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Arts & Letters, April 2018

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PHOTO: COURTESY<br />

Physical<br />

and political<br />

colonization<br />

ended, but<br />

colonized<br />

minds are a<br />

different work in<br />

progress toward<br />

decolonization<br />

DHAKA TRIBUNE | SATURDAY, APRIL 14, <strong>2018</strong> ARTS & LETTERS<br />

man, that is, trying to push the white Englishman and his fellow countrymen<br />

and women to find the good to be gracefully acceptable out of colonial carnage,<br />

but actually apologizing for the behavior of our entire race/religion for<br />

the carnage. This has especially been a reality in the post-9/11 world created<br />

by the American Empire narrative – to which I will return later – as clerics,<br />

imams and religious and community leaders in the US and Europe sprinted<br />

to the first press conference they could find, unless they were invited to one<br />

or passive-aggressively shamed into being there, following a terrorist attack,<br />

(aka an act of violence specifically committed by a Muslim or brown-skinned<br />

person), to condemn it and reassure everyone that not all Muslims were evil,<br />

that Islam was a religion of peace.<br />

Our passions were unabashedly running deep, the same as they would if<br />

the topic of discussion had been the Bangla Language Movement or the Liberation<br />

War, and the argument before us was that East Bangalis were a bunch of<br />

rioting troublemakers over something as small as language, and East Pakistani<br />

Bangalis were treasonous miscreants.<br />

On August 1947, when East Bengal became part of Pakistan, one era of colonization<br />

ended while another began. While an army of occupation would<br />

not descend on Dhaka and East Pakistan with full and deadly force until 1969,<br />

from its earliest months East Bengal began feeling the weight of inequality.<br />

Jinnah’s declaration to make Urdu the state language of Pakistan was an opening<br />

salvo that paled in comparison to the barrage of inequities and inequalities<br />

that unraveled over the next two decades. Not only did then East Pakistan<br />

effectively become a colony of West Pakistan, but also in keeping with “colonizing<br />

tradition”, West Pakistan eventually marginalized Bangalis in a racially<br />

prioritized hierarchy.<br />

Whether this attitude would have developed over time without colonial<br />

chicanery being its catalyst, as the conflict between East and West intensified<br />

along the lines that eventually led to war and separation, is fodder for another<br />

exercise; of relevance is the essential perspective that the wedge between<br />

West Pakistan and East Pakistan, between Punjabi and Bangali, and Pathan<br />

and Bangali, was a historical product of colonial training. It was part of the<br />

race-based project of colonialism that was transferred from its original purpose<br />

of subordinating dark-skinned peoples to their white subjugators and<br />

reenlisted in the colonized space to create distinctions along religious, communal,<br />

and ethnic lines.<br />

By the time of the war in 1971, the mentality of West Pakistan’s government<br />

and military elite had substantially absorbed the mindset handed down<br />

to them – that of the superior ruler based on ethnic provenance, and thus the<br />

natural wielders of authority and power over a portion of its population that<br />

had to be controlled, if for nothing else but for their own good. Included in<br />

this, in colonial fashion, was violence if and when necessary, notably embodied<br />

in Yahya Khan’s statement of February 1971: “Kill three million of them<br />

and the rest will eat out of our hands.” True to his word more literally than<br />

East Pakistan’s Bangalis could imagine, Yahya Khan ordered a crackdown on<br />

Dhaka on March 25, 1971, after which Bangali identity summarily got linked<br />

with the quest to liberate the space for it, Bangladesh.<br />

The bridge connecting Bangali identity to Bangladeshi sovereignty was<br />

more a gradual construct than the inevitable end result of one steady continuum.<br />

Unlike the chicken or the egg quandary, however, being Bangali came<br />

first, without the necessity of belonging to Bangladesh.<br />

What does that make a person of Bangali ethnicity and Bangladeshi origin<br />

that moved to the United States and now holds a passport of that country as<br />

well? The easy answer: Hyphenate it all. To what? Bangali-American? Bangladeshi-American?<br />

Bangali-American from Bangladesh? Or, as most bureaucratic<br />

paperworks offer in one fell swoop in the form of a box to check, Asian<br />

(in which I have recently seen a further breakdown to specify heritage of the<br />

Indian subcontinent)?<br />

There is an easier answer. American. But I cannot claim that no matter how<br />

much I have been “given permission” on paper by the United States Customs<br />

and Immigration Service and the US Department of State respectively.<br />

The age of the American Empire is unlike that of its British predecessor.<br />

The United States cringes at the thought of the E word as vehemently as Britain<br />

expounded the glory of its imperial might across the globe from the late<br />

19th to the middle of the 20th century (not counting Hong Kong, which it officially<br />

left in 1997). Colonized peoples under British rule were “members” of<br />

the Empire, its sovereign subjects – however racially inferior – whereas Americans<br />

of all stripes must do with a mere hyphen between their ethnicity/place<br />

of origin/country of birth and American. The only exceptions are indigenous<br />

peoples or Native Americans, and African-Americans. In those cases the communities<br />

were respectively victims of settler colonists and their expansionist<br />

rampage, and enslavement, which provided free labor for the building of<br />

the US Republic. The so-called hyphenated American, therefore, is a feeble<br />

attempt at drawing a distinction between subject and citizen, albeit with the<br />

marked difference that calling myself American will not offend “real Americans”<br />

(maybe a few) the way an Indian calling him/herself British or English<br />

during the Raj would incense or baffle even the most liberal white Englishman<br />

and woman.<br />

Identity is complex. Maneuvering it is complicated. Navigating its intricate<br />

pathways is at best enlightening, at worst completely confusing, together creating<br />

the beautiful place of inquiry. There is no straight line from anywhere<br />

to anywhere. There are only pathways, incongruent and numerous, that we<br />

attempt to connect. By connecting them we may build as best a bridge as is<br />

possible, a long and winding link propped up not by one single feat of engineering<br />

but by a collective of multiple inspirations, which most certainly can<br />

lead to the same place. Sixty six years after the Language Movement and forty<br />

seven since the Liberation War, and continuing, Bangali identity and Bangladeshi<br />

sovereignty keep meeting on the bridge of solidarity that takes them<br />

from “Rashtro Bhasha Bangla Chaii” to “Joy Bangla.”•<br />

Nadeem Zaman is a Bangladeshi-born American fiction writer. His first<br />

collection of short stories is forthcoming from Bengal Lights Books and his<br />

debut novel, In the Time of the Others, from Picador.<br />

9

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