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POLITICS: EXCLUSIVE INTERVIEW<br />
Malta Business Review<br />
my place in the world strictly through<br />
identity, it would be pretty confusing for<br />
me, not to mention for others. And pretty<br />
hard for others to identify with too.<br />
BM: There’s another kind of “identity”<br />
that Democrats and pundits are always<br />
eager to hang on candidates: where<br />
they fit on the left-to-center scale,<br />
whether they are in the Hillary or<br />
Bernie camps. So let me give you a<br />
warm-up for those endless questions:<br />
What kind of Democrat are you?<br />
PB: I’m a progressive Democrat. I have<br />
never shied away from that.<br />
BM: But people aren’t going to let you<br />
get away with just saying that. They all<br />
want to know more about where you<br />
fit on the ideological spectrum.<br />
PB: The left-versus-center framework is<br />
becoming less and less helpful. There was<br />
a really interesting article in Politico about<br />
this. Positions that have been characterized<br />
as “left” are positions that the vast majority<br />
of people in both parties hold. That’s<br />
true even for supposedly divisive issues.<br />
Requiring background checks for guns, for<br />
instance, is something 90 percent of the<br />
country supports. How is that not centrist?<br />
What that whole debate about whether<br />
Democrats should go more to the center or<br />
further left gets wrong is that the center of<br />
gravity of the American people is way to the<br />
left of the center of gravity of Congress, and,<br />
in many ways, to the left of the national<br />
Democratic Party.<br />
BM: How did we get this idea of what<br />
“centrism” means — or the idea that<br />
Democrats can only win by tacking in<br />
that direction?<br />
PB: In the 1990s, it represented a<br />
correction of sorts, a recognition that the<br />
country had entered a conservative era<br />
after the liberal period from the 1930s to<br />
the ‘60s. A lot of people viewed a move to<br />
the right as a way to capture independents,<br />
and, in some ways, it was at that time. We<br />
still have to reach independents to win. But<br />
doing it is no longer as simple as looking at<br />
the Republicans and getting halfway there,<br />
if it ever really was.<br />
Mayor Pete at South Bend International Airport in<br />
2014 after returning from a seven-month tour of<br />
duty with the U.S. Navy in Afghanistan<br />
Conservatives in my generation have<br />
had a much better relationship to their<br />
first principles. Every young Republican<br />
in Washington has their volumes of Ayn<br />
Rand and Milton Friedman. And you could<br />
draw a direct line to their politics, at least<br />
before the scrambling that happened with<br />
Trumpism. The left has become the side<br />
with less philosophical cohesion and less of<br />
a connection to guiding principles. We have<br />
spent the last 30 years arguing not about<br />
whether our policies and ideas are right,<br />
but whether they are close enough to the<br />
Republican side.<br />
"Barack Obama is<br />
also a fan. In an<br />
exit interview with<br />
The New Yorker,<br />
Obama named<br />
Buttigieg as one of<br />
four Democrats who<br />
would lead the party<br />
forward<br />
Now is the potential change. We are into<br />
what I think of as the illegible era. It’s a<br />
good time for the left to get back to basics.<br />
We have to understand the philosophical<br />
basis for progressivism, then figure out<br />
the politics, rather than the other way<br />
around. The [Bernie] Sanders phenomenon<br />
illustrates the power of conviction. Our<br />
Democratic political class, for the most part,<br />
has lost the muscle memory to design a<br />
politics around principle.<br />
BM: How do you define those<br />
principles, those basics?<br />
PB: You will hear me talk all the time about<br />
freedom. Because I think there is a failure<br />
on our side if we allow conservatives<br />
to monopolize the idea of freedom —<br />
especially now that they have produced an<br />
authoritarian president. But what actually<br />
gives people freedom in their lives? The most<br />
profound freedoms of my everyday existence<br />
have been safeguarded by progressive<br />
policies, mostly. The freedom to marry who<br />
I choose, for one, but also the freedom that<br />
comes with paved roads and stop lights.<br />
Freedom from some obscure regulation is so<br />
much more abstract. But that’s the freedom<br />
that conservatism has now come down to.<br />
Or think about the idea of family, in the<br />
context of everyday life. It’s one thing to<br />
talk about family values as a theme, or a<br />
wedge — but what’s it actually like to have<br />
a family? Your family does better if you get a<br />
fair wage, if there is good public education,<br />
if there is good health care when you need<br />
it. These things intuitively make sense,<br />
but we are out of practice talking about<br />
them. I also think we need to talk about<br />
a different kind of patriotism: a fidelity to<br />
American greatness in its truest sense.<br />
You think about this as a local official, of<br />
course, but a truly great country is made of<br />
great communities. What makes a country<br />
great isn’t chauvinism. It’s the kinds of lives<br />
you enable people to lead. I think about<br />
wastewater management as freedom. If a<br />
resident of our city doesn’t have to give it a<br />
second thought, she’s freer.<br />
BM: Is this one reason people are<br />
talking about mayors — yourself,<br />
Eric Garcetti of Los Angeles, Mitch<br />
Landrieu in New Orleans — as potential<br />
presidents, when that wouldn’t have<br />
occurred to Democrats even a few<br />
years ago?<br />
PB: Part of it has to do with frustration<br />
toward Washington. The discussion in<br />
Washington has become so self-referential<br />
and removed from reality. People are<br />
aching to see their political leaders actually<br />
doing stuff. When you are a mayor, that’s<br />
your whole job. Working in local politics<br />
is also a great alternative to the factfree<br />
zone we have been living in. When<br />
somebody calls to say, “Mayor, there is a<br />
hole in the road,” I can’t say, “No, there<br />
isn’t.” They are gonna call bullshit on that.<br />
They can point to the pothole.<br />
So there’s a connection to reality at this<br />
moment when our politics has gotten so<br />
untethered. When you are a local official,<br />
when you’re a mayor, every interaction you<br />
have with a resident is basically coming<br />
face-to-face with your boss. Even if you are<br />
a member of Congress, certainly a governor<br />
or senator, you have staffers around you all<br />
the time rather than the people you work<br />
for. When I have to go to the grocery, just<br />
for some beer and toilet paper, I’m going to<br />
run into those folks and they are going to<br />
tell me what’s on their minds.<br />
BM: If you were running for any higher<br />
office — whether it’s governor or<br />
senator or president — what would you<br />
boast about in terms of what’s been<br />
accomplished in South Bend under your<br />
mayoralty?<br />
PB: One-thousand houses in 1,000 days.<br />
I pledged, early on, that we would either<br />
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