Lot's Wife Edition 8 2013

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SUBHEADING EGYPT: THREE YEARS ON Carlie O’Connell Almost three years have passed since Egypt’s Arab Spring began, but with over 50 fatalities from protest clashes this month alone, it is clear that the country is a far cry from the one protesters envisioned when they took to Tahrir Square all those months ago. In January 2011, Egyptians flocked to Tahrir Square in Cairo to protest against then President Hosni Mubarak and the oppressive government the country had been living under for decades. With mobile phones in hand, the protests and their military backlash were streamed live on social media around the world. Protests in Lebanon, Oman, Yemen, Syria and Morocco began to ignite and with unrest already bubbling over in Tunisia, it became a period of revolution for the region, popularly coined the ‘Arab Spring’. By the time I travelled to Egypt the following September, President Mubarak had resigned months before. Beyond the bustling markets of Cairo, the majesty of The Pyramids and the quiet villages the Nile curled around, there remained the scars of a revolution. The charred skeleton of a building stood next to the National Museum as a reminder of what had passed. Tourists had all but depleted. Hour long lines of tourists eager to enter The Pyramids no longer existed, with the few remaining visitors able to walk straight in. While the physical scars the city nursed were telling of what had been, it was the people who were telling of what was to come. Even if the protests weren’t being discussed specifically, everything was referred to as ‘before the revolution’, or ‘after the revolution’. Even from brief interactions, it was clear what a momentous split it was in their timeline as a country. The struggle for democratic freedom was far from over, but there was always hope that shone through; a sense of optimism for the future that seemed to override the trepidation of how exactly they would get there. Fast forward to 2013 and for many Egyptians those rays of hope have all but diminished. President Hosni Mubarak had ruled over Egypt for 30 years, and after his resignation the country entered a period of military rule. This military rule concluded in June 2012 when member of the Freedom and Justice Party (FJP – a party set up by the Muslim Brotherhood), Mohamed Morsi, became the first democratically elected President. However the popularity and legitimacy of the FJP and its leader quickly began to unravel. Senior Lecturer at the Monash University School of Political and Social Inquiry, Dr Benjamin MacQueen, explains that the declining support for Morsi’s presidency cannot be pinpointed on any one fault. “He broke four or five really important relationships that just isolated him and his supporters. It was him, the party, and the ideological supporters that were left in a bad economic situation, with the military always wanting to get back at him because they saw him as an enemy from decades back. So he fully isolated himself from that, and created this sort of fervour,” Dr MacQueen says. Coupled with this was Morsi assigning himself powers of legal immunity from any presidential decision he made. All of these factors culminated in the huge protests against President Morsi that were held on June 30, 2013, the one-year anniversary of his presidency, resulting in him being removed from power by the military the next month. Since then, the country has reverted back to a military-run state, just as it was in 2011 after the initial revolution. The difference is that this time there is no decisive course of action. Between August 14 and 18 this year, raids of sit-ins that supported ex-President Morsi left over 800 civilians and security personnel dead. On October 6, Morsi supporters clashed with police, leaving at least 53 dead. “In terms of popular support, there’s no precise gauge as to where sentiment lies. The protests against Morsi were massive, but there was a negative motivation to wanting him gone, and not really a positive vision of ‘we want this instead’,” explains Dr MacQueen. “When you look at it, it’s no longer even about findings solutions, it’s more about how can things be managed that mitigate the worst possible outcomes. As bleak as that sounds, that’s really where the situation’s at, at the moment.” Until a suitable candidate to run for presidency can be found, the military will continue to run the country. Considering Egypt is a nation of 90 million, 50% of which are on or below the poverty line, experiencing a wavering economy and bloodshed on the streets, it will be no easy feat. Ultimately, when the crowds filled Tahrir Square in 2011, they had a list of demands that were well within reason. Stability. An accountable and transparent government. A stable economy. A sense of certainty that their children will be educated and employed. Of course, these have always been hopes among the Egyptian people for their country, but until the Arab Spring, they didn’t seem attainable. Whether it is more crushing to come so close and miss an opportunity that at the time seemed so ready to unfold, or whether it should be viewed as a step in the right direction that has allowed for a more participatory civilian front, remains to be seen. 20 LOT’S WIFE EDITION 8 • 2013
