably in studies of how campaign contributions affect<br />

legislative behavior. For example, the price of sugar in the United States has been roughly<br />

double the international price for over half a century. In the 1980s, this added $3 billion to the<br />

annual budget of U.S. consumers, according to Stern, who provided the following summary of<br />

one part of how this happens:<br />

Contributions from the sugar lobby,<br />

1983–1986<br />

Percent voting in 1985 against gradually reducing<br />

sugar subsidies<br />

> $5,000 100%<br />

$2,500–5,000 97%<br />

$1,000–2,500 68%<br />

$1–1,000 45%<br />

$0 20%<br />

This $3 billion translates into $41 per household per year. This is in essence a tax collected by a<br />

nongovernmental agency: It is a cost imposed on consumers by governmental decisions, but<br />

never considered in any of the standard data on tax collections.<br />

Stern notes that sugar interests contributed $2.6 million to political campaigns, representing well<br />

over $1,000 return for each $1 contributed to political campaigns. This, however, does not<br />

include the cost of lobbying. Lessig cites six different studies that consider the cost of lobbying<br />

with campaign contributions on a variety of issues considered in Washington, D.C. These studies<br />

produced estimates of the anticipated return on each $1 invested in lobbying and political<br />

campaigns that ranged from $6 to $220. Lessig notes that clients who pay tens of millions of<br />

dollars to lobbyists typically receive billions.<br />

Lessig insists that this does not mean that any legislator has sold his or her vote. One of several<br />

possible explanations Lessig gives for this phenomenon is that the money helped elect candidates<br />

more supportive of the issues pushed by the big money spent on lobbying and political<br />

campaigns. He notes that if any money perverts democracy, it is the large contributions beyond<br />

the budgets of citizens of ordinary means; small contributions from common citizens have long<br />

been considered supporting of democracy.<br />

When such large sums become virtually essential to a politician's future, it generates a<br />

substantive conflict of interest contributing to a fairly well documented distortion on the nation's<br />

priorities and policies.<br />

Beyond this, governmental officials, whether elected or not, often leave public service to work<br />

for companies affected by legislation they helped enact or companies they used to regulate or<br />

companies affected by legislation they helped enact. This practice is called the "revolving door".<br />

Former legislators and regulators are accused of (a) using inside information for their new<br />

employers or (b) compromising laws and regulations in hopes of securing lucrative employment<br />

Page 93 of 115

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