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POLITICS: EXCLUSIVE INTERVIEW<br />

Malta Business Review<br />

my place in the world strictly through<br />

identity, it would be pretty confusing for<br />

me, not to mention for others. And pretty<br />

hard for others to identify with too.<br />

BM: There’s another kind of “identity”<br />

that Democrats and pundits are always<br />

eager to hang on candidates: where<br />

they fit on the left-to-center scale,<br />

whether they are in the Hillary or<br />

Bernie camps. So let me give you a<br />

warm-up for those endless questions:<br />

What kind of Democrat are you?<br />

PB: I’m a progressive Democrat. I have<br />

never shied away from that.<br />

BM: But people aren’t going to let you<br />

get away with just saying that. They all<br />

want to know more about where you<br />

fit on the ideological spectrum.<br />

PB: The left-versus-center framework is<br />

becoming less and less helpful. There was<br />

a really interesting article in Politico about<br />

this. Positions that have been characterized<br />

as “left” are positions that the vast majority<br />

of people in both parties hold. That’s<br />

true even for supposedly divisive issues.<br />

Requiring background checks for guns, for<br />

instance, is something 90 percent of the<br />

country supports. How is that not centrist?<br />

What that whole debate about whether<br />

Democrats should go more to the center or<br />

further left gets wrong is that the center of<br />

gravity of the American people is way to the<br />

left of the center of gravity of Congress, and,<br />

in many ways, to the left of the national<br />

Democratic Party.<br />

BM: How did we get this idea of what<br />

“centrism” means — or the idea that<br />

Democrats can only win by tacking in<br />

that direction?<br />

PB: In the 1990s, it represented a<br />

correction of sorts, a recognition that the<br />

country had entered a conservative era<br />

after the liberal period from the 1930s to<br />

the ‘60s. A lot of people viewed a move to<br />

the right as a way to capture independents,<br />

and, in some ways, it was at that time. We<br />

still have to reach independents to win. But<br />

doing it is no longer as simple as looking at<br />

the Republicans and getting halfway there,<br />

if it ever really was.<br />

Mayor Pete at South Bend International Airport in<br />

2014 after returning from a seven-month tour of<br />

duty with the U.S. Navy in Afghanistan<br />

Conservatives in my generation have<br />

had a much better relationship to their<br />

first principles. Every young Republican<br />

in Washington has their volumes of Ayn<br />

Rand and Milton Friedman. And you could<br />

draw a direct line to their politics, at least<br />

before the scrambling that happened with<br />

Trumpism. The left has become the side<br />

with less philosophical cohesion and less of<br />

a connection to guiding principles. We have<br />

spent the last 30 years arguing not about<br />

whether our policies and ideas are right,<br />

but whether they are close enough to the<br />

Republican side.<br />

"Barack Obama is<br />

also a fan. In an<br />

exit interview with<br />

The New Yorker,<br />

Obama named<br />

Buttigieg as one of<br />

four Democrats who<br />

would lead the party<br />

forward<br />

Now is the potential change. We are into<br />

what I think of as the illegible era. It’s a<br />

good time for the left to get back to basics.<br />

We have to understand the philosophical<br />

basis for progressivism, then figure out<br />

the politics, rather than the other way<br />

around. The [Bernie] Sanders phenomenon<br />

illustrates the power of conviction. Our<br />

Democratic political class, for the most part,<br />

has lost the muscle memory to design a<br />

politics around principle.<br />

BM: How do you define those<br />

principles, those basics?<br />

PB: You will hear me talk all the time about<br />

freedom. Because I think there is a failure<br />

on our side if we allow conservatives<br />

to monopolize the idea of freedom —<br />

especially now that they have produced an<br />

authoritarian president. But what actually<br />

gives people freedom in their lives? The most<br />

profound freedoms of my everyday existence<br />

have been safeguarded by progressive<br />

policies, mostly. The freedom to marry who<br />

I choose, for one, but also the freedom that<br />

comes with paved roads and stop lights.<br />

Freedom from some obscure regulation is so<br />

much more abstract. But that’s the freedom<br />

that conservatism has now come down to.<br />

Or think about the idea of family, in the<br />

context of everyday life. It’s one thing to<br />

talk about family values as a theme, or a<br />

wedge — but what’s it actually like to have<br />

a family? Your family does better if you get a<br />

fair wage, if there is good public education,<br />

if there is good health care when you need<br />

it. These things intuitively make sense,<br />

but we are out of practice talking about<br />

them. I also think we need to talk about<br />

a different kind of patriotism: a fidelity to<br />

American greatness in its truest sense.<br />

You think about this as a local official, of<br />

course, but a truly great country is made of<br />

great communities. What makes a country<br />

great isn’t chauvinism. It’s the kinds of lives<br />

you enable people to lead. I think about<br />

wastewater management as freedom. If a<br />

resident of our city doesn’t have to give it a<br />

second thought, she’s freer.<br />

BM: Is this one reason people are<br />

talking about mayors — yourself,<br />

Eric Garcetti of Los Angeles, Mitch<br />

Landrieu in New Orleans — as potential<br />

presidents, when that wouldn’t have<br />

occurred to Democrats even a few<br />

years ago?<br />

PB: Part of it has to do with frustration<br />

toward Washington. The discussion in<br />

Washington has become so self-referential<br />

and removed from reality. People are<br />

aching to see their political leaders actually<br />

doing stuff. When you are a mayor, that’s<br />

your whole job. Working in local politics<br />

is also a great alternative to the factfree<br />

zone we have been living in. When<br />

somebody calls to say, “Mayor, there is a<br />

hole in the road,” I can’t say, “No, there<br />

isn’t.” They are gonna call bullshit on that.<br />

They can point to the pothole.<br />

So there’s a connection to reality at this<br />

moment when our politics has gotten so<br />

untethered. When you are a local official,<br />

when you’re a mayor, every interaction you<br />

have with a resident is basically coming<br />

face-to-face with your boss. Even if you are<br />

a member of Congress, certainly a governor<br />

or senator, you have staffers around you all<br />

the time rather than the people you work<br />

for. When I have to go to the grocery, just<br />

for some beer and toilet paper, I’m going to<br />

run into those folks and they are going to<br />

tell me what’s on their minds.<br />

BM: If you were running for any higher<br />

office — whether it’s governor or<br />

senator or president — what would you<br />

boast about in terms of what’s been<br />

accomplished in South Bend under your<br />

mayoralty?<br />

PB: One-thousand houses in 1,000 days.<br />

I pledged, early on, that we would either<br />

www.maltabusinessreview.net<br />

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