Elevate Festival Magazine – Issue 2
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TOXIC STORIES<br />
Socialism, especially Yugoslavian socialism, handled its own promises<br />
and its own truths, built for a post-war society still in the making.<br />
Pluralism in the democratic sense was not alien to the Tito regime<br />
since it was necessary to rebuild and rethink not only a state but a<br />
multi-ethnic state (conceptually similar to the European Union). That<br />
such a system, which is patriarchally and repressively organised on<br />
its own initiative, would come to a jarring end with the death of the<br />
autocrat, is not surprising from today’s point of view <strong>–</strong> the narratives<br />
had slipped away from the rulers who adhered the dominant father figure:<br />
Those truths that were used for decades as putty and mortar for<br />
an artificial, heterogeneous structure simultaneously produced those<br />
figures who had diametrically opposing truths at hand for the various<br />
ethnic groups living together. Figures whose fantasies of purification<br />
were not to cause the greatest bloodbath on European soil since the<br />
Second World War a decade later.<br />
ON REPETITION<br />
A decaying socialist system generates poverty, exclusion, and inflation.<br />
People no longer cling to promises of solidarity and pluralistic<br />
salvation, they cling to their own reality of life, which is marred by<br />
hunger and existential fear. In this vacuum, nationalism appears <strong>–</strong> as<br />
the Yugoslav writer Danilo Kiš called it <strong>–</strong> as a line of lesser resistance,<br />
as conformism: a narrative that captures the facts and twists them,<br />
simplifies them and regurgitates them as easily digestible.<br />
And yet, the rulers themselves may not necessarily be nationalists<br />
<strong>–</strong> nationalism is a means to an end, it is there to keep the masses<br />
in check, to dissuade them from thinking, to deprive them of their<br />
own culture <strong>–</strong> through the tabloid press, propaganda and the eternal<br />
repetition of the fantasy of a homogeneous society. In this endeavor,<br />
nationalists are like rotten eggs: from Serbia to Hungary, from the<br />
FPÖ to the AfD, from the Identitarians to the Front National.<br />
The same old schtick, which many still seem to think hasn’t become<br />
too bland to play, again threatens a state based on the understanding<br />
of peoples. And the painful truth about nationalism is that once it<br />
spreads, every child in Europe should know, after 1945 and six million<br />
murdered Jews, the camps follow.<br />
ROBBED OF THE ART<br />
Nationalism is suspicious of any and all art. It, too, degenerates into a<br />
pure medium within its sphere of influence, which is why nationalism<br />
always seeks an ally in the religious institution that has historically<br />
viewed art as an exclusive tool of instrumentalisation. And just as<br />
nationalism takes up historical and cultural narratives for itself and<br />
its own agenda, perverts them and deprives them of any scholarly<br />
treatment and approach, it also stands at a skeptical distance from<br />
contemporary art production. Especially in ailing states that operate<br />
under the guise of representative democracy, contemporary art production<br />
depends heavily on the will and favour of those in power <strong>–</strong> it<br />
is tolerated, but nothing more.<br />
Tendencies of a nationalistically tinged cultural policy can be seen, for<br />
example, in the AfD’s attempts to attack Germany’s theatrical landscape,<br />
in which an approach is called for that is prefaced by the attribute<br />
‚pure’, which, at its core, intends to convey a homogeneous, approving<br />
view of the world that serves to wean theatregoers from distanced, critical<br />
thinking. What may be an attempt with an uncertain outcome in<br />
Germany is a harsh reality in other parts of Europe. The question that<br />
this (essentially) Nazi party repeatedly poses to the institutions should<br />
not be negotiable in a democratically organised society: after all, there<br />
are hardly any institutions that have dealt with and continue to deal<br />
with the responsibility of a society, and the individual, for the reality<br />
of concentration and extermination camps after the Second World<br />
War, the way German theatres have. I repeat: Non-negotiable!<br />
A demonstration of a contrary example, i.e. a nationalist cultural<br />
policy, can be seen in the work of artists in the former Yugoslavian<br />
countries, where a devastating funding landscape places obstacles<br />
in the way of artists who, for example, want to show responsibility<br />
towards the genocide in Srebrenica (an irrevocable truth!), in order to<br />
tread a completely different path, namely that of the ingratiating art<br />
that is acceptable for those in power. In reverse, the artists withdraw<br />
into their shelters, into their improvised workshops, studios, into their<br />
boiler rooms, operate underground according to the DIY principle,<br />
and seek new forms of protest <strong>–</strong> or emigrate to places where artistic<br />
freedom is still upheld and protected by the rule of law.<br />
THE BOILER ROOM AS SAFE SPACE<br />
Industrija <strong>–</strong> in Serbia, this name does not only stand for a 90s techno<br />
club, when the whole country and its population were threatened to<br />
be devoured by the abyss of war and its sanctions. Industrija is the<br />
expression of a unique attitude to life <strong>–</strong> the carnal rebellion against<br />
the horror of nationalism. Literally a boiler room, this club served<br />
not only as a shelter for those who wanted to practice escapism from<br />
their toxic environment, but also for those who had recognized the<br />
urgency and had come through despite the adverse circumstances to<br />
show a traumatized generation that the utopia of the dance floor was<br />
not just a Berlin rumor: Dejan Milievi and Marko Nasti, the Belgrade<br />
techno veterans were born here, as they say themselves, as teenage<br />
techno punks; Mark Williams, Moby, Trevor Rockcliffe and DJ Hell<br />
spun their records here, and Laurent Garnier devoted a whole chapter<br />
in his autobiography Elektrochoc to the Belgrade scene around Club<br />
Industrija. For a brief moment, a handful of young people had managed<br />
to free themselves from the vacuum and approximated Europe’s<br />
clubbing culture <strong>–</strong> without the internet, cut off from the rest of the<br />
world by war and dictatorship.<br />
Club Industrija has long since become history, a myth that we, who<br />
were still attending primary school at the time, only know from<br />
hearsay <strong>–</strong> the truth of those four walls painted black, buried in the<br />
memory of those who were there and still hear the bass of the Industrija<br />
system rumbling in their ears. But the attitude to life that this club<br />
conveyed, the rebellion and resistance against rigidity, exclusion, and<br />
simplicity <strong>–</strong> continues on with each record that is played.<br />
1 https://www.lupiga.com/vijesti/danilo-kis-o-nacionalizmu-3;<br />
2 https://www.vice.com/rs/article/wndgyw/klub-industrija<br />
3 https://www.vice.com/rs/article/mgvex8/teenage-technopunks-dvadeset-godina-kasnije<br />
4 http://www.dazeddigital.com/artsandculture/article/20626/1/<br />
klub-industrija-in-the-1990s-belgrades-beating-heart<br />
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