SUBHEADING THE INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL COURT AND AFRICAN STATES: A Troubled Relationship Tamara Preuss The birth of the International Criminal Court (ICC) was hailed around the world as a victory for international justice. It was hoped that its creation would spell the end of impunity for individuals guilty of the worst crimes known to the international community. The ICC was created by an international treaty known as the Rome Statute in 1998. The Court is historically unique as it is the first permanent international criminal court. The court exercises jurisdiction over three crimes; namely, war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide. Currently, 122 states are party to the Rome Statute with the notable exceptions of the United States, China, Russia and Israel. In spite of the admirable aspirations that lead to the foundation of the Court it has been plagued with problems concerning state cooperation, funding and legitimacy. The Court’s relationship with the African Union (AU) and the 34 African states that are party to the Rome Statute has been particularly problematic. At an extraordinary summit of the AU, which took place on the 11-12th of October, AU states considered the future direction of their relationship with the ICC. The state parties declared that no sitting government officials should be brought before the ICC, a direct contradiction to the Rome Statute. They also requested that the ICC defer the case against the Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta. The long-term success of the Court depends on whether it can resolve its issues with the AU and African states and regain legitimacy as an arbiter of international justice. One charge that has been consistently leveled at the Court is that it is unfairly biased against Africans. All of the cases currently before the Court involve individuals of an African nationality. The AU argues that the ICC targets Africans and ignores atrocities committed in other regions. The AU’s argument ignores the fact that the Court may only consider a case where the national court of the accused is unable or unwilling to do so. This implies a situation in which a state’s judicial system has either collapsed or sided with the accused. Arguably, this occurs disproportionately in African states hence the overrepresentation of African individuals at the Court. Indeed, four of the eight situations currently being considered by the Court were referred by the state itself. Nevertheless, the ICC should take the AU’s concerns seriously. The declaration that no sitting head of state should appear before the ICC severely limits its capacity to deliver justice. In particular, two cases have incited disagreement between the AU and the ICC. These are the indictments of Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir and the Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta. Al-Bashir was indicted in 2009 for his alleged role in atrocities committed in Darfur following a referral of the situation to the ICC by the United Nations Security Council. AU member states agreed to not enforce al-Bashir’s arrest warrant if he were to visit their country and they unsuccessfully petitioned the Court to defer the case. They argued that the need to resolve the conflict in Darfur should take precedence over justice. The concerns of the AU bring to the fore the issue that sometimes peace and justice are irreconcilable. From the AU’s perspective, the indictment provides an incentive for al-Bashir to cling to power, as amnesty is no longer a possibility. Should the international community place more importance on the punishment of a few individuals than a peace agreement that could resolve a long and bitter civil conflict? The ICC has firmly decided in favour of this proposition; however perhaps they should reconsider their position. In some situations, the ICC should allow a society embroiled in civil conflict the chance to establish peace before indicting those responsible for international crimes. The ICC indicted the current President of Kenya, Uhuru Kenyatta, in 2011 for his alleged role in the violence that followed the 2007 Kenyan presidential election. In response, the Kenyan National Assembly passed a motion to withdraw Kenya from the Rome Statute and petitioned the United Nations Security Council to defer the case. Kenyatta has thus far cooperated with proceedings but there is speculation that he will not appear at The Hague when his trial starts on 12 November 2013. The fact that Kenyatta was democratically elected whilst facing trial by the ICC shows that a majority of Kenyans do not support the trial. The ICC must improve its relationship with Africa if it is to retain legitimacy as an international arbiter of justice. Just how this may be achieved is difficult to determine. The ICC’s past attempts to establish an African liaison office have been rejected by the AU but they must persist. The Court must actively engage with African governments to build relationships based on trust and understanding. In addition, the Court must recognise that in some situations peace must is more important than justice. LOT’S WIFE EDITION 8 • 2013 21
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Page 5 and 6: LETTERS To the weary Lot’s editor
Page 7 and 8: EDITORIAL FLORENCE RONEY Another mo
Page 9 and 10: NATIONAL AFFAIRS without a cost tho
Page 11 and 12: NATIONAL AFFAIRS the full range of
Page 13 and 14: HUMAN TIDES Bren Carruthers It’s
Page 15: NATIONAL AFFAIRS the Australian Hum
Page 18 and 19: THE HUMAN VOICE OF ASYLUM Arielle M
Page 22 and 23: HOW TO MARKET ‘MARKETING’ In co
Page 24 and 25: STUDENT AFFAIRS FRAGMENTED NOTES FR
Page 26 and 27: STUDENT AFFAIRS THE APATHY MYTH Nic
Page 28 and 29: STUDENT AFFAIRS IN CONVERSATION WIT
Page 30 and 31: STUDENT AFFAIRS MSA OFFICE BEARER R
Page 32 and 33: STUDENT AFFAIRS MSA to Oktoberfest,
Page 34 and 35: SCIENCE The World Food Prize, Monsa
Page 36 and 37: SCIENCE A SCIENTIFIC MANIFESTO: THE
Page 38 and 39: SUBHEADING ARTPOP: Warholian Gaga F
Page 40 and 41: SUBHEADING 60 minutes with Jennifer
Page 42 and 43: AN INTERVIEW WITH SUBHEADING CUT CO
Page 44 and 45: FILM & TV MOVIES FOR THE MODERN GRA
Page 46 and 47: FILM & TV CLASSIC FILM REVIEW MILLI
Page 48 and 49: PERFORMING ARTS SEARCHING FOR THE M
Page 50 and 51: PERFORMING ARTS BRING IT INTO FOCUS
Page 52 and 53: PERFORMING ARTS Gouti was written,
Page 54 and 55: CREATIVE SPACE Drifter Joshua Reind
Page 56 and 57: THE RAINDROP SWIRLS DOWN FROM THE S
Page 58 and 59: CULTURE BATTLE OF THE SEXES: 40 YEA
Page 60 and 61: SUBHEADING LITERARY FICTION UNDER T
Page 63 and 64: THREE MATES AND A TRUCK Annabel Pir
Page 65 and 66: GAMING you’ll find yourself easil

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