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Elevate Festival Magazine – Issue 2

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TOXIC STORIES<br />

Socialism, especially Yugoslavian socialism, handled its own promises<br />

and its own truths, built for a post-war society still in the making.<br />

Pluralism in the democratic sense was not alien to the Tito regime<br />

since it was necessary to rebuild and rethink not only a state but a<br />

multi-ethnic state (conceptually similar to the European Union). That<br />

such a system, which is patriarchally and repressively organised on<br />

its own initiative, would come to a jarring end with the death of the<br />

autocrat, is not surprising from today’s point of view <strong>–</strong> the narratives<br />

had slipped away from the rulers who adhered the dominant father figure:<br />

Those truths that were used for decades as putty and mortar for<br />

an artificial, heterogeneous structure simultaneously produced those<br />

figures who had diametrically opposing truths at hand for the various<br />

ethnic groups living together. Figures whose fantasies of purification<br />

were not to cause the greatest bloodbath on European soil since the<br />

Second World War a decade later.<br />

ON REPETITION<br />

A decaying socialist system generates poverty, exclusion, and inflation.<br />

People no longer cling to promises of solidarity and pluralistic<br />

salvation, they cling to their own reality of life, which is marred by<br />

hunger and existential fear. In this vacuum, nationalism appears <strong>–</strong> as<br />

the Yugoslav writer Danilo Kiš called it <strong>–</strong> as a line of lesser resistance,<br />

as conformism: a narrative that captures the facts and twists them,<br />

simplifies them and regurgitates them as easily digestible.<br />

And yet, the rulers themselves may not necessarily be nationalists<br />

<strong>–</strong> nationalism is a means to an end, it is there to keep the masses<br />

in check, to dissuade them from thinking, to deprive them of their<br />

own culture <strong>–</strong> through the tabloid press, propaganda and the eternal<br />

repetition of the fantasy of a homogeneous society. In this endeavor,<br />

nationalists are like rotten eggs: from Serbia to Hungary, from the<br />

FPÖ to the AfD, from the Identitarians to the Front National.<br />

The same old schtick, which many still seem to think hasn’t become<br />

too bland to play, again threatens a state based on the understanding<br />

of peoples. And the painful truth about nationalism is that once it<br />

spreads, every child in Europe should know, after 1945 and six million<br />

murdered Jews, the camps follow.<br />

ROBBED OF THE ART<br />

Nationalism is suspicious of any and all art. It, too, degenerates into a<br />

pure medium within its sphere of influence, which is why nationalism<br />

always seeks an ally in the religious institution that has historically<br />

viewed art as an exclusive tool of instrumentalisation. And just as<br />

nationalism takes up historical and cultural narratives for itself and<br />

its own agenda, perverts them and deprives them of any scholarly<br />

treatment and approach, it also stands at a skeptical distance from<br />

contemporary art production. Especially in ailing states that operate<br />

under the guise of representative democracy, contemporary art production<br />

depends heavily on the will and favour of those in power <strong>–</strong> it<br />

is tolerated, but nothing more.<br />

Tendencies of a nationalistically tinged cultural policy can be seen, for<br />

example, in the AfD’s attempts to attack Germany’s theatrical landscape,<br />

in which an approach is called for that is prefaced by the attribute<br />

‚pure’, which, at its core, intends to convey a homogeneous, approving<br />

view of the world that serves to wean theatregoers from distanced, critical<br />

thinking. What may be an attempt with an uncertain outcome in<br />

Germany is a harsh reality in other parts of Europe. The question that<br />

this (essentially) Nazi party repeatedly poses to the institutions should<br />

not be negotiable in a democratically organised society: after all, there<br />

are hardly any institutions that have dealt with and continue to deal<br />

with the responsibility of a society, and the individual, for the reality<br />

of concentration and extermination camps after the Second World<br />

War, the way German theatres have. I repeat: Non-negotiable!<br />

A demonstration of a contrary example, i.e. a nationalist cultural<br />

policy, can be seen in the work of artists in the former Yugoslavian<br />

countries, where a devastating funding landscape places obstacles<br />

in the way of artists who, for example, want to show responsibility<br />

towards the genocide in Srebrenica (an irrevocable truth!), in order to<br />

tread a completely different path, namely that of the ingratiating art<br />

that is acceptable for those in power. In reverse, the artists withdraw<br />

into their shelters, into their improvised workshops, studios, into their<br />

boiler rooms, operate underground according to the DIY principle,<br />

and seek new forms of protest <strong>–</strong> or emigrate to places where artistic<br />

freedom is still upheld and protected by the rule of law.<br />

THE BOILER ROOM AS SAFE SPACE<br />

Industrija <strong>–</strong> in Serbia, this name does not only stand for a 90s techno<br />

club, when the whole country and its population were threatened to<br />

be devoured by the abyss of war and its sanctions. Industrija is the<br />

expression of a unique attitude to life <strong>–</strong> the carnal rebellion against<br />

the horror of nationalism. Literally a boiler room, this club served<br />

not only as a shelter for those who wanted to practice escapism from<br />

their toxic environment, but also for those who had recognized the<br />

urgency and had come through despite the adverse circumstances to<br />

show a traumatized generation that the utopia of the dance floor was<br />

not just a Berlin rumor: Dejan Milievi and Marko Nasti, the Belgrade<br />

techno veterans were born here, as they say themselves, as teenage<br />

techno punks; Mark Williams, Moby, Trevor Rockcliffe and DJ Hell<br />

spun their records here, and Laurent Garnier devoted a whole chapter<br />

in his autobiography Elektrochoc to the Belgrade scene around Club<br />

Industrija. For a brief moment, a handful of young people had managed<br />

to free themselves from the vacuum and approximated Europe’s<br />

clubbing culture <strong>–</strong> without the internet, cut off from the rest of the<br />

world by war and dictatorship.<br />

Club Industrija has long since become history, a myth that we, who<br />

were still attending primary school at the time, only know from<br />

hearsay <strong>–</strong> the truth of those four walls painted black, buried in the<br />

memory of those who were there and still hear the bass of the Industrija<br />

system rumbling in their ears. But the attitude to life that this club<br />

conveyed, the rebellion and resistance against rigidity, exclusion, and<br />

simplicity <strong>–</strong> continues on with each record that is played.<br />

1 https://www.lupiga.com/vijesti/danilo-kis-o-nacionalizmu-3;<br />

2 https://www.vice.com/rs/article/wndgyw/klub-industrija<br />

3 https://www.vice.com/rs/article/mgvex8/teenage-technopunks-dvadeset-godina-kasnije<br />

4 http://www.dazeddigital.com/artsandculture/article/20626/1/<br />

klub-industrija-in-the-1990s-belgrades-beating-heart<br />

13

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